¹ See esp. Calberg, Marguerite, ‘Tissus et broderies attribués aux Saintes Harlinde et Relinde’, Bullétin de la Société Royale d' Archéologie de Bruxelles (10 1951), pp. 1–26,Google Scholar esp. 11–26; Alain Dierkens, ‘L'Abbaye d'Aldeneik pendant le haut moyen âge’ (unpubl. Mémoire de licence en Histoire, Université Libre de Bruxelles, 1975) 1, 91–101; and ‘Evangéliaires et tissus de l'abbaye d'Aldeneik. Aspect historiographique’, Miscellanea Codicologica F. Masai Dicata, ed. Cockshaw, Pierre, Monique-Cécile Garand and Pierre Jodogne (Ghent, 1979), pp. 31–40;Google ScholarBudny, Mildred and Tweddle, Dominic, ‘De vroeg-middeleeuwse stoffen te Maaseik’, transl. Heymans, Hubert, Het Oude Land von Loon 38 (1983), 231–71,Google Scholar esp. 238–57; and Budny, Mildred, The Anglo-Saxon Embroideries at Maaseik: their Historical and Art Historical Context (forthcoming among the fascicles published by the Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België).Google Scholar

² See esp. Christie, A. G. I., English Medieval Embroidery: a Brief Survey of English Embroidery Dating from the Beginning of the Tenth Century until the End of the Fourteenth, together with a Descriptive Catalogue of the Surviving Examples (Oxford, 1938)Google Scholar, passim; and King, Donald, Opus Anglicanum: English Medieval Embroidery, Arts Council Exhibition Catalogue, Victoria and Albert Museum (London, 1963).Google Scholar

³ See above, n. 1.

⁴ B[ock], [F.], ‘Kunststickerei des siebenten Jahrhunderts’, Kölnische Blätter 268 (27 09 1867), 1.Google Scholar (Gabriel Silagi kindly provided M. Budny with a copy of this article.) See also, e.g., Helbig, Jules, Histoire de la peinture au Pays de Liège depuis l'introduction du christianisme jusqu'à la Révolution liègeoise et la réunion de la principauté de la France (Liège, 1893), p. 18,Google Scholar and L'Art mosan depuis l'introduction du christianisme jusqu' à la fin du XIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1906 and 1911) 1, 15.Google Scholar

⁵ Calberg, ‘Tissus’, p. 25. She stated that ‘manifestement, les broderies ne sont pas antérieures au second quart du IXe siècle, et peut-être serions-nous le plus près de la verité en les situant aux alentours de 850’. See also pp. 22–6, and Kendrick, T. D., Anglo-Saxon Art to A.D. 900 (London, 1938), esp. pp. 143–93.Google Scholar In an earlier article Calberg referred to the Maaseik embroideries only as ‘pré-romane’, without specifying the date or place of origin: ‘Documents textiles de l'antiquité tardive et du haut moyen âge conservés en Belgique’, Bullétin de la Société Royale d'Archéologie de Bruxelles (08 1948), p. 20.Google Scholar

⁶ With respect to the embroideries themselves, see, e.g., Wilson, David M., ‘Craft and Industry’, The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. Wilson, David M. (London, 1976), p. 273;Google ScholarBudny, M. and Graham-Campbell, J., ‘An Eighth-Century Bronze Ornament from Canterbury and Related Works’, AC 97 (1981), 7–25,Google Scholar esp. 13–15 and 21; Tweddle, Dominic, ‘Anglo-Saxon Sculpture in South-East England before c. 950’, Studies in Medieval Sculpture, ed. Thompson, F. H., Soc. of Antiquaries Occasional Paper n.s. 3 (London, 1983), 22;Google ScholarWilson, David M., Anglo-Saxon Art (London, 1984), p. 108Google Scholar and pls. 107–9 (in colour); Budny, , Embroideries; and below, pp. 78–84.Google Scholar

⁷ On the types of embroidery see, e.g., Schuette, Marie and Müller-Christensen, Sophie, The Art of Embroidery, transl. King, Donald (London, 1964), p. vii;Google Scholar the Maaseik embroideries are nos. 9 and 10 (pp. 25–6).

