^{page 99 note 1} Compare Bona, Rerum liturgicarum libri duo, Rome, 1671, vol. ii, pp. 238–40; Moroni, G., Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica, vol. xxv (1844), pp. 84–6, s.v. Fistola o CannaGoogle Scholar; de Laborde, L., Notice des émaux …du Louvre, vol. ii (1853), s.v. tuyauGoogle Scholar; Smith, and Cheetham, , Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, vol. i (1875), s.v. Fistula (article by Hotham, H. J.)Google Scholar; Scudamore, W. E., Notitia Eucharistica (1876), pp. 752–5Google Scholar; Kraus, F. X., Realenzyklopädie der christlichen Alterthümer, vol. i (1882), s.v. Fistula (article by Krüll)Google Scholar; id., Geschichte der christlichen Kunst, vol. ii, pt. i, p. 474; Otte, H., Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunst-Archäologie des deutschen Mittelalters, fifth ed., Leipzig, 1883, i, 219 sq.Google Scholar; de Fleury, Rohault, La Messe, vol. iv (1887), 99, 181–5Google Scholar; Gay, V., Glossaire archéologique, vol i (1887), s.v. ChalumeauGoogle Scholar; Kleinschmidt, P. Beda, in Theologisch-praktische Quartalschrift, vol. lv (Linz, 1902), pp. 297 sqq.Google ScholarRock, D., The Church of Our Fathers, ed. Hart, and Frere, , vol. i (London, 1903), pp. 128–32Google Scholar; Bergner, E., Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunstalterthümer in Deutschland (1903–1905), p. 320 sq.Google Scholar; Cabrol, , Dictionnaire d'archéologie chré;tienne et de liturgie, vol. ii, pt. ii (1910), s.v. Calamus (article by W. Henry) and vol. iii, pt. i (1913), s.v. Chalumeau (article by H. Leclerq)Google Scholar; Witte, F., Die Liturgischen Geräte … in der Sammlung Schnütgen in Cöln (Berlin, 1913), p. 33 sq.Google Scholar

^{page 99 note 2} Both these monographs have now become very scarce; that by Vogt I have been able to consult in the Library of the British Museum (as part of Oelrich's Germaniae litteratae opuscula, vol. I (Bremen, 1772), pp. 185–260). Of the still more rare treatise by Koecher, I eventually, after much fruitless search, found a copy in the University Library of Göttingen.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 1} As regards the term Nasus, Scudamore (op. cit., p. 754) has noted that ‘a charter of Silo, king of the Asturias 777, speaks of a “silver Chalice and Paten, with a Basin and with its Nasus,” where the meaning is determined by a clause that comes after, “It will serve to give the Blood of the Lord to the People ”’.

^{page 100 note 2} ‘… habt jhr bedacht, das man mit rorlin aus dem keJche trinken solle, damit das blut Christi nicht verroret werde’ (Vermahnung zum Sakrament des Leibes und Blutes Christi, 1530, Weimar edition, vol. xxx, pt. ii, p. 608.

^{page 100 note 3} It may, however, here be noted that another medieval significance for the word fistula is ‘altar column ’; and that Calamus is used by Theophilus in a chapter (De Fundendis Calamis) in his treatise on art (c. 1100), in the sense of the iron rods dividing the glass panes of a window.

^{page 100 note 4} See Niketas David Paphlagon, Βίοςγνατίου in Mansi, J. D., Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima colledio, vol. xvi (Venice, 1771), col. 264.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 5} Compare on this point Vogt, op. cit., p. 219.

^{page 101 note 1} Compare Hirn, Yrjö, The Sacred Shrine, London, 1919, p. 103Google Scholar, and Scudamore, op. cit., p. 755, n. 5, who points out that Ernulphus (1115) held that the danger of the wine adhering to the hair of the face was a reason for withholding it from the laity (see Ernulphus’ letter to Lambertus in d'Achery, Luc, Spicilegium, Paris, 1723, vol. iii, p. 471 sq.Google Scholar: Evenit enim frequenter, ut barbati, & prolixos habentes granos, dum poculum inter epulas sumunt prius liquore pilos inficiant, quant ori liquorem infundant. Ii si accesserint ad altare liquorem sanctum bibituri, quomodo periculum devitare poterunt inter accipiendum, quomodo uterque, accipiens videlicet & porrigens, effugient grande peccatum …)

^{page 101 note 2} Angelo Rocca, De Sac. Summi Pontificis Communione, tom, iv (Rome, 1697), p. 16, and in Thesaurus Pontificiarum sacrarumque antiquitatum (Rome, 1745, vol. i, p. 28).Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 3} Benedict XIV, Opera, x, 229.

