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A Severan Vexillation at Ribchester

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 November 2011

G.R. Stephens
G.R. Stephens
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Extract

A fragment of a large building inscription was found in the courtyard of the principia at Ribchester in 1908 (RIB 591). It is restored: [Imp. Caes….]│Avg. [et … ]│Avg. [et …]│ Cafesari … vexillatio legionis sextae Vict]│ric[is … leg.]│Av[gg ….]. The repeated Avg. and the erased Ca in line 4 show that it was set up in 198–209.

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Type
Articles
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Britannia , Volume 18 , November 1987, pp. 240 - 242
Copyright
Copyright © G.R. Stephens 1987. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Conway, R.S., CR xxii (1908), 197Google Scholar; Hopkinsem, J.H., The Roman fort at Ribchester (ed. 3, ed. D. Atkinson, Manchester, 1928), 25. 2.Google Scholar

2 RIB 985, 1016, 2119.

3 RIB 1427, 2148, 2200.

4 RIB 1016: legio sexs. Legionis sextae is restored on RIB 589, but a much more satisfactory expansion has been offered (M.P. Speidel, above p. 233).

5 Sagittariorum does not seem likely. See CIL iii 13483a = ILS 9168 = R. Saxer, ED. Stud. 1 (1967), no. 33: vexil. sagit. exer. Syriaci.

6 Birley, E., ‘Noricum, Britain and the Roman army’ in Festschrift für Rudolf Egger (Klagenfurt, 1952), 183–5Google Scholar; idem, Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter xlv (1980), 81; contra Saxer 179.

7 Birley, A.R., The fasti of Roman Britain (Oxford, 1981), 204.Google Scholar

8 See ibid., 155, 157–8.

9 Saxer, op. cit. (note 5), 42, 43, 44, 48, 68.

10 Dio 71.16; RIB 594, 595; N.D. Oce. 40.54.

11 RIB 589, with M.P. Speidel, op. cit. (note 4). Alternatively, a vex. eq. provinciae Germaniae sup.

12 Eck, W., ED. Stud. 14 (1985), 65–66.Google Scholar

13 Ibid., 188–89.

14 Ibid., 198.

15 Leaning, J.B., Latomus xxx (1971), 386–89.Google Scholar

16 Birley, A.R. in King, A. and Henig, M. (eds.), The Roman west in the third century, BAR S109 (Oxford, 1981), 47–49.Google Scholar

17 RIB 1672, 1843, 1844, 1962. We might guess that a good deal of military road building and heavy labouring was undertaken by civilians: convicts, public and imperial slaves, and ordinary civilians – as muñera or outright exploitation.

18 Tacitus, Annals 14.38.

19 Mann, J.C., Legionary recruitment and veteran settlement during the principate (ed. Roxan, M.M.), Institute of Archaeology Occasional Publications 7 (London, 1983), 24, 27.Google Scholar

20 It is uncertain whether RIB 589 and 591 record building, or were merely dedications. The latter seems more likely.

21 A temporary, indeed brief, presence, may be denoted by the small number of coins deposited in each period. See Shotter, D.C.A. in Edwards, B.J.N. and Webster, P.V. (eds.), Ribchester excavations, Part I (Cardiff, 1985), 87, 89.Google Scholar

22 Birley, A.R., Arch. Ael.4 1 (1972), 179–89Google Scholar; Hartley, B.R., Northern History 1 (1966), 18–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Herodian 3.14.3; Dio 76.II.5.

24 AE 1921.64 + 1963.42; Pflaum, H.-G., Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter xxvii (1962), 82–98.Google Scholar

25 RIB 1026; JRS lvii (1967), 205.16.

26 In a long career perhaps ending in the early third century, the elder Petronius Fortunatus served as centurion in thirteen legions, including II A. and VI V.: CIL viii 217 + p.2353 = ILS 2658 add.; Birley, E., Carnuntum Jahrbuch viii (1963–1964), 23.Google Scholar

27 See generally, Gilliam, J.F., TAPA lxxxviii (1957), 155–68.Google Scholar

28 Perhaps also suggested by similarities between the letter-forms on the two inscriptions – e.g. G, L, V. The stones look very different because one (RIB 1026) is high in relation to its width, and the other wide in relation to its height, but this is misleading. There are few, if any, similarities between the lettering on these stones and RIB 1022.

29 Breeze, D.J. and Dobson, B., Hadrian's Wall (London, 1976), 137.Google Scholar For a contrary view, see Birley, E., Ep. Stud. 4 (1967), 103–107Google Scholar; Davies, R.W., Klio lix (1977), 157Google Scholar. Note CIL vii 495 (South Shields). Also mil. leg. VIII Aug. on RIB 782. If coh….]Gall[o]r. is deleted – and it is not very plausible – the text could be interpreted as a dedication by milites in Vili A., as R.W. Davies, 157n. 14, also noted. This could be the same vexillation, or an earlier one. It need not be contemporary with RIB 783 (see note 32).