⁸ The study has benefited greatly from the kind assistance of Sir David Wilson, Leslie Webster, James Graham-Campbell, Raymond Page, Peter Lasko, George Taylor, Harry Appleyard, Andrew Oddy, Michael Cowell, Justine Bayley, David Ganz, Stuart Airlie, Simon Keynes, Donald Bullough, Julian Brown, Yehuda Safran, Wendy Stein, Linda Brownrigg, Philip Lewis, John-Peter Wild, Penelope Walton, Hero Granger-Taylor, Margaret McCord, Donald King, Daniël Dejonghe, René Derolez, Hubert Heymans and Alain Dierkens. Helen Humphreys prepared the drawings. We took the photographs. Deacon Olaerts, Pastor Overbeek and the Kerkfabrik of the St-Catharinakerk at Maaseik kindly permitted us to undertake the study and offered us every facility in order to expedite it.

⁹ See esp. Budny and Tweddle, ‘Stoffen’, pp. 238–57; and Budny, Embroideries.

¹⁰ On the early medieval objects in the treasury, see Hendrickx, M. and Sangers, W., De kerkschat van de Sint-Catharinakerk te Maaseik. Beschrijvende inventaris, reeks Limburgs Kunstpatrimonium 1 (Limburg, 1963), 25–9, 44–5Google Scholar and pls. 25 and 33–4, repr. as Sangers, W. and Hendrickx, M., ‘De reliekenschat uit Aldeneik en Maaseik’, Aldeneik: Architectuur en Historie, ed. Daniëls, G. and Sangers, W. (Limburg, 1975), pp. 63–5, 77 and 90–1;Google ScholarBudny, Mildred and Tweddle, Dominic, ‘De vroeg-middeleeuwse relicten van de heiligen Harlindis en Relindis in de kerkschatten van de St.-Catharinakerk te Maaseik’, transl. Boonen, Martin, De Maaseikenaar, 14.1 (1983), 21–31;Google Scholar and Budny, Embroideries, passim. On the early gospel-book (usually taken to be the fragments of two gospel-books of somewhat different dates), see Alexander, J. J. G., Insular Manuscripts, 6th to the 9th Century, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles 1 (London, 1978), 50–1Google Scholar (nos. 22–3) and pls. 87–107; Nancy Netzer and Julian Brown kindly discussed their studies of the manuscript with M. Budny. On the wedge-shaped reliquary, see esp. d'Altena, J. Borchgrave, ‘Un Reliquaire carolingien à Maaseik’, Namurcum 5 (1928), 45–7,Google Scholar and Werdendes Abendland an Rhein und Ruhr, ed. Elbern, V. H., Exhibition Catalogue, Villa Hügel, 4th ed. (Essen, 1956),Google Scholar no. 281a. On the textiles, see Calberg, ‘Tissus’, pp. 1–26; Budny and Tweddle, ‘Stoffen’, pp. 231–57, and ‘The Early Medieval Textiles at Maaseik’ (forthcoming).

¹¹ De Sanctis Virginibus Herlindis sive Harlinde et Reinula seu Renilde Abbatissis Masaci in Belgio, ed. Henschenius, G., Acta Sanctorum, Mar., ed. Bollandus, J., Henschenius, G. and Papebrochius, D. iii (Antwerp, 1668), 3rd ed. (Paris, 1865), 368–92, at 383–8,Google Scholar repr. Acta Sanctorum Ordinis Sancti Benedicti in Saeculorum Classes Distributa, ed. D'Achery, L. and Mabillon, J. iii. i (Paris, 1672), 654–62.Google Scholar Here we cite passages in the Vita by the pages and section numbers in the third edition of Henschenius's text. On the date and authorship of the Vita, see esp. Dierkens, ‘L'Abbaye d'Aldeneik’ 1, 19–25, and ‘Les Origines de l'abbaye d'Aldeneik (Première moitié du VIIIe siècle)’, Le Moyen Âge 3–4 (1979), 390–2,Google Scholar and Werner, Mattias, Der lütticher Raum in frühkarolingischer Zeit. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte einer karolingischen Stammlandschaft, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 62 (Göttingen, 1980), 176–9.Google Scholar

¹² See below, p. 91.

