¹ For the circumstances of the first publication of the Res Gestae see Tardy, L. and Moskovszky, E., “Zur Entdeckung des Monumentum Ancyranum”, Acta Antiqua 21 (1973), 375–401Google Scholar.

² The most important of these are: Robert, L., “Monuments de gladiateurs dans l'Orient grec”, Hellenica VIII (1950) 40Google Scholar, no. 328; id. “Inscription agonistique d'Ancyre”, Hellenica XI/XII (1960), 350–68 (=Bosch no. 246); Macpherson, I. W., “Six Inscriptions from Galatia”, AS 22 (1972), 220 f. no. 4Google Scholar (=Bosch no. 197; see further Eck, W., ZPE 8 (1971), 71 f.Google Scholar; Pflaum, H-G., ZPE 8 (1971), 65Google Scholar); ibid., 222 no. 5; van Elderen, B., “A new inscription relating to Christianity at Edessa”, Calvin Theological Journal 7 (1972), 5–14Google Scholar (=no. 36 below).

³ See, above all, the discussion by Peterson, E., ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ (1926), 168 f.Google Scholar; for numismatic examples see Pick, B., Journal International d'Archéologie Numismatique 1 (1898), 451–63Google Scholar, and for inscriptions see , J. and Robert, L., La Carie II (1954), 199Google Scholar and Robert's note on SEG VI no. 64 (=Bosch no. 261 from Ancyra).

⁴ Pick, loc. cit., 455–6 cites the formula on Severan coins of Caesareia in Cappadocia and Pautalia in Thrace. A Severan decree from Mylasa ends ἰς αἰῶ[να τοὺς κυρίους ἡμ]ῶν^. ἀνεικήτοις τοῖς κυρίοις (Reinach, Th., BCH 20 (1896), 523CrossRefGoogle Scholar (1. 55 f.) and an inscription from the Thracian Chersonese, probably relating to the same journey which brought Caracalla to Ancyra, reads [Ἀγα]θῇ Τύ[Χῃ]. εἰς αἰῶνα τὸν κύ[ριον] (Dumont-Homolle, , Mélanges d'Archéologie, 331 no. 21Google Scholar). For later examples note especially the coins of Tarsus, of the reign of Valerian and Gallienus, reading εἰς αἰῶνα τούς κυρίους (quoted by Pick), and the milestone from Caria with the acclamations εἰς ἐἰῶνα Ὀνώριον. εἰς ἐῶνα Ἀρκάδιον (La Carie II, 199Google Scholar).

⁵ In contrast to Bosch no. 215–7 referring to Septimius Severus, Caracalla and Geta.

⁶ For which see Gren, E., Kleinasien und der Ostbalkan in der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung der röm. Kaiserzeit (1942), 111 fGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Bureth, P., Les titulatures impériales dans les papyrus, les ostraca et Us inscriptions d'Égypte (1964), 105Google Scholar provides examples from Egypt. Compare, e.g., IGR IV no. 1251 (Thyateira)Google Scholar; SEG XIII no. 594 (Syrian Apamea)Google Scholar.

⁸ Bosch nos. 259 and 260.

⁹ Levick, B. M., Caracalla's Path, Hommages à Marcel Renard II (Collection Latomus 1969), 426 fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ There is no independent epigraphic confirmation for the story that Domitian required that he be addressed as “dominus et deus”, Suetonius, Dom. 13; Dio 67.13.4., although from the time of Nero onwards the emperors are called κύύιος on ostraca from Egypt (see Ruggiero, Diz. epigr. s.v. dominus).

¹¹ See PIR¹ III, 77Google Scholar: P nos. 543–4; RE XXI, 2340Google Scholar s.v. Pomponius no. 50 (Wolf). ILS 505 1. 11 reads “cura agente Pomponio Iuliano R leg(ionis) eius.” The significance of the letter R remains obscure.

¹² PIR² IV, 99Google Scholar: H no. 211, where his career is tentatively dated to the reign of Commodus; cf. Schumacher, L., Prosopographische Untersuehungen zur Besetzung der vier hohen römischen Priesterkollegien im Zeitalter der Antonine und der Severer (96–235 n. Chr.) (1973), 88Google Scholar; Pflaum, H-G., Archivo Español de Arqueologia 39 (1966), 22–3Google Scholar.