^{page 101 note 4} E.g. 1328. Un escrin d'argent à poudre, esmaillié et un tuiau d'argent à boire lait pour les yelz (Inventoire des biens moebles de la royne Clémence). 1372. Une cuillier et un tuiau d'argent à abreuver malades, prisié xxv s.p. (Compte du test, de la Royne). 1380. Deux tuyaux d'or à boire, quand on est malade, pesant vi onces et demie (Invent, de Charles V). L. de Laborde, loc. cit.

^{page 101 note 5} One gets indeed almost across the boundary line of the fifth century, if one concludes with Rohault de Fleury (op. cit., p. 64) that the use of the Calamus is suggested by the line ‘Hauriat hinc populus vitam de sanguine sacro’, which occurred on a (lost) chalice, made from material bequeathed to his successor by St. Remigius, who became Bishop of Rheims in 461 and died in 533.

^{page 101 note 6} Labbe, Bibliotheca manuscriptorum nova, vol. i, p. 242.

^{page 101 note 7} Mabillon, Annales ord. S. Benedicti, ad ann. 600.

^{page 101 note 8} Duchesne, L., Le Liber Pontificalis, vol. i (Paris, 1886), p. 272.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 1} Atchley, E. G. Cuthbert F., Ordo Romanus Primus (London, 1905), p. 25.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 2} I am using the translation by Mr. Atchley in his admirable edition of the Ordo Romanus Primus, p. 143; the Latin wording of the chief relevant passage is as follows: Deinde archidiaconus, accepto de manu illius calice, refundit in scyphum quem super diximus, et tradit calicem subdiacono regionario qui tradit ei pugillarem cum quo confirmat populum. Elsewhere, in the description of the ceremonies on Easter Day, this Ordo mentions (p. 120) among the vessels taken from the church of St. Saviour pugillares alios argenteos et alios aureos. Reference is also made to the Eucharistic Reed in the second, the sixth, the tenth, and the fifteenth Ordo Romanus, dating respectively from the early ninth, the first half of the tenth, the eleventh, and the late fourteenth century. See Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, tom. lxxviii, passim.

^{page 102 note 3} Chron. Centul. in Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, tom. 124, col. 1248.

^{page 102 note 4} See above, p. 100, n. 1.

^{page 102 note 5} Duchesne, L., op. cit., vol. ii (1892), p. 8.Google Scholar

^{page 102 note 6} Migne, Patrologiae Cursus Completus, tom. 120, col. 1261.

^{page 103 note 1} I have to thank Dame Laurentia McLachlan, O.S.B., for drawing my attention to this passage.

^{page 103 note 2} Chron. Centul. M.S., col. 1258.

^{page 103 note 3} C. Browerus and J. Masenius, Antiq. et Annal. Trev., Liége, 1670, lib. 8, c. 114, p. 414.

^{page 103 note 4} J. Vogt, op. cit., p. 204.

^{page 103 note 5} Ibid., p. 196.

^{page 103 note 6} Flodoard, Hist. Remens., Paris, 1611, Lib. III, cap. V, fols. 160–1.

^{page 103 note 7} von Walbeck, Ditmar, Theitmari Merseburgensis Episcopi Chronicon, ed. Lappenbergk-Kurze, , Hanover, 1889, Lib. VII (VI), cap. 42, p. 192.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 8} Corblet, , in Revue de l'art chrétien, 1885, p. 62; Mabillon, Annal Bened., iv, 490.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 9} Chronica Monasterii Casinensis (Mon. Germ., vol. vii, p. 753).

^{page 103 note 10} Weber, Die Sct. Georgenbrüder am alten Domstift zu Bamberg, 1884.

^{page 104 note 1} Gattula, E., Historiae Abbatiae Cassinensis, Venice, 1733, p. 570.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 2} Corblet, in Revue de l'art chrétien, 1885, p. 62.

^{page 104 note 3} Rerum Moguntiacarum, vol. ii, Frankfurt-on-Main, 1722, p. 105.

