^{page ix note 1} Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani, ed. Riley, H. T., i (1867), pp. 330 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page ix note 2} For the picture and caption, see James, M. R., ‘ The Drawings of Matthew Paris ’, Walpole Society, xiv (1926), 26Google Scholar and plate xxx, and Vaughan, R., ‘ The Handwriting of Matthew Paris ’, Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, i (1953), 392 For the mapGoogle Scholar, see Vaughan, ‘ Handwriting ’, p. 382, n. 9.

^{page ix note 3} Whence, for instance, the necrology (fos. 112V–113V), the drawing and description of the elephant (fos.114r–115r), and the history of the abbots of St. Albans (fos. 115V–121V).

^{page x note 1} Page references thus, in parentheses, are to the text printed below.

^{page xi note 1} It is possible that our author uses William of Jumièges in Robert of Torigni's version, but his omission of Robert's additions to William concerning the origins and early history of Rollo (Marx, pp. 203 ff.) makes this unlikely.

^{page xi note 2} His mention of Henry and William on p. 40 is taken from Geoffrey of Monmouth.

^{page xi note 1} It is possible that our author uses William of Jumièges in Robert of Torigni's version, but his omission of Robert's additions to William concerning the origins and early history of Rollo (Marx, pp. 203 ff.) makes this unlikely.

^{page xi note 2} His mention of Henry and William on p. 40 is taken from Geoffrey of Monmouth.

^{page xi note 3} Rickert, E., ‘ The Old English Offa Saga ’, Modern Philology, ii (1904–5), 29–76 and 321–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page xii note 1} Luard, ii. pp. x–xii; for the marginal note, see Luard, ii. 336, n. 3.

^{page xii note 2} Rickert, ‘ Old English Offa Saga ’, p. 3, n. 1. For what follows, see ibid., pp. 2–11.

^{page xii note 3} Luard, i. 373.

^{page xii note 4} Proceedings of the British Academy, xxx (1944), 147–60Google Scholar. For what follows, see pp. 148–9.

^{page xiii note 1} Below, p. 27 and Luard, i. 412 ; and below, pp. 22–3 and Luard, i. 391–3.

^{page xiii note 2} Luard, i. 354–5.

^{page xiii note 3} Luard, i. 188.

^{page xiii note 4} Below, p. 55 and Luard, i. 467–8.

^{page xiii note 5} Below, pp. 49–50 and Luard, i. 456.

^{page xiii note 6} Below, pp. 50–1 and Luard, i. 459.

^{page xiii note 7} Below, p. 65 and Luard, i. 504.

^{page xiii note 8} Below, p. 40 and Luard, i. 450.

^{page xiv note 1} In this case he misunderstood his source ; see pp. 40 n. 5, and p. 45.

^{page xiv note 2} He certainly understands the word oritur, used of Dunstan by Roger Wendover (Luard, i. 446) and others, to mean ‘ born ’.

^{page xiv note 3} Intecatus also occurs, p. 57. This word presumably comes from entheca, which Eadmer uses for a coffin. See Du Cange, s.v.

^{page 1 note 1} From here to p. 4, … unum habent regent, the text is taken from the Libellus, pp. 365–80.

^{page 2 note 1} Both our author and the Libellus are in error here ; Ceolwulf was either the father or the uncle of Cynegils.

^{page 3 note 1} Here our author is confusing Ini, nephew of Cadwallon, king of Gwynedd, with Ine, king of Wessex. Ivor was Cadwallon's son.

^{page 3 note 2} The words patris … Eatheluuold are not in the Libellus. St. Æthelburh is apparently not mentioned by any other chronicler.

^{page 3 note 3} Alfred, not Athelstan, is meant. The mistake comes from the Libellus, p. 368.

^{page 4 note 1} The account of St. Guthlac which follows is derived from that of Felix (Felix's Life of St. Guthlac, ed. B. Colgrave (1956)), and there are some verbal parallels with it. Dr. Colgrave has made some interesting comments on this account of Guthlac in his introduction, pp. 20–1.

^{page 4 note 2} Felix does not mention the foundation of Peterborough by Æthelred.

^{page 5 note a} anhelans : hanelans, MS.

^{page 5 note b} infamia : infamania, MS.