¹³ ‘The holy virgins [or the virgin saints] wove this casula, and St Theodard, bishop, consecrated it.’

¹⁴ ‘The holy virgins, the abbesses Harlindis and Relindis, wove this casula, St Theodard, bishop of Liège, consecrated it, and St Willibrord, bishop of Utrecht, and St Boniface, bishop of Mainz, celebrated divine service in (or with) it.’

¹⁵ See Dierkens, ‘L'Abbaye d'Aldeneik’ 1, 97, and 11, 85, n. 540.

¹⁶ Historie van het leven der heyliger marchden Harlindis en Relindis, uut de legende int cortste end ghtrouvvelijkste overgestelt (Liège, 1596), 19r.Google Scholar An anonymous abbreviated Latin version of the Vita, made in the fourteenth or fifteenth century, may have mentioned the relics too, but the folio which should have contained that account is missing from the surviving fifteenth-century manuscript: see Dierkens, ‘Evangéliaires’, p. 33.

¹⁷ ‘Item one chasuble magnificently ornamented with pearls, with this inscription: “The casula which the holy virgins, abbesses Harlindis and Relindis, wove …”’: Schoolmeesters, E., ‘Les Origines de la ville de Maeseyck’, Analectes pour servir à l'histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique 22 (Louvain, 1890), 383.Google Scholar The slight difference at the beginning in wording between the surviving inscription and the citation of the inscription in the inventory may indicate that the inventory reproduces an earlier inscription which the surviving inscription replaced at the time of the inventory.

¹⁸ Gielen, J., Promenade à l'église romane d's Alden-Eyck-les-Maeseyck (Limbourg belge), 2nd ed. (Liège, 1871), p. 25.Google Scholar

¹⁹ See, e.g., Braun, Josef, Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient. Nach Ursprung und Entwicklung, Verwendung and Symbolik (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907), pp. 149–247;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Müller, T., Steingräber, E. and Müller-Christensen, S., Sakrale Gewänder des Mittelalters, Exhibition Catalogue, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum (Munich, 1955),Google Scholarpassim. On a bell-shaped casula reworked into a baroque version, see Flury-Lemberg, Mechtild, ‘Das “Ulrichsgewand” aus dem Kloster St Urban’, Documenta Textilia. Festschrift für Sigrid Müller-Christensen, ed. Flury-Lemberg, Mechtild and Stolleis, Karen (Munich, 1981), pp. 163–76.Google Scholar

²⁰ On these and the other textiles now in the casula, see, further, Calberg, ‘Tissus’, pp. 11–19; Budny and Tweddle, ‘Stoffen’, pp. 238–57, and ‘Textiles’.

²¹ See, e.g., Crowfoot, Grace M., ‘The Tablet-Woven Braids’, The Relics of Saint Cuthbert: Studies by Various Authors, ed. Battiscombe, C. F. (Oxford, 1956), pp. 433–52,Google Scholar and Crowfoot, Elizabeth and Chadwick Hawkes, Sonia, ‘Early Anglo-Saxon Gold Braids’, MA 11 (1967), 42–86.Google Scholar

²² See esp. Budny, Embroideries.

²³ The system of labelling adopted here to refer concisely to the different parts of the arcades employs roman numerals to distinguish between the two strips and arabic numerals to indicate the individual spandrels, arches, piers or arched fields, starting with the first spandrel, arch, pier or arched field at the left in the arcade as viewed upright.

²⁴ Roman numerals are used to distinguish between the two strips, arabic numerals to distinguish between the five roundels in each horizontal row, and capital letters to distinguish between the two rows. According to this system, the upper left-hand roundel on strip I is roundel I. ia and the lower right-hand roundel on strip II is roundel II. ia.