^{page 104 note 4} Cart. Phil. Fland., in Martène, Thes. Anecd., i. 639.

^{page 104 note 5} MS. Chronicle as quoted by Vogt, op. cit., p. 205.

^{page 104 note 6} Thesaur. Sedis apostol., f. 54, as quoted by Gay, op. cit. According to Labarte (Histoire des arts industriels, vol. iii, Paris, 1875, p. 418) the same MS. (Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, MS. lat. 5180) also refers to a very ornate example, ‘Un chalumeau d'or avec six rubis, six saphirs, une émeraude et vingt-trois perles … et il a un globule en ouvrage de filigrane’.

^{page 104 note 7} Fagniez, G. in Revue archéologique, nouvelle série, vol. xxvii (1874), p. 253.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 8} Gamier, J., in Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de la Picardie, Sér. i, vol. x (1850), p. 262.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 9} Inv. du due de Normandie, as quoted by L. de Laborde, loc. cit.

^{page 104 note 10} L. de Laborde, loc. cit.

^{page 104 note 11} L. de Laborde, loc. cit.

^{page 105 note 1} Adam of Usk, Chronicon, ed. Sir Thompson, E. M., 2nd ed., Oxford, 1904, pp. 98, 274. For this interesting reference, and for many other kind offices, I am indebted to Mr. G. McNeil Rushforth, F.S.A.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 2} Vogt, op. cit., p. 205.

^{page 105 note 3} G. Fagniez, u.s., p. 400.

^{page 105 note 4} E. Müntz, Les arts à la cour des papes, i. 22.

^{page 105 note 5} J. Garnier, u.s., p. 286.

^{page 105 note 6} Gattula, loc. cit., adding, ‘Unica hactenus in reliquiario nostro superest argentea fistula.’ Cf. fig.4.

^{page 105 note 7} Fleury, E., Inv. de l'égl. de Laon, Paris, 1855, p. 46.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 8} Vogt, op. cit., p. 205.

^{page 105 note 9} Riedel, Cod. diplom. Brandenb., A. iii. 128.

^{page 105 note 10} George III, Prince of Anhalt-Dessau, Predigten und Schriften, Wittenberg, 1577, pp. 409 sq., 424; Conciones et scripta, Wittenberg, 1570, p. 499 b. Cf. Smend, J., Kelchspendung und Kelchversagung in der abendländischen Kirche, Göttingen, 1898, p. 34.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 1} Way, Albert in The Archaeological Journal, vol. xx (1863), p. 358.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 2} Kemble, Cod. Dipl., iv, p. 475.

^{page 106 note 3} Acta Sanctorum, St. Etheldreda, June, vol. iv, p. 453 (the word misspelt ‘fisculas’); Liber Eliensis (Anglia Christiana), i. 246. For this and the next reference I am indebted to Mr. A. W. Clapham, F.S.A.

^{page 106 note 4} Liber Eliensis, u.s., p. 250.

^{page 106 note 5} Roger de Hoveden, Chronica (R.S. li, vol. i, p. 140). The statement recurs in Florence of Worcester, Chronicon, ed. Thorpe, (1899), ii. 21.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 6} Sir Jackson, C. J., Illustrated History of English Plate, London, 1911, vol. i, p. 350.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 7} Inventories of church goods for the counties of York, Durham, and Northumberland (Surtees Society, vol. cvii, 1897, p. 65).Google Scholar For this and the next reference I have to thank Mr. Hedley Hope-Nicholson.

^{page 106 note 8} Nicolson, J. and Burn, R., The History and Antiquities of the Counties of Westmorland and Cumberland, vol. ii (1777), p. 90.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 9} This is printed in Martène, E., De antiquis ecclesiae rilibus, Bassano, 1788, vol. iv, p. 64, and in excerpts in Vogt, op. cit., p. 217 sq.Google Scholar; Rohault de Fleury has based on it his outline drawing, which we reproduce from La Messe, in fig. 1. See also Bocquillot, , Traité historique de la liturgie sacrée, Paris, 1701, p. 185 sq.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 1} When Durandus, in a passage of the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum (ed. Dura, , Naples, 1859, p. 312)Google Scholar, to which Mr. C. R. Peers, P.S.A., has kindly drawn my attention, describes how the priest when communicating majorem partem oblate suscipit de patena, quant subdiaconus apportaverat de altari, ipsamque dentibus siibdividens unam particulam, ejus sumit et aliam in calicem mittit, et de sanguine cum calamo haurit, this must not be interpreted as meaning that the Calamus was used for partaking of the particle of the Holy Bread. This was dealt with in a different fashion, as will be seen presently.