9 Saxer, op. cit. (note 5), 42, 43, 44, 48, 68.

10 Dio 71.16; RIB 594, 595; N.D. Oce. 40.54.

11 RIB 589, with M.P. Speidel, op. cit. (note 4). Alternatively, a vex. eq. provinciae Germaniae sup.

12 Eck, W., Ep. Stud. 14 (1985), 65–66.Google Scholar

13 Ibid., 188–89.

14 Ibid., 198.

15 Leaning, J.B., Latomus xxx (1971), 386–89.Google Scholar

16 Birley, A.R. in King, A. and Henig, M. (eds.), The Roman west in the third century, BAR S109 (Oxford, 1981), 47–49.Google Scholar

17 RIB 1672, 1843, 1844, 1962. We might guess that a good deal of military road building and heavy labouring was undertaken by civilians: convicts, public and imperial slaves, and ordinary civilians – as munera or outright exploitation.

18 Tacitus, Annals 14.38.

19 Mann, J.C., Legionary recruitment and veteran settlement during the principate (ed. Roxan, M.M.), Institute of Archaeology Occasional Publications 7 (London, 1983), 24, 27.Google Scholar

20 It is uncertain whether RIB 589 and 591 record building, or were merely dedications. The latter seems more likely.

21 A temporary, indeed brief, presence, may be denoted by the small number of coins deposited in each period. See Shotter, D.C.A. in Edwards, B.J.N. and Webster, P.V. (eds.), Ribchester excavations, Part I (Cardiff, 1985), 87, 89.Google Scholar

22 Birley, A.R., Arch. Ael.4 1 (1972), 179–89Google Scholar; Hartley, B.R., Northern History 1 (1966), 18–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

23 Herodian 3.14.3; Dio 76.u.5.

24 AE 1921.64 + 1963.42; Pflaum, H.-G., Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter xxvii (1962), 82–98.Google Scholar

25 RIB 1026; JRS lvii (1967), 205.16.

26 In a long career perhaps ending in the early third century, the elder Petronius Fortunatus served as centurion in thirteen legions, including II A. and VI V.: CIL viii 217 + p.2353 = ILS 2658 add.; Birley, E., Carnuntum Jahrbuch viii (1963–1964), 23.Google Scholar

27 See generally, Gilliam, J.F., TAPA lxxxviii (1957), 155–68.Google Scholar

28 Perhaps also suggested by similarities between the letter-forms on the two inscriptions – e.g. G, L, V. The stones look very different because one (RIB 1026) is high in relation to its width, and the other wide in relation to its height, but this is misleading. There are few, if any, similarities between the lettering on these stones and RIB 1022.

29 Breeze, D.J. and Dobson, B., Hadrian's Wall (London, 1976), 137.Google Scholar For a contrary view, see Birley, E., Ep. Stud. 4 (1967), 103–107Google Scholar; Davies, R.W., Klio lix (1977), 157.Google Scholar Note CIL vii 495 (South Shields). Also mil. leg. VIII Aug. on RIB 782. If coh….]Gall[o]r. is deleted – and it is not very plausible – the text could be interpreted as a dedication by milites in VIII A., as R.W. Davies, 157n. 14, also noted. This could be the same vexillation, or an earlier one. It need not be contemporary with RIB 783 (see note 32).

30 CIL viii 14400 and Saxer, op. cit. (note 5), 114.

31 CIL viii 2401, 2080 = ILAlg 3748, 539; J.C. Mann, op. cit. (note 19), 24.

32 J.C. Mann, op. cit. (note 19), 24. Note RIB 783 (Brougham), which still awaits a satisfactory reading (compare RIB with Alföldy, G., BJ clxvi (1966), 642–43Google Scholar; AE 1977.495). It records an African, or, more probably, Africans, in VI V. and/or a second legion, possibly VIII A. The erasure shows that it is Commodan or third-century, so that an earlier vexillation may be in question – conceivably under Ulpius Marcellus, for the consular ‘date’ inspires little confidence.

33 Birley, A.R., Septimius Severus (London, 1971), 251–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pflaum, H.-G., Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain (Paris, 1960–1961), no. 259Google Scholar. A centurion of / Italka is recorded as acting commander of / Baetasiorum at Old Kilpatrick (Britannia i (1970), 310.20). It might imply a vexillation from Lower Moesia. The date is uncertain: Severan (Birley, E., Latomus xlii (1983), 73–83Google Scholar; R.W. Davies, op. cit. (note 29), 158n.23, 168n.81); second-century (e.g. Davies, R.W., Ep. Stud. 12 (1981), 197).Google Scholar If, as normally assumed, it is Antonine, the invasion forces in Antonine I and II included vexillations from Lower Moesia and Upper Germany (RIB 2216).

34 This is well documented elsewhere. See, for example, Speidel, M.P., Ep. Anatolica v (1985), 89–92Google Scholar; idem in Weber, E. and Dobesch, G. (eds.), Römische Geschichte (Vienna, 1985), 605–610.Google Scholar I owe both references, as well as helpful comments, to M. Speidel, Hawaii.