¹ The Gesta Herewardi as a narrative representing English ethnic awareness and pride of the English warfare is the topic of an important forthcoming study by Hugh Thomas, who most kindly allowed me to read his article in advance of publication (Thomas, H. M., ‘The Gesta Herewardi, the English and their Conquerors’, ANS 21 (1998), pp. 213–32Google Scholar). The relevant sources are: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Earle, J. and Plummer, C., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1892–1899) I, 204–5, 208Google Scholar = Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘DE’, s.a. 1070 [Hereward at Peterborough] and 1071 [Hereward at Ely and his escape]; The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. Darlington, R. R. and McGurk, P., trans. Bray, J. and McGurk, P., 2 vols. [II–III] (Oxford, 1995–8) III, 20–1 [Hereward at Ely and escape]Google Scholar; Willelmi Malmesbiriensis de gestis pontificum Anglorum, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A., RS (London, 1870), p. 420 [Hereward at Peterborough]Google Scholar; Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, The History of the English People, ed. Greenway, D. E. (Oxford, 1996), pp. 396–8 [Hereward at Ely and escape]Google Scholar; L'Estoire des Engleis by Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Bell, A., Anglo-Norman Texts 14–16 (Oxford, 1960), lines 5460–5506, pp. 173–81 [Hereward at Peterborough and Ely]Google Scholar; The Chronicle of Hugh Candidas, ed. Mellows, W. T. (Oxford, 1949), pp. 77–9 and 81 [Hereward at Peterborough and Ely].Google Scholar

² Domesday Book seu Liber Censualis Wilhelmi primi regis Angliae, ed. Farley, A., 2 vols. (London, 1783)Google Scholar [hereafter DB], fols. 346r, 364v, 376v, 377r and 377v, where he occurs as pre-Conquest landholder of Laughton, Rippingale and Witham (Lincs.) which he held respectively with one Toli, from Crowland Abbey and from Peterborough. Two of the entries (376v and 377v) explicidy mention his outlawry, which is not dated. The Pseudo-Ingulf's history of Crowland Abbey dates the outlawry to 1062 (Historia Ingulphi in Rerum Anglicarum scriptorum veterum Tom. I, ed. Fulman, W. (Oxford, 1684), pp. 1–107, at 67Google Scholar). For discussions of Hereward's origin and status, see Hayward, J., ‘Hereward the Outlaw’, JMH 14 (1988), 293–304Google Scholar; Hart, C., ‘Hereward the Wake and his Companions’, in his The Danelaw (London, 1992), pp. 625–48Google Scholar; King, E., ‘The Origins of the Wake Family’, Northamptonshire Past and Present 5 (1975), 167–77Google Scholar; Roffe, D., ‘Hereward the Wake and the Barony of Bourne: a Reassessment of a Fenland Legend’, Lincolnshire Hist. and Archaeol. 29 (1994), 7–10Google Scholar; and Williams, A., The English and the Norman Conquest (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 49–50 and n. 24.Google Scholar

³ Gesta Henvardi incliti exulis et militis, in Lestoire des Engles solum la translation maistre Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Hardy, T. D. and Martin, C. T., 2 vols., RS (London, 1888) II, 339–404Google Scholar; the Flemish passages can be found on 343–4, 353–64 and 370–1. A new edition and translation is in preparation by Schmidt, P. G. and Mann, J. for OMT. The English translation by Swanton, M. (Three Lives of the Last Englishmen (New York, 1984), pp. 45–88) needs to be used with caution.Google Scholar

⁴ Cambridge University Library, Peterborough, Chapter Library 1,320r–339r (339v is blank); the whole text is contained in two quires (nos. xxviii–xxix), written in one hand with red chapter headings, and red/blue initials. The Register also contains a collection of royal charters for Peterborough, the Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, and the Laws of William the Conqueror. For a description, see Martin, J. D., The Cartularies and Registers of Peterborough Abbey, Northamptonshire Record Soc. 28 (Peterborough, 1978), 7–12Google Scholar and Ker, N. R. et al. , Medieval Manuscripts in British Libraries (Oxford, 1969–; in progress) IV, 162–4.Google Scholar A brief reference to the cartulary can be found in Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (London, 1974), p. 520.Google Scholar