^{page 5 note c} After decoxit, et, MS.

^{page 5 note d} Rypadun : Hypadun, MS.

^{page 5 note e} abbatissa : abbate, MS.

^{page 5 note f} Ælfthryth : Healfcriht, MS.

^{page 5 note g} solitas aliquantula : solitus aliquantulis, MS.

^{page 5 note h} mariscis : marris, MS.

^{page 6 note 1} Ps., lv. 10.

^{page 6 note 2} Ps., xv. 8.

^{page 7 note 1} See Griscom, p. 534.

^{page 7 note 2} The information which follows, about the succession of kings, comes from the Libellus, pp. 369, 375, and 368.

^{page 8 note 1} The passage which follows seems to be original, though the information about the succession of kings comes from the Libellus, p. 369.

^{page 9 note 1} Here the author is confusing Cenred of Mercia (704–9) with Cenred the father of Ine and Ingild.

^{page 9 note 2} What follows is based on Felix (Felix's Life of St. Guthlac, ed. Colgrave, pp. 148–50, 130–2, and 164–6).

^{page 9 note 3} These facts are from Bede (Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. C. Plummer, i. 356), but no eclipse of the sun is recorded in 716.

^{page 9 note 4} See above p. 3, note 2.

^{page 10 note 1} The remarks about Bede which follow seem to be original.

^{page 10 note 2} The sentence which follows is from the Libellus, p. 375.

^{page 10 note 3} These remarks about Ine and Æthelheard are from the Libellus, p. 371, but the object of Ine's donation to St. Peter's is not mentioned there.

^{page 10 note 4} This statement about Æthelbald's conquests is from the Libellus, p. 369 ; the rest of the account seems to be original.

^{page 11 note 1} From here to … confirmatus in archiepiscopatu, is almost word for word from the Libellus, pp. 375–6.

^{page 11 note 2} etate tenerum : Eatae, Libellus, p. 376.

^{page 11 note 3} This sentence is perhaps derived from the Annales Uticenses or some similar source. See Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. W. H. Stevenson (1904), pp. 103 and 127. Our author gives the regnal years wrongly.

^{page 11 note 4} The chronicler seems here to have taken too literally lines 2331–2 of the Chanson de Roland.

^{page 11 note 5} From here to p. 12 … rediens suscepit regnum, is almost word for word from the Libellus, P. 376.

^{page 12 note 1} For what follows about Offa and the invention of St. Alban, cf. Wendover (Luard.i. 356–61) and the Vitae Duorum Offarum (ed. W. Wats (1639), pp. 26 ff.).

^{page 12 note 2} For Offa's burial, see Luard, i. 363 and Vitae Duorum Offarum, ed. Wats, p. 32.

^{page 12 note 3} Most of what follows, to the end of the paragraph, is from the Libellus, pp. 369, 368, and 371.

^{page 12 note 4} The author seems to have written Australium in error for Occidentalium and to be confusing Cenwulf of Mercia (796–821) with Cynewulf of Wessex (757–86), owing to a misunderstanding of the Libellus, p. 371.

^{page 13 note 1} No life very similar to the Vita Kenelmi used here seems to have been printed, but there are a number of verbal parallels with that used by Richard of Cirencester in his Speculum Historiale, ed. J. E. B. Mayor, i (1863), pp. 308–14; cf. also Wendover's account of Kenelm, Luard, i. 372–3.

^{page 14 note 1} Baruch, ii. 17.

^{page 15 note 1} Ps., cviii. 20.

^{page 16 note 1} From here to … xxxii annis below, is word for word from the Libellus, pp. 376–7.

^{page 16 note 2} The account of St. Botulf which follows seems to be derived from a version of Folcard's life ; see that printed in Acta SS. Jun., iii. 398 fi., with which this has some verbal parallels. Our author has identified Folcard's Æthelmund, king of the South Angles, with Ealhmund, father of King Egbert of Wessex.

^{page 16 note 3} Matt., v. 7.

^{page 17 note 1} Ethelredus : this ought to be Æthelhere, king of East Anglia.

^{page 17 note 2} Matt., xxv. 21.

^{page 17 note 3} Most of this paragraph is from the Libettus, pp. 368, 369, 377, and 371–2.

^{page 18 note 1} I.e. Egbert of Wessex (802–39).