The editors of PIR ² suggest that he may be descended from M. and Q. Hortensius Paulinus and Firmus, who were coeval with the Trajanic (?) consul Bellicius Sollers (ILS 1031, Verona). Other inscriptions relating to the family have been found at Aquileia and Brixia and indicate that its origin was probably the Cisalpina (CIL V 1009, 4449). He may also be connected with M. Cassius Paullinus, IIIvir a.a.a.f.f., trib. mil. leg. I Ital., qu. prov. Maced., ab actis senatus, whose date is uncertain (PIR ² II, 121: C no. 513) and Iulius Cassius Paulinus, the son of a senator who appeared among the pueri at the Secular Games of A.D. 204 (PIR² IV, 195Google Scholar: I no. 249). However, there is insufficient evidence available to give any further coherence to the ramifications of this family. Cf. Schumacher, op. cit., 324 n. 255.

¹³ ILS 1226; 1201 (fourth century A.D.).

¹⁴ Ritterling, E., RE XII, 1738 fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ A soldier of Legio XIV who had seen nineteen years service, and who was not therefore a retired veteran, was buried at Gadara in Palestine (CIL III 12091Google Scholar), and this prompted Ritterling to suggest that the legion had fought in the East, either on Lucius Verus' Parthian campaign, or in suppressing the Jewish revolt under Hadrian (RE XII, 1298, 1742Google Scholar).

¹⁶ In theory it is possible that the sexagenarian posts (1–4) were listed in ascending order of seniority after Claudius' Firmus' current position in Galatia. These and other procuratorial positions form no strict hierarchy, as has been noted by Millar, F., JRS 53 (1963), 193Google Scholar f. However, I can find no parallel for this arrangement in the procuratorial careers discussed by Pflaum in CP.

¹⁷ Pflaum, CP no. 295 and Le Marbre de Thorigny (1948), 39Google Scholar, criticised by Stein, A., Eunomia 1 (1957), 1–7Google Scholar; cf. Habicht, C., Alt. von Pergamon VIII. 3 (1969), nos. 14–15Google Scholar with commentary.

¹⁸ Radke, G., RE suppl. XIIIGoogle Scholar s.v. Viae publicae Romanae, 1479–87 and map on p. 1426.

¹⁹ Hirschfeld, G., Die kaiserlichen Verwaltungsbeamten bis auf Diocletian (1905), 208 n. 1Google Scholar.

²⁰ Cf. Kornemann, E., RE IV, 1781–1784Google Scholar s.v. curator; Hirschfeld, op. cit. 208–9.

²¹ RE suppl. XIII, 1487.

²² PLRE 341 with Barnes, T. D., Phoenix 1972, 157Google Scholar; PIR ² C nos. 866–7: F no. 163; Bastianini, G., ZPE 17 (1975), 316–7Google Scholar.

²³ P. Oxy no. 3113, J. R. Rea, the editor of this papyrus, duly suggests the possibility that the procurator of Galatia and the prefect of Egypt might be identified, and this suggestion is virtually clinched by the now complete inscription.

²⁴ Cf. Reinmuth, O. W., BASP 4 (1967), 122Google Scholar.

^24a For this revolt, and a sceptical assessment of the reliability of the account in the Historia Augusta, see Bowman, A. K., JRS 66 (1976), 158Google Scholar.

²⁵ See Herrmann, P., Chiron 2 (1972), 527 n. 28Google Scholar; Robert, L., Nouvelles inscriptions de Sardes I (1964), 40Google Scholar; Heberdey, R., Termessische Studien, D.Ak. Wien, 1929, 15 fGoogle Scholar.

²⁶ For the controversy over the exact date see Millar, F., JEA 48 (1962), 124 f.Google Scholar; Gilliam, J. F., Historia 14 (1965), 90 f.Google Scholar, Seston, W., Mélanges d'arch., d'épigr. et d'hist. offerts à Jérome Carcopino (1966), 877 f.Google Scholar; Hermann, P., Chiron 2 (1972), 519 f.Google Scholar; Rubin, Z., Latomus 34 (1975), 430 fGoogle Scholar; Wolff, H., Die Constitutio Antoniniana und Papyrus Gissensis 40. 1 (diss. Köln, 1976), 12–25Google Scholar.