⁵ Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, E. O., Camden 3rd ser. 92 (London, 1962), 188Google Scholar: ‘In libro autem de ipsius gestis Herewardi, dudum a venerabili viro ac doctissimo fratte nostro beate memorie Ricardo edito, plenius descripta inveniuntur.’ See also ibid. p. xxxiv and n. 10. However, note the doubts expressed by S. Keynes in his unpublished paper ‘Hereward the Wake’ (1990). I am most grateful to Simon Keynes for allowing me to read his work in advance of publication.

⁶ This date (Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, , p. xxxivGoogle Scholar) is consistent with the references in the Flemish sections of the Gesta to the counts of Guines and Warenne. Count Menasses is called ‘Menasses the Old of Guînes’ to distinguish him from his grandson Manasses II or Robert (1091-c. 1137) (see below, pp. 211–12, n. 51), while William I of Warenne (d. after 1088) is called ‘the old count William of Warenne’, contrasting him with his son of the same name who was count from c. 1088 to 1138 (Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, W. and Clay, C. T., 12 vols. (Edinburgh, 1914–1965) VIII, 7–12Google Scholar and Lewis, C. P., ‘The Earldom of Surrey and the Date of Domesday Book’, Hist. Research 63 (1990), 329–36).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁷ The Old English Life of Hereward by Leofric is now lost.

⁸ Gesta Herewardi, ed. Hardy, and Martin, , p. 383.Google Scholar

⁹ Ibid. pp. 339–41.

¹⁰ van Houts, E. M. C., ‘The Memory of 1066 in Written and Oral Traditions’, ANS 19 (1996), 167–80.Google Scholar

¹¹ van Houts, E. M. C., ‘The Brevis relatio de Guillelmo nobilissimo comite Normannorum, written by a Monk of Battle Abbey’, Chronology, Conquest and Conflict in Medieval England, Camden Miscellany 35, Camden 5th set. 10 (London, 1997), 1–48, at 14–15Google Scholar; The Chronicle of Battle Abbey, ed. Searle, E. (Oxford, 1980), pp. 130–2Google Scholar; and Crouch, D., The Beaumont Twins; the Roots and Branches of Power in the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 3–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and The Gesta Guillelmi of William of Poitiers, ed. Davis, R. H. C. and Chibnall, M. (Oxford, 1998), pp. 130–1 and 178–9.Google Scholar

¹² For lost Old English texts, see Wilson, R. M., The Lost Literature of Medieval England (London, 1970), pp. 72 and 113–15.Google Scholar

¹³ van Houts, E., Memory and Gender in Medieval Europe, 900–1200 (London, 1999), pp. 19–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar (chronicles and annals) and 41–62 (saints' lives and miracles).

¹⁴ The Vita Wulfstani of William of Malmesbury, ed. Darlington, R. R. (London, 1928), pp. viii–ix and 2Google Scholar; Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, , pp. xxxiv and li–lii.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, , pp. xxxvi–xxxvii, 173–6 and 177–88.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ibid. II.102, ed. Blake, , pp. 173–6.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Grierson, P., ‘The Relations between England and Flanders before the Norman Conquest’, TRHS,4th ser. 23 (1941), 71–112, at 102.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Gesta Herewardi, pp. 353–71.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Ibid. p. 364.

²⁰ Vita S. Willibrordi auctore Thiofrido abbate Epternacensi, ed. Poncelet, A., Acta SS, Nov. III (Brussels, 1910), 459–83, at 480–3.Google Scholar For Thiofrid as hagiographer, see Thiofridi abbatis Epternacensis Flores epytaphii sanctorum, ed. Ferrari, M. C., CCCM 133 (Turnhout, 1996), pp. viii–ixGoogle Scholar, where the Vita S. Willibrordi is dated to 1104–5.Google Scholar

²¹ The Vita S. Willibrordi is the earliest written testimony to Echternach's possessions on Walcheren. For later charters referring to Walcheren, see Wampach, C., Geschichte der Grundherrschaft Echternach im Frühmittelalter, 2 vols. (Luxembourg, 1930), nos. 204–7 (pp. 335–45).Google Scholar