²⁵ Previously the monograms have been taken to represent M and A (Calberg, ‘Tissus’, p. 12; Hendrickx, and Sangers, , Kerkschat, p. 27;Google Scholar and Dierkens, ‘L'Abbaye d'Aldeneik’ 1, 98), but the range of forms employed in display lettering in Anglo-Saxon and Hiberno-Saxon manuscripts of the period demands a wider choice. See Budny, Embroideries.

²⁶ See Budny and Tweddle, ‘Stoffen’, pp. 244, 250–1 and 265.

²⁷ See also Wilson, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pl. 108.Google Scholar

²⁸ On these types of stitches, see, e.g., Christie, , Embroidery, pp. 25–6Google Scholar and figs. 53–4.

²⁹ On surface-couching, see esp. ibid., pp. 25 and 49 and figs. 48 and 71a.

³⁰ See above, p. 69.

³¹ It fails to mention the inscriptions on the casula, whereas it does list the inscriptions on the velamina: Schoolmeesters, ‘Origines’, p. 383.

³² See below, p. 91 and n. 82.

³³ On this style, see Wilson, David M., Anglo-Saxon Ornamental Metalmork 700–1100 in the British Museum, Catalogue of Antiquities of the Later Anglo-Saxon Period 1 (London, 1964),Google Scholar esp. 23–35.

³⁴ See, e.g., Budny and Graham-Campbell, ‘Ornament’, pp. 10–25.

³⁵ Rome, Vatican City, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Barberini Lat. 570, passim; and Cambridge, University Library, Ll. 1. 10, 2v: Alexander, , Insular Manuscripts, nos. 36 and 66Google Scholar and pls. 169–72, 175, 178 and 312. On the Brunswick casket, see Beckwith, John, Ivory Carvings in Early Medieval England (London, 1972), no. 2Google Scholar and pl. 13.

³⁶ London, British Library, Cotton Vespasian A. i, 30v, and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 29 and pl. 146.

³⁷ Stockholm, Kungliga Biblioteket, A. 135, and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 30 and pls. 147, 152, 154–5 and 159.

³⁸ Leningrad, Saltykov Shchedrin State Public Library, Cod. Lat. F. v. 1. 8, and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 39.

³⁹ Dublin, Trinity College A.1.6, and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 52, e.g. pls. 232, 240–7, 249, 252 and 256.

⁴⁰ London, British Library, Royal 1 E. vi, and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 32 and pls. 161–2.

⁴¹ Bruce-Mitford, Rupert, ‘Late Saxon Disc-Brooches’, Aspects of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology: Sutton Hoo and Other Discoveries (London, 1974), pp. 302–45,Google Scholar esp. pls. 99, 101 and 106b, and Wilson, Metalwork, nos. 1, 2 and 153.

⁴² See Campbell, James, John, Eric and Wormald, Patrick, The Anglo-Saxons, ed. Campbell, James (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar, pls. 97, 122 and 124.

⁴³ See Henry, Françoise, The Book of Kells: Reproductions from the Manuscript in Trinity College Dublin (London, 1974)Google Scholar, pls. 11, 23, 27, 29, 51, 61 and 95.

⁴⁴ Radford, C. R., ‘Two Scottish Shrines – Jedburgh and St Andrews, AntJ 112 (1955), 43–60,Google Scholar and Cramp, R. J. and Lang, J. T., A Century of Anglo-Saxon Sculpture (Newcastle upon Tyne, 1977).Google Scholar no. 3.

⁴⁵ Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, frontispiece, and Kendrick, Anglo-Saxon Art, pl. LXXXV.

⁴⁶ See, e.g., Collingwood, W. G., Northumbrian Crosses of the Pre-Norman Age (London, 1927)Google Scholar, passim, and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, passim among the plates.

⁴⁷ The Anglo-Saxons, ed. Campbell, pl. 103.

⁴⁸ Kendrick, Anglo-Saxon Art, pl. LXXXVII.2 and 3.