²⁷ Bosch no. 288; Anderson, J. G. C., JHS 19 (1899), 107 no. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; BMC Galatia etc., 15–16 nos. 39–47.

²⁸ Bosch no. 289, where the reference to incursions of barbarians shows it to be later than the mid third century.

²⁹ See Barbieri, G., L'albo senatorio da Settimio Severo a Carino (1952)Google Scholar, index s.v. ὑπατικός; Bowersock, G. W., JRS 61 (1971), 232 n. 94Google Scholar.

³⁰ Bosch no. 289 (acephalous).

³¹ Bosch no. 55.

³² There are no other instances at Ancyra of another city erecting an inscription there, but there is no reason why this should not have happened. Note that the people of Ancyra itself were responsible for an honorific inscription at Tavium (JRS 64 (1974) 27 f.Google Scholar)

³³ The others are Bosch nos. 255–8.

³⁴ Bosch nos. 249–53 and no. 7 below.

³⁵ Ti. Cl. Heras of Pessinus was six times priest of the emperors and high priest of the koinon (IGR III no. 230). The first of these positions was clearly a civic office at Pessinus, not a part of the organization of the koinon.

³⁶ For the subject as a whole see Reinhold, M., History of Purple as a Status Symbol in Antiquity (1970)Google Scholar.

³⁷ Bosch nos. 142, 105/6, 117.

³⁸ However, note that the individual vici of the colony of Alexandria Troas in the first or second centuries A.D. erected separate inscriptions to a prominent benefactor Antonius, C.Volt. Rufus, M. F. (CIL III 386)Google Scholar.

³⁹ The fact that it is referred to simply as τοῦ βαλανείου, shows that it must have been the main establishment in the city. A second smaller bath house, apparently attached to a large town house, was excavated in Ankara under the Askeri cezaevi and a report was published by Akok, M., Belleten 19 (1955), 309–29Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Dolunay, N., Belleten V (1941), 261 f.Google Scholar; Akok, M., TAD 17 (1968), 5 fGoogle Scholar. For the date see the coin evidence which has never been fully published but which is noted by Bosch, 321–2; Erzen, A., Ilkçaǧda Ankara (1946), 98Google Scholar; and Foss, C., English Historical Review 90 (1975), 735–6Google Scholar esp. 736 n. 3. Foss announces a fuller treatment of this evidence in an article on ‘Ankara in the Byzantine Age’.

⁴¹ Hellenica XI/XII (1960), 360–5Google Scholar.

⁴² Bosch nos. 287–8.

⁴³ Prusias, : Ath. Mitt. 12 (1887), 174Google Scholar no. 7; 24 (1899), 435 no. 26; IGR III nos. 63, 65, 67, 69.

⁴⁴ CIL III 6998Google Scholar with note; = MAMA V no. 202.

⁴⁵ Cf. Dittenberger's note on OGIS no. 528 n. 6; Lévy, I., REG 12 (1899), 272–3Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ See Kiessling, , RE XXI, 1403Google Scholar citing SIG ³ no. 742 1. 41 (Ephesus, 85 B.C.); no. 663 1. 63 (Miletus and Heraclea on the Latmus, ca 180 B.C.); no. 543 1. 26 etc. (Larisa in Thessaly, 214 B.C.); no. 426 1. 30 (Bargylia, 270–61 B.C.). In these cases it appears that the πολιτογραφηθέντες had lower status than full citizens.

⁴⁷ IGR III no. 230, cf. no. 232; for the duties of the sebastophant see Robert, L., REA 62 (1960), 321 f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar = Opera Minora Selecta II, 837 f.Google Scholar; Pleket, H. W., Harvard Theological Review 58 (1965), 331 fCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁸ IGR III nos. 225, 230, 232; Macpherson, I. W., New Evidence for the Historical Geography of Galatia (1958)Google Scholar inscr. no. 1, in honour of M. Cocceius … Seleucus, who should probably be identified with the Cocceius Seleucus of Bosch no. 102.