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²³ Huizinga, J., ‘Scaldemariland’, in his Verzamelde Werken, I: Oud-Indie, Nederland (Haarlem, 1948), pp. 554–69Google Scholar (originally published in: Mededelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, afd. Letterkunde 84, ser. B, no. 2 (1937), 2–11) at 556.Google Scholar

²⁴ Gesta Herewardi, p. 360Google Scholar; Vita S. Willibrordi p. 480.Google Scholar

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³⁰ It is significant that Rober ‘the Frisian’ celebrated Whitsun 1067 with his parents and his brother Baldwin (Verlinden, , Robert I le Frison, p. 43Google Scholar); on this occasion the planning of the expedition may have begun. For the independence felt by the freemen of the coastal areas of what is now the Netherlands, including the islands of Zeeland, since the Viking attacks, and their reluctance to accept the imposition of taxes, see Blok, D., ‘Holland und Westfriesland’, FS 3 (1969), 347–61, at 356–7.Google Scholar

³¹ MGH Dipl. reg. et imp., 6: Diplomata Heinrici IV, ed. Gladiss, D. v. and Gawlik, A., 3 vols. (Weimar and Hanover, 1952–1978) I, no. 128 (pp. 167–8)Google Scholar; Verlinden, , Robert I le Frison, pp. 38–9Google Scholar; Blok, , ‘Holland und Westfriesland’, pp. 356–7Google Scholar; and Nip, R., Arnulfus van Oudenburg, Bisschop van Soissons (d. 1087), Mens en Model; een Bronnenstudie (Groningen, 1995), pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

³² MGH Dipl. reg. et imp., 6 I, no. 116 (pp. 152–5) and Wampach I,2, no. 192 (pp. 308–11).

³³ Unaware of the existence of the Gesta Heremardi, Verlinden (Robert I le Frison, p. 34Google Scholar) suggested a dater.c. 1083, rejecting earlier suggestions for a date between 1061 and 1063.

³⁴ Les Annales de Saint-Piere de Gand et de Saint-Amand, ed. Grierson, P. (Brussels, 1937), p. 27Google Scholar: ‘Rodbertus, Baldwini potentissimi iunior filius, Fresiam subintrat.’ For the most recent discussion of the matter, see Nip, , Arnulfus van Oudenburg, pp. 115–17. 208Google Scholar

³⁵ Lampert von Hersfeld, Annalen, ed. Schmidt, A. and Fritz, W. D., Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters, Freiherr vom Stein Gedächtnisausgabe 13 (Berlin, 1960), 138Google Scholar: ‘… in Fresiam, quae confinis est Flandriae, cui Thidericus quondam comes et post hunc Florentius frater eius imperaverat, irruptionem fecit. Bis ibi commisso prelio victus et fugatus est’ (‘… he [Robert] attacked Frisia, the neighbour of Flanders, which was ruled first by Thierry [IV 1039–49] and later by Florence [I 1049–61]. Twice he launched a war there but was beaten and put to flight’). See Nip, , Arnulfus van Oudenburg, pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

³⁶ Huizinga, , ‘Scaldemariland’, p. 561.Google Scholar This date is also accepted by Blok, , ‘Holland und Westfriesland’, p. 357.Google Scholar For Count Baldwin VI's presence in Ponthieu in the (early) autumn, see below, p. 218, n. 80.

³⁷ Huyghebaert, N., ‘Un moine hagiographe: Drogon de Bergues’, Sacris Erudiri 20 (1971), 191–256, at 211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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³⁹ Encomium Emmae reginae, ed. Campbell, A. with a supplementary introduction by Keynes, S., Camden Classic Reprints 4 (Cambridge, 1998), 46–8.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘C’, s.a. 1049, ed. Plummer, I, 168Google Scholar and ‘D’, s.a. 1050 [for 1049], ibid. I, 169; John of Worcester, s. a. 1049 (ed. Darlington, , McGurk, and Bray, ) II, 550–1.Google Scholar