^{page 18 note 2} The extracts about St. Swithhun which follow are probably derived from the life attributed to Goscelin ; there are some verbal parallels. See Analecta Bollandiana, vii. 374–80.

^{page 18 note 3} Lam., iii. 27.

^{page 19 note 1} Matt., v. 15.

^{page 19 note 2} The manuscript has Athulf or Aithulf for Æthelwulf.

^{page 19 note 3} Cf. Matt., v. 15.

^{page 20 note 1} Cf. Rom., viii. 27.

^{page 21 note 1} Matt., xxv. 21.

^{page 21 note 2} Here the author seems to be making two persons out of one.

^{page 21 note 3} The account of the origin of the Danes which follows is taken from William of Jumièges, Marx, pp. 6–8. Wendover (Luard, i. 442) uses this same passage in order to explain the origin of the dukes of Normandy.

^{page 22 note 1} This statement shows that our author had read Jordanes : see Jordanis De Origine Actibusque Getarum, ed. A. Holder (1882), pp. 35–6.

^{page 22 note 2} The manuscript has Gitrus for Guthrum throughout.

^{page 22 note 3} Cf. Wendover, Luard, i. 391–3, with this account of the invasion of Inguar and Ubba and of the devastation they caused.

^{page 22 note 4} These remarks about Guthred are from the Libellus, p. 377 ; see also below p. 39.

^{page 23 note 1} The account of the Passio of King Edmund which follows seems to be derived from that of Abbo of Fleury, with which there are a number of verbal parallels. See Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey, i (1890), pp. 6–25.

^{page 23 note 2} Horace, I Od. i. 1 ; it has been taken from Abbo, Memorials of St. Edmund's, i. 7.

^{page 23 note 3} Matt., x. 16.

^{page 23 note 4} From here to p. 24 … omnia disponere, is not from Abbo. This Swein does not seem to be recorded by any other writer; the passage about Burgred and Ceolwulf is from the Libellus, pp. 369–70.

^{page 24 note a} tergo : t'ro, MS.

^{page 24 note b} sancita : sanctita or sanccita, MS.

^{page 24 note c} distilerunt : distilerunt, MS.

^{page 25 note 1} From here to … contrita est, below, is not from Abbo.

^{page 25 note 2} The heresy here referred to is that of Eutychius, patriarch of Constantinople. For Gregory's remarks on him, see Patrologia Latina, ed. J. P. Migne, lxxv, cols. 1077 ff.

^{page 26 note 1} These words are from Abbo, Memorials of St. Edmund's, i. 22.

^{page 26 note 2} Prov., xxiv. 11.

^{page 26 note 3} The genealogy of Alfred which follows seems to be from Symeon of Durham, Historia Regum, ed. T. Arnold, ii. 99.

^{page 27 note 1} For Ubba's death, see p. 39 below, and n. 3. There seems to be no other mention of Inguar's death.

^{page 27 note 2} Rom., vi. 19.

^{page 27 note 3} For St. Frideswide, see Parker, J., The Early History of Oxford (1885), pp. 86–106Google Scholar ; Stonton, F. M., ‘ St. Frideswide and her Times ’, Oxoniensia, i. 103 ff.Google Scholar ; and Acta SS. Oct., viii. 533–67Google Scholar. The account here is dissimilar to that of William of Malmesbury, Gesta Pontificum, ed. Hamilton, N.E.S.A. (1870), p. 291Google Scholar. See also below p. 38.

^{page 28 note 1} The following account of Rollo's attacks on England and of Alfred's treaty with him is partly based on William of Jumiéges, Marx, pp. 18–20, and is partly original. According to William, the English king concerned was Athelstan. Our author says below (pp. 40 and 45) that Rollo could not have lived until Athelstan's reign (he was actually mistaken about this: see p. 40, n. 5), and he therefore thought that the king concerned must have been Alfred. He does not take into account the possible identity of the Athelstan of the Norman historians with Athelstan-Guthrum.

^{page 28 note 2} For what follows, to p. 37, cf. Whitaker, J., The Life of St. Neot (1809), pp. 339 ff.Google Scholar, where he prints a Vita S. Neoti from Oxford Bodleian MS. 535, which is not, however, very similar to the life used here.