⁴⁹ Bosch nos. 142; 105/6; 117; and 140.

⁵⁰ Bosch nos. 161; 100; 143; 142.

⁵¹ IGR III no. 231.

⁵² Bosch nos. 139; 280.

⁵³ Bosch no. 142, where he is called νέαν ἐλπίδα τῆς πατρίδος. Apart from the position of galatarch no other offices are attributed to him, although the career of his father, Ti. Cl. Bocchus, is given in some detail.

⁵⁴ For the most recent discussions of the evidence from Asia see Deininger, J., Die Provinziallandtage der römischen Kaiserzeit (1965), 41–50Google Scholar; Rossner, M., Studii Clasice 16 (1974), 101–42Google Scholar.

^54a Hellenica XI/XII, 360–5Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Published independently, and without knowledge of Robert's study, by Bosch no. 246.

⁵⁶ For the term see Robert, , Bull. Ép. 1958, 222 no. 160Google Scholar; Hell. XI/XII, 348 n. 8Google Scholar; 360 n. 8.

⁵⁷ RE XI, 1516 s.v. KotennaGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁸ RE X, 2473 s.v. KataneGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ SEG XVIII no. 397; Bull. Ép. 1960 no. 461.

⁶⁰ Compare also two fragmentary inscriptions, no. 10 below and , F. and Miltner, H., “Epigraphische Nachlese in Ankara”, JOAI 30 (1937) Beiblatt, 15–6 no. 8Google Scholar.

⁶¹ ed. G. Klaffenbach, Berlin 1954.

⁶² Dig. XLIII. 10; note also Plato, , Leges 763cGoogle Scholar; Ath. Pol. cited in next note.

⁶³ This parallels the arrangement at Athens noted in Ath. Pol. 50.2: ἀστυνόμοι δέκα. τούτων δὲ πέντε μὲν ἄρχουσιν ἐν Πειραιεῖ, πέντε δ' ἐν ἄστει.

⁶⁴ Calder, W. M., Rev. Phil. 36 (1912), 56–7Google Scholar no. 12 (Iconium).

⁶⁵ Cumont, F., Studia Pontica III (1910) no. 75Google Scholar (Pompeiopolis). The name need not necessarily be Christian, as Cumont suggests.

⁶⁶ Mordtmann, J. H., Marmora Ancyrana, 21 no. 9Google Scholar; IGR III no. 169; Bosch, ad loc.

⁶⁷ Strabo VII. 3.13, 304,; Reinach, Th., REG 2 (1889), 267–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robert, L., Noms indigènes dans l'Asie mineure gréco-romaine (1963), 532Google Scholar; Zgusta, L., Kleinasiatische Personennamen (1964), 287–90Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ Iulianus: Bosch nos. 98 (twice); 174; 208 (twice); Gaius: Bosch nos. 98 (five times); 117; 147; 174 (twice); 201; 205; 211; 327.

⁶⁹ Sherk, R. K., The Legates of Galatia from Augustus to Diocletian (1952), 99Google Scholar citing CIL XII, 1804Google Scholar. He is also mentioned on an unpublished inscription of Savatra found by Dr. M. H. Ballance. For his date see Pflaum, , CP I, 231 fGoogle Scholar. no. 99.

⁷⁰ Three persons with this name are on record. 1) The sister of the tetrarch Brogitarus, Strabo XIII. 4.3. 625; Haussoullier, B., Études sur l'histoire de Milet et.du Didymeion (1902), 35 f., 210Google Scholar; OGIS no. 348; (2) the wife of Brogitarus, Ath. Mitt. 37 (1912), 294 fGoogle Scholar. On this see Hahland, W., “Bildnis der Keltenfürstin Adobogiona”, Festschrift für Rudolf Egger. Beiträge sur älteren europäischen Kulturegeschichte II (1953), 137–57Google Scholar with a full discussion and a stemma to illustrate the ramifications of the family; 3) the sister or wife of Deiotarus Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Reinach, Th., Rev. Num. 1891, 379Google Scholar; Histoire par les monnaies (1902), 151Google Scholar.