⁴¹ The Life of King Edward Who Rests at Westminster, ed. Barlow, F., 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1992), pp. 38–40.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , pp. 54–7 and 56, n. 136Google Scholar; De obsessione Dunelmi in Symeonis monachi opera omnia, ed. Arnold, T., 2 vols., RS (London, 1882–5) I, 215–20.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ MGH Dipl. reg. et imp., 6 III, no. 147a (pp. 720–2, at 722). This is the first occasion that the charter has been printed in full with a witness list. It had been known to historians since the eighteenth century but only in an abbreviated form without witnesses; see, e.g., Gallia Christiana, ed. Sainte-Marthe, D. de, 13 vols. (Paris 1715–1785) III, cols. 118–19.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ It is one of a few royal confirmation charters not drawn up royal scribes, but instead by the beneficiary (for a discussion, see the introduction to Bishop Lietbert's charter of 1066, MGH Dipl. reg. et imp., 6 I, no. 178 (pp. 231–3, at 232)).

⁴⁷ Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, L., MGH SS 7 (Hanover, 1846), 489–97Google Scholar; Chronicon s. Andreae castri Cameracesii, ibid. 526–50, at 536–7 and the Vita Lietberti, ibid. 537, n. 25 (excerpts from the otherwise unpublished Vita Lietberti are printed in footnotes to the Chronicon s. Andreae). For a commentary on Bishop Lietbert's career and his fortification work, see Rouche, M., ‘Cambrai, du comte mérovingien à l'évêque impérial’, Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Trenard, L. (Lille, 1982), pp. 11–42, at 33–5 and 37–8Google Scholar; see also the reconstructed drawing of Cambrai in Bishop Lietbert's time, ibid. p. 25.

⁴⁸ Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, p. 499:Google Scholar …. fugatum Hugonem recepit Anglia (‘… England welcomed the fugitive Hugh’).

⁴⁹ For the bishop's troops of equites and pedites as well as milites, see ibid. p. 495. In 1077, shortly after Bishop Lietbert's death under his successor Bishop Gerard II (1076–92), Cambrai established a ‘commune’ (Platelle, H., ‘Les luttes communales et l'organisation municipale (1075–1313)’, Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Trenard, pp. 43–61, at 45–8).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Morlet, M. T., Les Noms de personne sur le territoire de l'ancienne Gaule du Vie au XIIe siècle. I: Les noms issus du germanique continental et les créations gallo-germaniques (Paris, 1968), pp. 124 and 127.Google Scholar

⁵¹ For the counts of Guînes, see Vanderkindere, L., Histoire de la formation territoriale des principautés belges au Moyen Age, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Brussels, 1899–1902) I, 186–7Google Scholar; Manasses I witnessed the 1056 charter of Count Baldwin V of Flanders for St Peter at Gent which was also witnessed by Guy, later bishop of Amiens, Count Guy of Ponthieu, Count Roger of Saint-Pol and Earl Harold of Wessex (see Grierson, , ‘The Relations between England and Flanders’, pp. 100–1Google Scholar; Tanner, H. J., ‘The Expansion of the Power and Influence of the Counts of Boulogne under Eustace II’, ANS 14 (1991), 251–86, at 269, n. 40).Google Scholar Count Baldwin of Guînes' earliest attestation comes in a charter of King Philip I of France issued at Corbie, which can be dated to a time after 4 August 1065 (Recueil des actes de Philippe I roi de France (1059–1108), ed. Prou, M. (Paris, 1908), no. xxiii, p. 66Google Scholar). For Count Manasses II, see Actes des comtes de Flandre 1071–1128, ed. Vercauteren, F. (Brussels, 1938), nos. 13, 17, 21, 41, 90 and 122Google Scholar; his earliest appearance as count seems to have been in 1091 (Les Charles de Saint Bertin, ed. Haigneré, D., 4 vols. (Saint-Omer, 1886–1899) I, no. 87, p. 34).Google Scholar In Vercauteren, no. 122, dated to 1122×1127, he is mentioned as Count Baldwin's successor. Lambert of Ardres in his Historia comitum Ghisnensium (ed. Heller, I., MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1879), 550–642) does not mention Manasses I.Google Scholar