^{page 107 note 2} Lib. us. Ord. Cist., Cap. 53.

^{page 108 note 1} I owe this suggestion to Mr. Cuthbert Atchley.

^{page 108 note 2} Dr. Luther's reference to the Calamus has been noted above, p. 100; and to some extent the practice of using the Calamus was even a subject of discussion at the Diet of Augsburg in 1530. Thus, D. Chrysaeus (Historia der Augspurgischen Confession, Frankfurt a. M., 1570, p. 194) prints a document with the heading ‘Der Papisten fürgeschlagenen Mittel zur einigkeit’, in which there occurs the following passage, ‘Vnd acht man vm ehrung willen dess Sacraments gut seyn, da man beider gestalten unter ein wenig volcks aussgetheilet das solchs durch ein Rörlin empfangen und genossen werde.’

^{page 108 note 3} Vogt, op cit., passim. Mr. Hedley Hope-Nicholson has kindly drawn my attention to the fact that in Peck's, Desiderata Curiosa, London, 1779, ii. 373Google Scholar, the following description occurs of the Vestry Plate belonging to Charles I in 1646, ‘which was usually heretofore set upon the altar of his majesty's chapel at Whitehall’, viz.: A pair of great candlesticks One gilt ship. Two gilt vases. Two gilt layres. A square basin and fountain. A silver rod. Mr. Hope-Nicholson has suggested that if the last-named object really was put on the altar it may have been a reed, otherwise it may more probably have been a cantor's staff.

^{page 108 note 4} Instances of transitory toleration on the part of the Roman Catholic Church of the use of the Calamus in connexion with temporary grants of the chalice to the laity are recorded in Austria and Bavaria in 1564: cf. J. Smend, op. cit., p. 32; Knöpfler, A., Die Kelchbewegung in Bayern unter Herzog Albert V (Munich, 1891), p. 149 sqq.Google Scholar; Vogt, op. cit. p. 236. Some of the regulations of the Provincial Council of Salzburg (Aug 29-Sept. 5, 1564) may be quoted in this connexion:—’1. In allen Kirchen wo viele Communicanten sub utraque sind, soll ein grosser Consecrationskelch von Gold oder Silber oder anderem vergoldeten Metall für das hochw. Sacrament sub specie vini hergestellt werden. Die Form soil so sein dass man leicht ohne Gefahr aus ihm in einen kleinen Kelch giessen kann, aus dem dann die Communicanten durch ein Röhrchen das consecrierte Blut empfangen kann … 8. Sanguis Christi soll Gesunden und Kranken nur durch ein Röhrchen gereicht werden.

^{page 109 note 1} See Moroni, Dizionario, u.s. The details of the elaborate papal rite are described for instance in F. Cancellieri's Description des Chapelles Papales, Rome, 1819 The use of the Calamus by the Pope is illustrated in the engraving in vol. i (1719) of Angelo Rocca's Opera Omnia (p. 14), reproduced in fig. 2.

^{page 109 note 2} Corblet in Revue de l'art chrétien, 1885, p. 62.

^{page 109 note 3} A description of the use of the Calamus in communicating at Cluny in the eighteenth century is given by Marettes, Le Brun des, Voyages liturgiques (Paris, 1718), p. 149.Google Scholar

^{page 109 note 1} The following is the actual wording of the Bull in question as printed under no. 917 in Clément VI (1342–1352) Lettres Closes, Patentes et Curiales; edited by Eugène Déprez; tome i, deuxième fascicule, 1925, page 62; Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d'Athènes et de Rome:

[Avignon, June 21, 1344.]

Infrascriptis sic indulget ut possint Sacra, excepto corpore dominico, tangere, et per sacerdotes ministrari poculum sanguinis Domini.