⁷¹ CIL VI 2382aGoogle Scholar.

⁷² IGR III no. 677 = TAM II. 2 no. 485Google Scholar.

⁷³ Legrand, E., BCH 21 (1897), 100 no. 19Google Scholar. Note, however, that his son was called Philopappus, indicating that his father, the child's grandfather, must have been notable in some respect.

⁷⁴ For this see Cagnat, R., Cours d'épigraphie Latine (1913), 195 n. 1Google Scholar, and the many instances cited by Le Glay, M., BCH 100 (1976), 359–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁵ Études épigraphiques et philologiques (1938), 262 n. 1Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Bosch nos. 98; 330; 179 (κύριλος) no. 14 below (Οὐαλερία Κύριλλα). The alternatives do not occur at Ancyra.

⁷⁷ SEG XXIV no. 1081 from Tomi.

⁷⁸ I am indebted to Mr. P. J. Parsons for the following references to the transport of mummies (in Egypt): Crönert, W., Raccolta di scritti in onore di Giacomo Lambroso (1925), 521–8Google Scholar; Youtie, H. C.Scriptiunculae I (1973), 319–20Google Scholar; , U. and Hagedorn, D., , L. C. and Youtie, H. C., Das Archiv des Petäus (1968), no. 28Google Scholar.

^78a I have discussed the Iranian names occurring in Galatia very briefly in a paper entitled “Population and the Land in Roman Galatia” to be published in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt.

⁷⁹ All these were clearly related to one another. Their date depends on the date which is attributed to Bosch no. 98. Bosch, following Ramsay, W. M., JRS 12 (1922), 165 fGoogle Scholar. would ascribe it to the fourth consulship of Trajan. I would prefer to follow those authorities (von Domaszewski, A., AEMO 9 (1885), 113 f. no. 81Google Scholar; Cagnat, R., IGR III no. 162Google Scholar; Sherk, op. cit., 90–1) who prefer the fourth consulship of Antoninus Pius. The fourth consulships of Commodus and Caracalla are also theoretically possible (cf. Fitz, J., Epigraphica 23 (1961), 84 f.Google Scholar).

⁸⁰ For a parallel from central Anatolia, compare, e.g. MAMA V no. 89 (Ilkburun, near Dorylaeum). For the idea in general see Lattimore, R., Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (1942), 230–4Google Scholar.

⁸¹ See Ritterling, , RE XII, 135Google Scholar s.v. legio.

⁸² IGR III no. 479.

⁸³ IGR III no. 814: στρ]ατιώτης λε[γεῶ∣νος- - ]ῆς Παρθικῆς. One could restore πρωτῆς or τριτῆς at the beginning of the second line.

⁸⁴ See LSJ s.v. διαάάσσω II med. quoting Plutarch Mor. 1129a, μηδὲ διάτασσον περί ταφῆς. The word (or its derivatives) is very frequent on tombstones, see Robert, L., Hellenica XIII, 197Google Scholar, commenting on examples from Aphrodisias.

⁸⁵ See n. 26 above.

⁸⁶ From a large literature on evocati see especially Mommsen, Th., Eph. Ep. 5 (1884), 142–54Google Scholar; Durry, M., Lea cohortes prétoriennes (1938), 117–26Google Scholar; von Domaszewski, A., Die Rangordnung des römischen Heeres (ed. Dobson, B., 1967), xix–xx, 75–8Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ CIL X, 3417Google Scholar; ILS 505.

⁸⁸ Forni, G., Il reclutamento delle legioni da Augusta a Diocletiano (1953), 224Google Scholar; Ritterling, , RE XIIGoogle Scholar, s.v. legio, 1585.