⁵² Gesta Herewardi, p. 356Google Scholar: ‘certamina sollempniarum quae apud Pontes iam et Pictavem fiunt’ [this text is quoted from the manuscript] (‘festive competitions, which then took place at Bruges and Poitiers’). Parisse, M., ‘Le tournoi en France des origines à la fin du XIIIe siècle’, Das ritterliche Turnier im Mittelalter. Beiträge zu einer vergleichenden Formen- und Verhaltensgeschichte des Rittertums, ed. Fleckenstein, J. (Göttingen, 1985), pp. 175–211, at 180–2Google Scholar; Platelle, H., ‘L' essor des principautés’, Histoire des provinces françaises du nord, ed. Lottin, A., 2 vols. (Dunkirk, 1989) II, 1–115 at 36–7.Google Scholar

⁵³ Perhaps Count Baldwin VI of Flanders (1067–70), who was also Baldwin I of Hainault (1051–70) or, more likely, his son Baldwin, who became Baldwin II of Hainault (1076/81–98).

⁵⁴ The lord, vidame, of Picquigny at this time was Arnulf, father of Wermund of Picquigny who acted alongside Count Charles the Good of Flanders as judge in 1122 (Actes des comtes de Flandre, ed. Vercauteren, . no. 108Google Scholar). In 1113 Arnulf's daughter, wife of Judhael of Totnes, was delighted to welcome at her house in Barnstaple the monks of Laon on their relic trip and to entertain them for three days on account of the fact that they were compatriots (Hermanni monachi de miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis, PL 156, cols. 961–1018, at 983–4). For Judhael, see Williams, J. B., ‘Judhael of Totnes: the Life and Times of a Post-Conquest Baron’, ANS 16 (1993), 271–89, at 284–5.Google Scholar Another of Arnulf's daughters, Millesende, was married to William II, castellan of Saint-Omer. After the conquest in 1066 Ansculf of Picquigny became sheriff (DB i, fols. 36r and 148v: Ansculf of Picquigny and his son William).

⁵⁵ Henry II of Louvain had two sons: Henry III (1079–95) and Godfrey the Bearded (1096–1139; from 1106 duke of Lower Lotharingia). Adeliza was a daughter of the latter (The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, M., 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969–1980) VI, 308).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ For a discussion of the rivalries there, see Ganshof, , La Flandres, pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ The classic study of relations between Flanders and England remains Grierson, ‘The Relations between England and Flanders’; see also Ortenberg, V., The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. Cultural, Spiritual and Artistic Exchanges (Oxford, 1992), pp. 21–40.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Encomium Emmae reginae, ed. Campbell, , pp. 46–8.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , pp. xlvii–xlix.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Ibid. pp. lii–lvii; The Heads of Religious Houses, England and Wales, 940–1216, ed. Knowles, D., Brooke, C. N. L. and London, V. C. M. (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 42 and 74.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , p. 140.Google Scholar

⁶² Ibid. pp. 80–3, at 82.

⁶³ Warlop, E., The Flemish Nobility before 1300, trans. Ross, J. B. and Vandermoere, H., 4 vols. (Kortrijk, 1975) IV, 1106–16, at 1111Google Scholar and Verlinden, , Robert I le Frison, pp. 68–70.Google Scholar At Cassel, Wulfric was involved in the capture of Robert the Frisian. Two weeks later he betrayed Saint-Omer to King Philip I, enabling the latter to launch a vengeful attack on the town. As the castellan of Saint-Omer he disappears from the Flemish sources after March 1071 and his subsequent history is unknown. It is, however, possible that he, like Hugh of Cambrai five years later, may have gone to England.

⁶⁴ See above, n. 62.

⁶⁵ For Tostig's claim, see The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , p. lxvGoogle Scholar; van Houts, E. M. C., ‘The Norman Conquest through European Eyes’, EHR 110 (1995), 832–53, at 838–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶⁶ Round, J. H., Feudal England; Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (London, 1895), p. 162Google Scholar argues that the exile was caused by Hereward's involvement in the siege of Ely, and postdates it to a time after the Norman Conquest. The Pseudo-Ingulf (see above, p. 201, n. 2) dates Hereward's exile to 1062, but gives no reasons for this date.