⁴⁹ Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, no. 32 and pl. 164 (6r), and Wheeler, Hazel, ‘Aspects of Mercian Art: the Book of Cerne’, Mercian Studies, ed. Dornier, Ann (Leicester, 1977)Google Scholar, fig. 68 (5v).

⁵⁰ Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, pl. 173.

⁵¹ The Anglo-Saxons, ed. Campbell, frontispiece.

⁵² See Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, pls. 146, 154 and 312–15.

⁵³ Wilson, Metalwork, nos. 41 and 66 and pls. XXIII and XIX, and Hinton, David A., A Catalogue of the Anglo-Saxon Ornamental Metalwork, 700–1100, in the Department of Antiquities, Ashmolean Museum (Oxford, 1974)Google Scholar, no. 36 and pl. XIX.

⁵⁴ Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 1224, 166r; London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius C. ii, 60v; and Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, nos. 33 and 37 and pls. 134 and 187.

⁵⁵ Beckwith, Carvings, pls. 10 and 13.

⁵⁶ Alexander, Insular Manuscripts, pl. 165.

⁵⁷ Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 144, and Lowe, E. A., Codices Latini Antiquiores: a Palaeographical Guide to Latin Manuscripts Prior to the Ninth Century, II: Great Britain and Ireland, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1973),Google Scholar no. 122.

⁵⁸ See esp. Calberg, ‘Tissus’, pp. 22–6; Budny and Graham-Campbell, ‘Ornament’, 10–25; and Budny, Embroideries, passim.

⁵⁹ See Meaney, Audrey L., Anglo-Saxon Amulets and Curing Stones, BAR Brit. ser. 96 (1981), 184 and 186–7.Google Scholar Elizabeth Crowfoot and David Brown kindly discussed the Kempston embroidery fragment with M. Budny.

⁶⁰ See esp. Vierck, H. E. F., ‘La “Chemise de Sainte-Bathilde” à Chelles et l'influence byzantine sur l'art de cour mérovingien au VIIe siècle’, Centenaire de l'Abbé Cochet, 1975: Actes du Colloque International d'Archéologie, ed. Chirol, N. de E. (Rouen, 1978), pp. 521–64.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Wilson, ‘Craft and Industry’, p. 273.

⁶² See Plenderleith, Elizabeth, Hohler, Christopher and Freyhan, R., ‘The Stole and Maniples’, Relics of Saint Cuthbert, ed. Battiscombe, pp. 375–452Google Scholar and pls. XXIX–XXX, XXXI.3 and XXXII–XXXIV.

⁶³ See Battiscombe, C. F., ‘Historical Introduction’, Relics of Saint Cuthbert, ed. Battiscombe, p. 31.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ See d'Arzago, Albergo de Capitani, ‘Antichi Tessuti della Basilica Ambrosiana’, Biblioteca de ‘l'Arte’ n.s. 1 (Milan, 1941), 39–41Google Scholar (no. S.6), fig. 2 and pls. XVII.41 and XXI.67 (in colour), dating the fragment to the eleventh century and leaving unspecified the place of origin, and Crowfoot, G. M., ‘Notes on a Fragment of Embroidery from the Basilica Ambrosiana in Milan’, Relics of Saint Cuthbert, ed. Battiscombe, , pp. 392–4.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Hinton, , Catalogue, pp. 1–7Google Scholar (no. 1) and pl. 11c, field 12. Hinton, p. 4, describes the creature as an ‘animal’.

⁶⁶ Henry, The Book of Kells, pl. 29 (in colour).

⁶⁷ Muthesius, Anna and Walton, Penelope, ‘A Silk Reliquary Pouch from Coppergate’, Interim [Bull. of the York Archaeol. Trust] 6.2 (1979), 5–6.Google Scholar See the fuller account in The Archaeology of York 17, ed. P. V. Addyman (forthcoming).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Muthesius and Walton, ‘Pouch’, p. 6.