⁸⁹ See e.g. Lolling, H., Ath. Mitt. 9 (1884), 62Google Scholar (Parium): Ἀγαθῶι Δαίμονι. Πομπηίῳ Ἱμέρωτι χαῙρε

⁹⁰ Ath. Mitt. 14 (1889), 110Google Scholar no. 68; 15 (1890), 276 f., nos. 23–5; BCH 14 (1896), 628Google Scholar no. 31 (all from Mylasa); SEG XVIII no. 450, ca. 200 B.C. (Iasus). The date of the last inscription disproves Dittenberger's theory (note on SIG ³ 1246 = Ath. Mitt. 15 (1890), 276Google Scholar no. 24) that the phrase was a translation of the Latin Dis Manibus. This, in fact, was regularly rendered into Greek as θεοῖς καταχθονίοις or, more rarely, as θεοῖς δαίμοσιν See Robert, L., Laodicée du Lycos: le nymphée (1969), 326–7Google Scholar; cf. Rev. Phil. 1939, 207Google Scholar; Journal des Savants 1973, 161 n. 4Google Scholar; Rev. Phil. 1975, 226Google Scholar.

^90a See Bull.ép. 1965 no. 182, citing Preisigke, Wörterbuch s.v. and Schöne, J., Gr. Personennamen als religionsgeschichtliche Quelle (1906), 10–13Google Scholar.

^90b For a general bibliography see Fraser, P. M., Ptolemaic Alexandria II (1972), 345–6Google Scholar n. 161.

^90c See the remarks of Ganschinietz, , RE suppl. III, 45Google Scholar, Individual dedications or references on inscriptions to the cult outside Athens and Egypt occur at Rhodes, Cos, Delos, Thera, Teos, Pergamum, Epidaurus and Thespiae; and in Sicily, Italy and Macedonia. The references are to be found in Fraser, op. cit., 356–8; RE suppl. III, 45–6Google Scholar; Cook, A. B., Zeus II. 2 (1925), 1125–9Google Scholar; Nilsson, M. P., Geschichte der griechischen Religion II (1950), 202–7Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Lane, E., Corpus Monwnentorum Religionis Dei Menis (1971), no. 126Google Scholar.

⁹² Ibid, nos. 42, 51, 67, 69.

⁹³ Ibid. nos. 23–7.

⁹⁴ Ibid. nos. 34, 35, 42–5. For a discussion of this evidence in connection with a recently published dedication to Mên and the “mother of Men”, see Schwertheim, E., Ist. Mitt. 24 (1975), 357–65Google Scholar, esp. 360 ff.

⁹⁵ Ibid. nos. 164–7; Anderson, J. G. C., JRS 3 (1913), 272Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ In the well known inscription commemorating C. Iulius Severus' earlier career (Bosch no. 105) he is singled out for special mention among his brother's most distinguished kinsmen. He was, therefore, a person of considerable substance, perhaps to be identified with the senatorial Amyntianus mentioned by the Suda A no. 1642. There may also be a connection with the Amyntianus who wrote a history of Alexander the Great, Jacoby, F., FGrH IIb, 150Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ For the κληρονομία of Amyntas see Strabo XII.8.14, 577. The evidence for the annexation of Amyntas' kingdom and the creation of the province of Galatia has been discussed in detail by Levick, B. M., Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor (1967), ch. 2–3Google Scholar. For a slight doubt about the date, see id.CQ 21 (1971), 483 n. 4.

⁹⁸ See, above all, Robert, L., Hellenica IV (1948) passimGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁹ Hellenica XI/XII, 23 fGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ Sophocles Lexicon cites the word in this sense from John of Damascus (eighth century A.D.).

¹⁰¹ CIG 4045 “ex schedis Belsi et Dornsuami”. The form of the monument is not clear, but it seems most likely that the fragments come from the architrave of a large public building.

¹⁰² “Inschriften aus Kleinasien”, AEMO 9 (1885), 115 no. 67Google Scholar; Bosch no. 306.

¹⁰³ The expression ..]τοῦ Θεοδότου ἄβατον οὖσαν αὐτος κατεσκεύασεν in 1. 6 should refer to a road or street named after Theodotus (not identifiable) which had become impassable and had been restored to its original state. It thus provides a parallel to the ἀτραπιτός of the new inscription.

¹⁰⁴ I am particularly indebted to Professor Cyril Mango for his comments on this and the following inscription, and for supplying the photographs of them.

¹⁰⁵ The fundamental study remains that of von Dobschütz, E., Christusbilder, Untersuchungen zur christlichen Legende (1899) I, 102–96Google Scholar; II, 158–249.