⁶⁷ The best modern study of the Gent family in England is Abbott, M., ‘The Gand Family in England 1066–1191’ (unpubl. Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge Univ., 1973).Google Scholar Otherwise the following are useful: Sherman, R. M., ‘The Continental Origins of the Ghent Family of Lincolnshire’, Nottingham Med. Stud. 22 (1978), 23–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; George, R. H., ‘The Contribution of Flanders to the Conquest of England, 1065–86’, Revue belge d'histoire et de philologie 5 (1926), 81–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Verberckmoes, ‘Flemish Tenants-in-Chief in Domesday England’, ibid. 66 (1988), 725–99; Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, II (Edinburgh, 1915), pp. 431–6.Google Scholar For the Flemish origins of the Aalst family and its later branches, see Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility III, 587–3.Google Scholar Dr Warlop, unfortunately, did not use any English source material on the family. None of the authors cited used the Gesta Herewardi.

⁶⁸ Simeon of Durham, Historia regum, s.a. 1069, in: Symeonis monachi opera omnia, ed. Arnold, II, 188.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Abbott, , ‘The Gand Family’, pp. 19–20Google Scholar; Sherman, , ‘The Continental Origins’, pp. 25–6Google Scholar; Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility III, 590.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni, ed. van Houts, E. M. C., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1992–5) II, 176–7.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Abbott, , ‘The Gand Family’, p. 23.Google Scholar

⁷² Chronicon monasterii Watinensis, ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1883), 169:Google Scholar ‘… Giselbertus, frater Balduini Gandensis, qui ab Anglia tune venerat …’ (‘Gilbert, brother of Baldwin of Gent, who then came from England’).

⁷³ Abbott, , ‘The Gand Family’, pp. 24, 83 and 252.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ibid. pp. 24–8 based on charter material and Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, II, 426–33Google Scholar; The Domesday Monachorum of Christ Church Canterbury, ed. Douglas, D. (London, 1944), pp. 67 and 70.Google Scholar Hugh IV was still alive c. 1147 (Calendar of Documents Preserved in France I: AD 916–1206, ed. Round, J. H. (London, 1899), no. 358).Google Scholar

⁷⁵ The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, IV, 230–1.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Abbott, , ‘The Gand Family’, pp. 65–82;Google ScholarVerberckmoes, , ‘Flemish Tenants-in-Chief’, p. 731.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ For the early history of Bardney, see Beck's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Colgrave, B. and Mynors, R. A. B. (Oxford, 1969), pp. 246–51Google Scholar; the charter for the refoundation, which quotes Bede's history, is edited from Bardney's cartulary (London, BL, Cotton Vespasian E. xx, 278v) by Abbott, , ‘The Gand Family’, no. 1, pp. 248–50Google Scholar and is discussed ibid. pp. 190–1. There is no reference to Bardney church or abbey in Domesday Book. For the refoundation, see Beech, G., ‘Aquitanians and Flemings in the Refoundation of Bardney Abbey (Lincolnshire) in the Later Eleventh Century’, Haskins Soc. Jnl 1 (1989), 73–90.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Lamberti Ardensis, Historia comitum Ghisnensium, ed. Heller, I., MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1879), 550–642, at 624–5Google Scholar, and the historical commentary by Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility I, 71 and II, 391.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Schmidt, P. G., ‘Biblisches und hagiographisches Kolorit in den Gesta Herewardi’, The Bible in the Medieval World. Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Walsh, K. and Wood, D., Studies in Church History, Subsidia 4 (Oxford, 1985), 85–95, at 91–2.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid. p. 45 and Recueil des actes des comtes de Ponthieu (1026–1279), ed. Brunel, C. (Paris, 1930)Google Scholar, no. iv. The date raises the possibility that Frederick had come back from England to Flanders with his brother Gerbod; see below, p. 219, n. 91.

⁸¹ DB i, 196v and ii, 167v.

