1 Alighieri, Dante, Divine Comedy, Inferno I.1-3, ed. Salvo, T. Di, La Divina Commedia di Dante Alighieri (Milan 1987) 6–7 .

2 The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri, tr. Fletcher, J. Butler (New York 1931) 3 .

3 Dante, , Divine Comedy, Inferno, I.4-27 ed. Salvo, Di, 7–8 .

4 Dante, , Divine Comedy, Inferno, I.28-60, ed. Salvo, Di, 9–11 .

5 Dante, , Divine Comedy, Inferno, I.61-136 ed. Salvo, Di, 11–16 .

6 Of course, one needs to be careful not to conceive of this crisis in ‘psychological’ terms. Dante’s account is not so much concerned with a personal crisis as it is with the sinfulness that comes from man’s fallen condition and that affects not only Dante but human beings in general: cf. the commentary in Di Salvo, La Divina Commedia, 6.

7 Cf. Lamberton, R., Homer the Theologian: Neoplatonist Allegorical Reading and the Growth of the Epic Tradition [Transformation of the Classical Heritage] (Los Angeles 1986).

8 Cf. e.g. Hanson, R. P. C., Allegory and Event: A Study of the Sources and Significance of Origen’s Interpretation of Scripture (London 1959).

9 Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Moysis, ed. Musurillo, H. [Gregorii Nysseni Opera VII.1] (Leiden 1991) 1–142 .

10 Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Moysis, I.45, ed. Musurillo, , 20.1–13 .

11 Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Moysis, II.152, ed. Musurillo, , 80.8.

12 Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Moysis, II.158, ed. Musurillo, , 82.1-2.

13 Theodoret of Cyrus, L’histoire des moines de Syrie: ‘Histoire Philotbée’, ed. Canivet, P. and Leroy-Molinghen, A., 2 vols [Sources chrétiennes 234, 257] (Paris 1977-79) II, 222 .4-7.

14 For ταπεινον φρόνημα and ταπεινοφροσύνη, cf. e.g. “Οσιος Λουκας. Όβίος τοϋ όσίουΛουκα τοΰ Στειριώτη, ed. Sophianos, D. Z. (Athens 1989) 177 : διά ταπεινοφροσύνης ύπερβολήν.

15 Psellos, Michael, Epistola a Giovanni Xipbilino, ed. Criscuolo, U. [Hellenica et byzantina neapolitana 14.] (2nd ed., Naples 1990) 53 .85-92.

16 Monachus, Gregorius, Vita S.|Lazari, ed. Delehaye, H., Acta Sanctorum Novembris III (Brussels 1910) 508-88. On Lazarus cf. e.g. Thomas, J., ‘Documentary evidence from the Byzantine monastic typika for the history of the Evergetine Reform Movement’, in Mullett, M. and Kirby, A. (ed.), The Theotokos Evergetis and eleventh-century monasticism [Belfast Byzantine Texts and Translations 6.11 (Belfast 1994) 246-73, esp. 249-51.

17 Cf. Foss, C., ‘Pilgrimage in medieval Asia Minor’, DOP 56 (2002) 129-51, esp. 147.

18 Life of Lazarus of Galesion 9, ed. Delehaye, , 511F12-512A5.

19 Life of Lazarus of Galesion 8, ed. Delehaye, , 511D5-10.

20 Cf. Herman, E., ‘La stabilitás loci nel monarchism bizantino’, OCP 21 (1955) 115-42, with references to canonical prohibitions of such a life-style. On attitudes towards non-coenobitic monasticism in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, cf. Magdalino, P., ‘The Byzantine holy man in the twelfth century’, in Hackel, S. (ed.) The Byzantine Saint ĮStudies supplementary to Sobornost 5] (London 1981) 51–66 .

21 Presbyter, Eustratius, Vita Eutychii Patriarchae Constantinopolitani, ed. Laga, C. [Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca 25] (Turnhout 1992) 72.2232-5.

22 Lumpe, A., ‘Königsweg’, Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 16 (2006) 216-22, esp. 219, with references to Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (1103b26 and 1108b10).

23 Cf. Lumpe, ‘Königsweg’, 22-221, with references to Basil of Caesarea, John Cassian, John Climacus and Jerome, cf. also 221-2, on the use of the same framework in the dogmatic discourse. For a more detailed discussion cf. Taillez, F., ‘βασιλική όδός. Les valeurs d’un terme mystique et le prix de son histoire littérale’, OCP 13 (1947) 299–354 .

24 Kataskepenos, Nicholas, La vie de saint Cyrille le Philéote, moine Byzantin (î 1110), ed. Sargologos, É. [Subsidia Hagiographica 39] (Brussels 1964) 86 .

25 Climax, Scholion ad gradum 26.2, MPG 88, col. 1093A7-10.

26 There is a vast literature on the topic of discretion. Cf. e.g. Scholl, E., ‘The Mother of Virtues: Discretio’, Cistercian Studies Quarterly 36 (2001) 389–401 .

27 Cf. e.g. the criticism of ‘unambitious’ monks in Nicetas Stethatos, Physicorum Capitum Centuria II.83, MPG 120, col. 940D2-4: ό άεΐ περί xò αύτο στρεφόμενος καί μή πορρωτέρω κινηηναι βουλόμενος ήμιόνψ τω περί τήν μηχανήν έπί το αύτο κινουμένω εοικεν.

28 Cf. e.g. Evagrius Ponticus, Tractatus ad Eulogium 14, MPG 79, col. 1109D15: ό бе τάπροσπεσόνταπάθη πυκτεύων έκκόψαι. This use of terms referring to athletic contests was, of course, inspired by the Apostle Paul who often uses them in his Letters, cf. e.g. I Corinthians 9:26: οΰτως πυκτεύω ώς ούκ άέρα δέρων.