Dilecto filio, nobili viro, Johanni primogenito carissimi in Christo filii nostri Philippi regis Francie illuslris, duci Normannie. Sincere devotionis integritas, quam ad Deum ac nos et Sanctum Romanam ecclesiam gerere dinosceris, promeretur, ut peticionibus tuis illis presertim, que tue devotionis et salutis augmentum promovent, benignis et graciosis favoribus annuamus. Hinc est quod nos, tuis devotis supplicationibus inclinati, ut que sacra sunt, preterquam corpus dominicum, quod per alios quam sacerdotes tractare non convenit, tangere, quociens oportunum fuerit et ad hoc te inducet pie devotionis affectus, cum honestate tamen reverencia quibus decet, valeas et cum per confessorem tuum vel sacerdotem alium sacra communio corporis domini nostri Jhesu Christi tibi ministrabitur, possit etiam poculum sanguinis, constitutionibus, statutis, consuetudinibus et observantiis quibuscunque contrariis nequaquam obstantibus, ministrari, tibi, quamdiu vixeris et in quocumque statu, eciam si regali dignitate fulgeres, fueris, tenore presencium de speciali gratia indulgemus. Volumus autem quod idem confessor vel sacerdos, qui tibi communionem hujusmodi ministrabit, circa hoc sic secrete se gerat et caute, quod in ministracione tibi facienda de sanguine nichil extra vasa sacra effundi de illo valeat nee scandalum quomodolibet generari. Nulli ergo etc. Datum Avinione, xi kalendas julii, anno tercio.

Item in eodem modo, dilecte in Christo filie nobili mulieri Bone, uxori dilecii filii, nobilis viri, Johannis primogeniti carissimi in Christo filii nostri Philippi regis Francie illustris, ducis Normannie.

Carissimo in Christo filio Philippo regi Francie illustri.

Carissime in Christo filie Johanne regine Francie illustri.

Compare also Raynaldi, Annales Ecclesiastici, vi. 370.

I wish to thank Monsieur Eugène Deprez for his kind offices in helping me to trace this document.

^{page 110 note 1} The Ceremonial of the Coronation of Charles V (1364) just mentions the Communion under both kinds; and in the famous MS. in the British Museum known as The Coronation Book of Charles V, there occurs an illumination illustrating the King's Communion in which the Archbishop holds the wafer in one hand and the chalice in the other, but no trace of the Calamus is seen. (See The Coronation Book of Charles V of France, ed. Dewick, E. S., Henry Bradshaw Society, vol. xvi, London, 1899, col. 43 and plates v and 28.)Google Scholar Compare also Alletz, P. A., Cérémonial du sacre des rois de France, Paris, 1775, p. 138.Google Scholar

^{page 110 note 2} Corblet, , in Revue de l'art chrétien, 1885, p. 62.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 1} Quoted from the translation by Robert Hendrie (London, 1847), pp. 263–5.

^{page 111 note 2} Diaconus in sinistra parte tenens calicem cum sanguine Christi, confert omnibus sumere volentibus cum quadam vitrea virga. Clericatus, , Decisiones sacramentales, i, Ven. Euch. Sacr. (Venice, 1757), p. 37.Google Scholar

^{page 111 note 3} Lindanus (Panoplia Evang., Paris, 1564, iv. 56, fol. 341 b) is one of the principal authorities as regards this type of Calamus: Calicibus canna est ferruminata a fabreque inserta, unde Christi sanguinem licet sugere, non bibere. Tales duos vidimus Bolzvuardiae Frisiorum. Habet et monasterium Thabor, et Berghem poculutn simile, sed argentea (nam illi sunt stannei) fistula, veterem in ritum factum. I have to thank M. Schmidt-Degener, Director of the Rijksmuseum of Amsterdam, for ascertaining for me that no example of the Calamus is known to survive in Holland.

^{page 112 note 1} 105. Un Chalumeau d'or servant à la communion sous les deux espèces, et une cuillière dorée, percée, au travers de laquele passe le vin et l'eau dans le calice. See Omont, H., Inventaires du Trésor de l'Abbaye de Saint-Denys en 1505 et 1539 in Mémoires de la Société de l'Histoire de Paris et de L'île de France, xxviii, 1901, p. 51.Google Scholar

^{page 112 note 2} Gerbert, Vetus liturgia alemannica, 1776, p. 226. Our illustration is taken from Rohault de Fleury's reproduction of the engraving in Gerbert.

^{page 113 note 1} See above, p. 103. For the photograph reproduced in pl. XVII, fig. 2, I am indebted to the librarian of Wilten, the Rev. Blasius Marberger, O.Praem.