⁸² Chronica monasterii de Hida juxta Wintoniam, in Liber monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edwards, E., RS (London, 1866), pp. 183–321, at 295.Google Scholar

⁸³ Ibid. p. 299.

⁸⁴ Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, and Clay, VIII [Appendix A], pp. 45–6.Google ScholarLes Chartes de Saint-Bertin, ed. Haigneré, I, nos. 87, 94, 325 and 365.Google Scholar By the beginning of the thirteenth century Lambert of Ardres knew of land in the county of Ardres-Guînes as belonging to the count of Warenne, but thought, erroneously, that the holdings dated back to the late tenth century (Historia comitum Ghisnensium, ed. Heller, , p. 566Google Scholar: ‘predia in manus Warennensis comitis’ (‘lands in the hand of the count of Warenne’)).

⁸⁵ Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, and Clay, VIII, 1–13 and Appendix A (pp. 40–6).Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Lewis, C. P., ‘The Formation of the Honor of Chester 1066–1100’, The Earldom of Chester and its Charters. A Tribute to Geoffrey Barraclough, ed. Thacker, A. T., Jnl of the Chester Archaeol. Soc. 71 (Chester, 1991), 37–68, esp. 38–40.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ La Chronique de Saint-Hubert dite Cantatorium, ed. Hanquet, K. (Brussels, 1906), pp. 65–9Google Scholar; La Chronique de Gislebert de Mons, ed. Vanderkindere, L. (Brussels, 1904), pp. 8–10.Google Scholar The identification of this Gerbod with Gerbod of Saint-Omer can be found in Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility IV, 1024Google Scholar and Lewis, , ‘The Formation’, p. 39, n. 16.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Gerbod's presence at Cluny may well explain, as Lewis, C. (‘The Formation’, p. 40)Google Scholar has pointed out, why Gundreda, now the only sibling left, and her husband William of Warenne, were so generous to Cluny.

⁹⁰ Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility IV, 1021–4Google Scholar and Lewis, , ‘The Formation’, pp. 38–40.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility I, 51–2.Google Scholar We should note that Arnulf/Arnold II's death in 1067 may have necessitated Gerbod II's brief return to Flanders, for in that year he witnessed a charter as advocate of Saint-Bertin (Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility II, 382, n. 249).Google Scholar

⁹² Liber miraculorum sancti Bavonis, ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH SS 15.1 (Hanover, 1887), 598–9.Google Scholar

⁹³ Les chartes de Saint Bertin, ed. Haigneré, I, no. 85.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Ibid. no. 96; Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility I, 51.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Loyd, L. C., The Origins of some Anglo-Norman Families, ed. Clay, C. T. and Douglas, D. C. (Leeds, 1951), p. 92Google Scholar discusses the Norman Saint-Valéry evidence and suggests that the Ranulf of Saint-Valéry mentioned in Domesday Book as an under-tenant of the bishop of Lincoln came from the Pays-de-Caux. This leaves open the possibility that to the Ponthieu family belong the men carrying the names Bernard (Gallia Christiana 11, Instrumenta, cols. 19–20, dated 1096; Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1066–1154, ed. Davis, H. W. C. et al. , 4 vols. (Oxford, 1913–1969) II, no. 1379, dated between 1107 and 1122;Google ScholarGreen, J., The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge, 1986), p. 234)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Reginald (spurious charter dated 1106, Regesta II, no. 797). From 1144 onwards there is a series of regular charters proving that Reginald (c. 1144-c. 1164) was the father of Bernard (still alive in 1190), see Calendar of Documents, nos. 12, 23, 44, 57, 790, 1057,1077, 1084–5, 1360 and 1364.

⁹⁶ Although it would give added weight to my suggestion (see above, p. 214, n. 63) that in spring 1071 the disgraced Wulfric might have fled from Flanders to England to join, in this hypothesis, his daughter and son-in-law or his sister and brother-in-law.