29 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Moses, II.161, ed. Musurillo, , 83-4.4–10, where Gregory says that those who try to climb the mountain ‘unwashed’ (απλυτοι), i.e., without proper preparation, and through ‘irrational sense perception’ (τήν αλογον αΐσθησιν), will be stoned and shot. Gregory infers this from Exodus 19:12-14 where God warns that beasts will be stoned if they approach Mt Sinai and has Moses tell the Israelites to wash their clothes.

30 Cf. e.g. Pseudo-Ephraem, , Sermones paraenetici ad monachos Aegypti 40, ed. Phrantzoles, K.G., Hosiou Ephraim tou Syrou erga III (Salonka 1990) 164-5.1-12.

31 Cf. e.g. Pseudo-Athanasius, Epistula II ad Castorem 4, MPG 28, col. 888D6-7: τούς σωτηριώδεις άκτΐνας της διακρίσεως, and 896C4-5: τοΰ γάρ πνεύματος της όργής σκοτίσαντος τήν διάνοιαν οΰτε διακρίσεως φώς... έν ήμΐν εύρεθήσεται.

32 Here I will only mention the detail that Lazarus is struggling ‘with his hands and feet’ (χερσί καί ποσί). This information again seems straightforward: when one climbs a steep hill it is safest to go down on all fours as it affords one a better grip. However, again this does not exclude the presence of further connotations. Readers are reminded that for human beings such behaviour is anomalous - they usually only use their feet to move from one place to another - whereas it is the usual way of movement for animals. This observation, however, points to the framework of the ‘golden mean’. In the quotation from the Life of Cyril of Philea want and excess are both explained as the result of a ‘lack of discretion’ (άδιακρισία), which is in turn caused by ‘lack of reason’ (άλογία). This state of affairs, however, reduces human beings to the state of animals since ‘reason’ was considered to be the quality that distinguished human beings from beasts. Therefore one could argue that the hagiographer added this feature in order to liken Lazarus to quadrupeds, which are often referred to as ‘irrational beasts’ (άλογα ζωα). This is all the more likely as references to animals in Scripture are often interpreted as statements about the irrational parts of the soul, which human beings have in common with animals, cf. above note 28.

33 On Cyril cf. Kaplan, M., ‘In search of St Cyril’s Philea’, in Mullett, M. and Kirby, A. (ed.), Work and Worship at the Theotokos Evergetis [Belfast Byzantine Texts and Translations 6.2] (Belfast 1997) 213-21.

34 Life of Cyril of Philea 54.2, ed. Sargologos, , 256-7.

35 Life of Cyril of Philea 46.5, ed. Sargologos, , 215 .

36 Life of Cyril of Philea 46.8, ed. Sargologos, , 217 .

37 Life of Cyril of Philea 54.2, ed. Sargologos, , 257 .

38 Life of Cyril of Philea 54.2, ed. Sargologos, , 257 .

39 Life of Cyril of Philea 53-55, ed. Sargologos, , 249–262 . Two narratives are intercalated: the story under discussion and an elaborate account of a demonic vision, cf. Life of Cyril of Philea 53, ed. Sargologos, , 249-55.

40 Life of Cyril of Philea 53.1, ed. Sargologos, , 249 .

41 Life of Cyril of Philea 54.1, ed. Sargologos, , 255-6.

42 Life of Cyril of Philea 54.3, ed. Sargologos, , 257-8.

43 Life of Cyril of Philea 54.1, ed. Sargologos, , 256 .

44 It may not be coincidental that the account of the saint’s last years is immediately preceded by a cautionary tale about excessive asceticism, cf. Life of Cyril of Philea 52, ed. Sargologos, , 245-8.

45 Cf. e.g. Maximus, Gnostic Centuries II.33, MPG 90, col. 1140C1-D2 where the moon is interpreted as a symbol of ‘natural discretion’ (φυσική διάκρισις), which gives off a ‘measured light’ (φώς σύμμετρον).

46 Life of Cyril of Philea 46.3, ed. Sargologos, , 215 .

47 Methodius of Constantinople, Vita S. Theophanis Confessons , ed. Latysev, V. V. [Zapiski rossijkoj akademii nauk. viii. ser. po istoriko-filologičeskomu otdeleniju 13.4] (St Petersburg 1918) 7 .14-19.

48 For similar attempts at reconciling the two models in Late Antiquity cf. Lumpe, ‘Königsweg’, 220. It needs to be said, however, that Nicholas seems to be confused for in the following interpretation of the narrow path on the ‘right side’ he again introduces the framework of the ‘golden mean’, cf. Life of Cyril of Philea 46.8, ed. Sargologos, , 218 .

49 Van de Vorst, C., ‘La vie de s. Évariste, higoumène à Constantinople’, AB 41 (1923) 287–325 , esp. 304.30-3.

50 Cf. e.g. John Chrysostom, Ad populum Antiocbenum, MPG 49, col. 19D: ώς καΐ είς άσθένειαν έμπεσεΐν έκ της αγαν σκληραγωγίας κοά έπιτεταμένης νηστείας.

51 A passage where στενή όδός and στενωπός appear side by side can be found in John Chrysostom, Eclogae, MPG 63, col. 871.

52 See above note 15.

53 Cf. Life of Euarestus of Kokorobion 10, ed. Van de Vorst, 304.27-9: ΐνα μή φανερόν τινι γένηται της αύτών άγρυπνίας то έπιτήδευμα κάντεϋθεν κενοδοξίας βλάβην ούκ άποφεύξωνται.

54 For allegorical interpretations in bonatn partem and in maiam partem cf. e.g. Gauch, P. Lee and Whitman, J., Interpretation and Allegory: antiquity to the modern period (Leiden 2003) 393 .