⁶⁹ See, e.g., The Bayeux Tapestry: a Comprehensive Survey, ed. SirStenton, Frank, 2nd ed. (London, 1965)Google Scholar; Brooks, N. P. and Walker, H. E., ‘The Authority and Interpretation of the Bayeux Tapestry’, Proc. of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies, I: 1978, ed. Brown, R. Allen (Ipswich, 1979), pp. 1–34 and 191–9;Google Scholar and Parisse, Michel, La Tapisserie de Bayeux (Paris, 1982)Google Scholar. The best full reproduction in colour is still Setton, Kenneth M., ‘900 Years Ago: the Norman Conquest’, National Geographic 130.2 (1966), 206–51.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ On the probable origin of the embroidery, see esp. Brooks and Walker, ‘Authority’, passim.

⁷¹ Southwell, Herbert B., A Descriptive Account of Some Fragments of Medieval Embroidery found in Worcester Cathedral (n.p., 1914), pp. 1–8Google Scholar and pls. II–VII, and Christie, , Embroidery, pp. 52–4Google Scholar (nos. 4–8) and pls. IV–VII.

⁷² See, e.g., Gem, R. D. H., ‘Bishop Wulfstan II and the Romanesque Cathedral Church of Worcester’, Medieval Art and Architecture at Worcester Cathedral, Brit. Archaeol. Assoc. Conference Trans. 1 (1975) (London, 1978), 15–37.Google Scholar

⁷³ See Christie, , Embroidery, pp. 1 and 31–2;Google ScholarLehmann-Brockhaus, Otto,Lateinische Schriftquellen zur Kunst in England, Wales und Schottland vom Jahre 901 bis zum Jahre 1307, Veröffentlichungen des Zentralinstituts für Kunstgeschichte in München 1 (Munich, 1955–1960)Google Scholar, passim; Dodwell, Anglo-Saxon Art, esp. ch. 5; and Budny, Embroideries.

⁷⁴ Dodwell, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pp. 70 and 267,Google Scholar n. 197.

⁷⁵ See Lapidge, Michael, ‘Some Remnants of Bede's Liber Epigrammatum’, EHR 93 (1978), 798–820,Google Scholar esp. 812.

⁷⁶ On the ambivalent meaning in such cases of verbs such as facere (‘to make’), see, e.g., Dodwell, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pp. 48–50.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ ‘Anglicae nationis feminae multum acu et auri tcxtura … valent.’ See Dodwell, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pp. 45 and 256,Google Scholar n. 8.

⁷⁸ See, e.g., ibid., pp. 45 and 256, n. 9.

⁷⁹ Ibid. pp. 53, 55 and 260, n. 74.

⁸⁰ As recorded in the Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, E. O., Camden Soc. 3rd ser. 92 (1962), 136Google Scholar (ii, 63). The ‘curtain’ or ‘hanging’ is described only as being ‘woven and embroidered (or illustrated) with the deeds of her husband’ (‘cortinam gestis viri sui intextam atque depictam’), which may mean that, although it was woven and had images (thus perhaps qualifying as a ‘tapestry’, if the images were woven into the cloth), it was not embroidered: cf. Dodwell, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pp. 134–6 and 225–6,Google Scholar referring to it as ‘tapestry’ and ‘embroidery’ by turns.

⁸¹ Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, p. 24 (i, 9); and Dodwell, , Anglo-Saxon Art, pp. 49 and 258,Google Scholar n. 41.

⁸² ‘Simili etiam in modo universi operis arte, quod manibus foeminarum diversis modis ac varia compositione fieri solet, honestissime fuerant instructae, videlicet nenendo et texendo, creando ac suando, in auro quoque ac margaritis in serico componendis, miris in modis extiterant perfectae opifices’ (Vita, p. 384,Google Scholar § 5). Valencina is named in § 4. On the probable identity of the place, see Dierkens, ‘Origines’, pp. 401–4.

⁸³ ‘Quaedam palliola, quae propriis manibus contexuerant, et quae multis modis variisque compositionibus diversae artis innumerabilibus ornamentis, Deum Sanctosque decentibus, ex auro et margaritis ornata, composuerant Sanctae, illo in loco post se relinquerent’ (Vita, p. 386,Google Scholar § 6).