¹⁰⁶ For references to these see Picard, Ch., BCH 44 (1920), 42–3Google Scholar n. 3; 49–50.

¹⁰⁷ Picard, loc. cit., 53.

¹⁰⁸ Published by , F. and Miltner, H., JOAI 30 (1937)Google Scholar, Beiblatt 48–66 nos. 53–67.

¹⁰⁹ See Picard, loc. cit.

¹¹⁰ CIG 9258 provides an example from Ancyra itself.

¹¹¹ “Zum Problem der Zeitpunkte der Domestikation der altweltlichen Cameliden”, ZDMG 101 (1951), 29–51Google Scholar; “Neue Untersuchungen zum Domestikationsproblem der altweltlichen Cameliden”, ZDMG 104 (1954), 45–87Google Scholar. Both articles contain a mass of bibliographical information.

¹¹² ZDMG 1951, 47Google Scholar (citing the authority of J. Friedrich), “In dem gesamten altkleinasiatischen Bereich findet sich weder ein archäologischer noch ein sprachlicher Beleg aus den uns interessierenden Epochen.”

¹¹³ Deniz, E. et al. , Anatolia 8 (1964 published 1966), p. 52Google Scholar and table 1. However, the legend accompanying plate XXIV, where camel bones are illustrated, states that they are from a Hellenistic-Roman context (reference from Sebastian Payne).

¹¹⁴ Published by Ioannou, Th., Μνημεῖα Ἁγιολογικά (Venice, 1884), 361–495Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Another reference in this same life is of so peculiar a character that it cannot be treated as solid evidence. In c. 3 Theodore's father Cosmas, who was alive during the reign of Justinian (527–65), is described as τὸν ἐν ἱπποδρομίοις εὐδοκιμήσαντα ἐα τῇ τῶν καμηλοπήδων τάξει. The word καμηλοπήτων is meaningless as it stands, and is probably corrupt. Festugière proposes the reading καμηλοπηδήτων and translates the passage “qui acquis quelque renom aux courses de cirque dans le corps des voltigeurs à dos de chameau”. A similar translation is suggested by Dawes, E. and Baynes, N. H., Three Byzantine Saints (1948), 88Google Scholar, “who had become popular in the corps of those who performed acrobatic feats on camels”. Whatever the correct reading, it is clear that camels were employed in the hippodrome at Constantinople in connection with some sport or game, but this hardly shows that they were widely used in the Byzantine empire.

¹¹⁶ Although the evidence is even less substantial, one might also suggest that the camel at Sardis is an indication of similar traffic along the Persian royal road which linked western Anatolia with Mesopotamia and Iran, where the camel is securely attested throughout the Persian period (see Walz, , ZDMG 1954, 68 f.Google Scholar). The Aramaic inscription on one of the well known steles from Dascyleion indicates that Persian merchants were engaged in caravan traffic with Asia Minor, although the reliefs there depict carts drawn by mules and pack mules rather than camels (see Sommer, A. Dupont, “Une inscription araméenne inédite d'époque perse trouvée à Daskyléion (Turquie)”, CRAI 1966, 44–58Google Scholar; and, for a more extensive bibliography, Akurgal, E., The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites (1976)Google Scholar, s.v. Daskyleion).

¹¹⁷ See, e.g., Braudel, F., The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (1966, Eng. trans. 1972), 95–7Google Scholar, citing the work of X. de Planhol, expecially Annales de Géographie 71 (1962), 119–20Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ Braudel, loc. cit., argues forcibly that the only camel which could operate effectively in Anatolia was the two-humped Bactrian camel, which could resist cold more effectively than the dromedary. Mr. Sebastian Payne informs me that the distinction is far less clear cut than this, and that the dromedary is capable of working at high altitudes in the Anatolian Taurus and on the plateau.

¹¹⁹ As noted by Anderson, J. G. C., JHS 19 (1899), 98 no. 83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹²⁰ Reference from Pape, W., Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen³, ed. Benseler, (1911)Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Mitteis, L., Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig (1906), no. 100 col. III, 15Google Scholar.