^{page 113 note 2} de Berlendi, F., De oblationibus ad altare communibus et peculiaribus, Venice, 1743, plate facing p. 148.Google Scholar

^{page 113 note 3} Ibid.

^{page 113 note 4} I have to thank P. Vinzenz Köckoff of Göttweig for his courtesy in obtaining for me a photograph of this Calamus, and also for informing me that the hole in the handle shown in the reproduction appearing in the Jahrbuch der Kaiserl. Königl. Central-Commission (vol. ii, Vienna, 1857), p. 147, fig. 41Google Scholar, and since repeated in many handbooks—the explanation being that it was used for tying up the Calamus to the chalice—only exists in the draughtsman's imagination.

^{page 113 note 5} In inventories of 1462 and 1478, mention is made of three large chalices ‘quondam usi in coena Domini pro populo communicando’, ‘cum duabus cannis’. See Tietze, H., Die Denkmale des Benediktinerstifts St. Peter in Salzburg, Vienna, 1913, p. 44 sq.Google Scholar, where curiously enough no mention is made of the one surviving Calamus. I have to thank the Erzabt of St. Peter's, Dr. Petrus Klotz, for his permission to reproduce this Calamus, and Bruder Altman Edshoffer for arranging about the photograph. Of examples known to have survived to comparatively recent times, but now missing, we may mention one in the possession of the Dominican Nuns at Metz down to the time of the Revolution and one adorned with jewellery at Prüm (cf. above p. 103); Rohault de Fleury, op. cit., p. 183 sq. Indeed one may assume that after the use of the Calamus had become obsolete, examples naturally tended to go astray: and it is symptomatic that at the great Loan Exhibition of Ecclesiastical Art held at Munich in 1930, the Salzburg chalice was shown unaccompanied by its Calamus, while the catalogue made no mention of the pair of reeds accompanying the Wilten chalice, although both were exhibited.

^{page 113 note 6} I am much indebted to Miss Mary Chamot for her kind offices in this connexion.

^{page 114 note 1} Our reproduction is taken from Rohault de Fleury (who misspells the name of the town ‘Herford’). A half-tone reproduction of the pair of reeds and the leather case appears in the Zeitschrift für christliche Kunst, vol. xvi (1903), col. 235–6.Google Scholar

^{page 114 note 2} I am greatly indebted to Prof. Wilhelm Reinecke of Luneburg for his courtesy in having these two interesting examples photographed for me. The date is given by Otte, op. cit., i, 220.

^{page 115 note 1} I have to thank Dr. Nikolaus Pevsner for his kindness in ascertaining this for me.

^{page 115 note 2} See de La Mottraye, A., Travels, vol. i (London, 1723), pl. III. A Calamus of similar type is also reproduced by F. de Berlendi, loc. cit.: see fig. 4.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 3} Of this type was a Calamus noted in the first half of the eighteenth century by Martène and Durand in the treasury of the Abbey of Corbie (four leagues from Amiens): ‘Un chalumeau qui servoit autrefois pour la communion du calice. Il avoit une petite coupe pour recevoir le precieux sang qui pouvoit tomber par megarde, d'où en ce cas il retombroit dans le calice par deux petits tuyaux ’ (Voyage littéraire de deux religieux bénédictins de la Congrégation de S. Maur, Paris, 1724, p. 61).Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 4} The type with two handles goes back at the Vatican at any rate to the thirteenth century: see the record of 1295 quoted on p. 104.

^{page 115 note 5} The inscription on the Calamus as given in the engraving quite definitely indicates Clement VIII. We are, however, led to conclude that this calamus reproduces a more ancient type, since the following description appears in an inventory of Pope Paul III of 1547, quoted by Gay: ‘No. 236. El calamo d'oro col quale se purifica N. Sre quando celebra pontificalmente, dove sono lettre che dicono. CLEM. VII PON. MAXI., nel quale sono 3 pietre preziose’ Cf de Montault, Barbier, Œuvres Complètes, vol. i, Poitiers, 1889, p. 293.Google Scholar

^{page 115 note 6} I owe my knowledge of these facts to the information courteously supplied by Monsignor Giovanni Mercati, Prefect of the Vatican Library; and I have also to thank Mr. A. H. Smith, C.B., F.S.A., for very kindly obtaining for me the photograph of the Papal Calami now in use, reproduced in pl. XVIII, fig. 3, and for informing me that the size of the longer of the two pipes is 41 cm.