⁸⁴ See esp. Budny, Embroideries.

⁸⁵ Vita, pp. 386–7, §§ 10 and 13.

⁸⁶ See esp. Werner, , Lütticher Raum, pp. 179–81.Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ See the Vita, p. 384, § 5–7, on the saints' father and the foundation of the convent upon one of his lands. The charter is Gysseling, M. and Koch, A. C. F., Diplomata Belgica ante annum millesimum centesimum scripta, Bouwstoffen en studiën voor de geschiedenis en de lexikografie van het Nederlands 1 (Brussels, 1950) 1, 305Google Scholar (no. 173). On the possible identity of the one Adalhard with the other, see, e.g., Dierkens, ‘Origines’, pp. 394–5, and Werner, , Lütticher Raum, pp. 275,Google Scholar n. 3, and 183–4.

⁸⁹ See Die Briefe des heiligen Bonifatius, ed. Michael Tangl, Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epist. select. 1: S. Bonifatiiet Lulli Epistolae (Berlin, 1916)Google Scholar, e.g. nos. 15, 27, 72, 76 and 105; transl., e.g., Emerton, E., The Letters of Saint Boniface, The Records of Civilization: Sources and Studies (New York, 1940)Google Scholar, as nos. 7, 19, 56, 60 and 85. See also Epistolae Karolini Aevi, ed. Ernst Dummler, MGH, Epist. 4: Karolini Aevi 11 (Berlin, 1895)Google Scholar, nos. 8 and 100; transl. Allott, Steven, Alcuin of York, c. A.D. 732 to 804 – his Life and Letters (York, 1974)Google Scholar, nos. 9 and 40.

⁹⁰ On Alcuin's life and career, see esp. ‘Introduction’, Alcuin: ‘The Bishops, Kings and Saints of York’, ed. Godman, Peter (Oxford, 1982), pp. xxxv–ix,Google Scholar and Donald A. Bullough, ‘Albuinus deliciosis regis: Alcuin and the Shaping of the Carolingian Court’ (forthcoming in the Festschrift for J. Fleckenstein).

⁹¹ See Fleckenstein, J., ‘Karl der Grosse und sein Hof’, Karl der Grosse. Lebenswerk und Nachleben, ed. Braunfels, Wolfgang, 1:Google ScholarPersönlichkeit und Nachleben, ed. Beumann, Helmut (Düsseldorf, 1965), 240–50;Google Scholar on Herstal, see p. 229, n. 31.

⁹² Ibid. pp. 239 and 227.

⁹³ See Werner, K. F., ‘Die Nachkommen Karls des Grossen bis zum Jahr 1000 (1.–8. Generation)’, Karl der Grosse, ed. Braunfels, , iv:Google ScholarDas Nachleben, ed. Wolfgang Braunfels and Percy Ernst Schramm, pp. 411 and 454–5.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See esp. von Padberg, Lutz, Heilige und Familie. Studien zur Bedeutung familiengebundener Aspekte in den Viten des Verwandten- und Schülerkreises um Willibrord, Bonifatius und Luidger, Inaugural-Dissertation … der Westfälischen Wilhelms-Universität zu Münster (Münster, 1981),Google Scholarpassim.

⁹⁵ ‘Honorabilis tibi est amicitia illius et utilis’ (Epist., ed. Dümmler, p. 149Google Scholar (no. 102)). Allott, , Alcuin, p. 55,Google Scholar rendered pallium as ‘a dress’.

⁹⁶ Asser, Vita Alfredi, ch. 8: Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, William Henry (Oxford, 1904), pp. 13–14,Google Scholar and Keynes, Simon and Lapidge, Michael, Alfred the Great: Asser's ‘Life of King Alfred’ and other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983), p. 72;Google Scholar see also p. 236, nn. 31–2.

⁹⁷ See, e.g., Geijer, Agnes, A History of Textile Art: a Selective Account (London, 1979), pp. 134 and 282,Google Scholar n. 15 and pl. 20.