⁹⁷ Gesta Herewardi, pp. 397–8Google Scholar; L'Estoire des Engleis, ed. Bell, , line 5592, p. 177.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Historia Ingulphi, ed. Fulman, , pp. 67–8.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ DB, i, 377v; Raban, S., The Estates of Thorney and Crowland (Cambridge, 1977), p. 19.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Symeonis monachi opera omnia, ed. Arnold, I, 215–20 and II, 199Google Scholar; see also Searle, W. G., Ingulf and the Historia Croylandensis (Cambridge, 1894), p. 94.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ The Scots Peerage, ed. SirPaul, J. Balfour, 9 vols. (Edinburgh, 1904–1914) III, 241–6.Google Scholar

¹⁰² The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vttalis, ed. Chibnall, II, 350Google Scholar; Orderic was exceptionally well informed about Crowland, which he visited at least once, probably in 1114–15 (ibid. pp. xxiv–xxix), and therefore I see no reason to share the doubt cast on Waltheof of Crowland's identification by the editor of The Scots Peerage III, 243.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘E’, s.a. 1092, ed. Plummer, I, 227.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ The Scots Peerage III, 246.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Historia Ingulphi, ed. Fulman, , pp. 67–8.Google Scholar For a discussion of Turfrida's descendants, see Round, , Feudal England, pp. 132–6Google Scholar, who ultimately rejects the veracity of the Crowland tradition. It should be pointed out, however, that despite the late date of the Crowland chronicle its fifteenth-century compiler had access to genuine eleventh- and twelfth-century documents now lost; see Roffe, D., ‘The Historia Croylandensis: a Plea for a Re-Assessment’, EHR 110 (1995), 93–108.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰⁶ For Hugh of Envermeu, see The Ecclesiastical History of Orderit Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, V, 210–11Google Scholar and Regesta II, nos. 601, 727, 794–5, 818, 973 and 1577; for Richard of Rullos, see ibid. no. 1592, Loyd, , Origins, p. 86Google Scholar and Round, , Feudal England, p. 165.Google Scholar Richard's brother William, lord of Bourne at the time of Henry I who died without offspring, appears in Regesta II, nos. 1031, 1098 and 1187. Richard of Rullos's daughter Adelina married Baldwin FitzGilbert of Clare, who became lord of Bourne ‘iure uxoris’. For daughters as the likely missing link in the descent of Bourne from Hereward to Baldwin FitzGilbert, see Roffe, , ‘Hereward “the Wake”’, pp. 7–10.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Schmidt, , ‘Biblisches und hagiographisches Kolorit’, pp. 94–5.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ L'Estoire des Engleis, lines 6495–6501 and 6504–6511, ed. Bell, , pp. 205–6.Google Scholar I am most grateful to Ian Short for allowing me to use his unpublished translation of Gaimar's text. The Gesta Herewardi's likely early-twelfth-century date turns it into a significant source of medieval attitudes to knighthood. The striking story of Hereward's knighting as well as the author's comments on differences between English (Anglo-Norman) and French customs has never been taken into account in scholarly discussions of knighthood (Fiori, J., L'idéologie du glaive; préhistoire de la chevalerie (Geneva, 1983)Google Scholar and L'essor de la chevalerie XIe–XIIe siècles (Geneva, 1986))Google Scholar; Gillingham, J., ‘Thegns and Knights in Eleventh-Century England: Who Was Then the Gentleman’, TRHS, 6th ser. 5 (1995), 129–54Google Scholar; Gillingham, J., ‘Kingship, Chivalry and Love, Political and Cultural Values in the Earliest History Written in French: Gaimar's Estoire des Engleis’, Anglo-Norman Political Culture and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance, ed. Hollister, C. Warren (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 33–58Google Scholar, where Gaimar's work is rehabilitated, but not the very similar Gesta Herewardi.

¹⁰⁹ For the exceptional concentration of female patronage of vernacular (Anglo-Norman) patronage in the Lincolnshire area, see Short, I., ‘Patrons and Polyglots: French Literature in Twelfth-Century England’, ANS 14 (1991), 229–50, at 243–4.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ In the course of the preparation of this article I have benefited from comments and advice from Judith Everard, Susan Kelly, Renée Nip, Oliver Padel, David Roffe and Ian Short. I am particularly grateful to Simon Keynes for his editorial support and guidance.