^{page 29 note 1} Cf. Lam., iii. 27.

^{page 30 note a} susceperunt, rewritten by John of Wallingford.

^{page 30 note b} loca : laca, MS.

^{page 30 note c} congregauit : coggregauit, MS.

^{page 30 note d} Prenouerat : Gale prints from this word to … anglicis apicibus scripta, below.

^{page 30 note e} audacter : audactær, MS.

^{page 30 note f} Here is written in the inner margin, probably by John of Wallingford : [Habentur ?] Oxonie apud Sanctam Fredeswitham.

^{page 30 note g} sepe : this word has been altered, and is almost illegible.

^{page 31 note 1} I Cor., ii. 9.

^{page 32 note a} certum : certam, MS.

^{page 32 note b} prefixo expressit : rewritten by John of Wallingford.

^{page 32 note c} After Spiritu, sunt, expunged.

^{page 32 note d} anno : Gale prints from this word to p. 33, … sufficienter coqueretur custodiuit.

^{page 33 note 1} Juvenal, Sat. x. 52–3.

^{page 33 note 2} Wisd. of Sol., vi. 7.

^{page 33 note 3} Heb., xii 6

^{page 34 note 1} Isa., xl. 31.

^{page 34 note 2} From here to … in Angliam uenit is based on William of Jumièeges (Marx, p. 25), who says that Rollo went to England to help Athelstan against quidam rebelles. See above, p. 28 n. 1.

^{page 36 note 1} John, xiv. 12.

^{page 37 note 1} Cf. 2 Kings, xix. 28.

^{page 38 note 1} For this, see Griscom, p. 293.

^{page 38 note 2} See above, pp. 27–8.

^{page 38 note 3} The suppression of the Cantiani Juti by Egbert is recorded in the Libellus, p. 368, whence this statement (see also above, p. 18) ; but this is the only known mention of Aelbert the son of Aistulph.

^{page 39 note 1} I have not been able to identify this place unless it be Wistow in Huntingdonshire. No other source mentions it.

^{page 39 note 2} For Guthred, see the Libellus, p. 377 and above, p. 22.

^{page 39 note 3} The author has already mentioned Ubba's death, above, p. 27. He is supposed to have been killed in Devon in 878 (Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. C. Plummer, ii (1899), P 93).

^{page 39 note 4} I.e. Eadgifu ; she is called Orgiva again below, p. 41.

^{page 39 note 5} The manuscript frequently has Ealfstanfor Athelstan.

^{page 39 note 6} This curious statement is due to the confusion of Athelstan with Alfred in the Libellus, pp. 368–9. See also below, p. 41, where Guthrum is said to have been settled in East Anglia in Athelstan's time.

^{page 39 note 7} For this story, cf. A (Stubbs, p. 54) ; O (Stubbs, pp. 72–3) ; and E (Stubbs, p. 165).

^{page 40 note 1} The remarks which follow are original. Until the appearance of L.A.St.A. Toke's paper in 1907 (F. A. Gasquet and E. Bishop, The Bosworth Psalter, pp. 131–43) it was generally believed that the priest ‘ B ’ and Osbern, followed by Stubbs, were correct in stating that Dunstan was born in Athelstan's reign.

^{page 40 note 2} Griscom, p. 535.

^{page 40 note 3} Griscom, p. 536.

^{page 40 note 4} Ps., xi. 3 and 4.

^{page 40 note 5} Our author repeats this on p. 45 below. It refers to William of Jumièges's statement about Rollo's death, which he, however, misunderstands. William says that Rollo lived for five years after he had handed over his kingdom to his son William (Marx, p. 31), but his account of this ceremony follows soon after that of Rollo's baptism in 912 (Marx, p. 29). Our author evidently counted the five years from 912, and so thought that Rollo died in 917, some time before Athelstan came to the throne. Orderic Vitalis made the same mistake in copying from Dudo of St. Quentin (De Moribus et Actis Primorum Normanniae Ducum, ed. J. Lair (1865), p. 76). Rollo probably died in 931 (Lair, op. cit., pp. 76 and 174). Wendover notices the alliance of Rollo and Athelstan sub anno928 (Luard, i. 447) and records his death in 935 (Luard, i. 450).

^{page 41 note 1} The only other chronicler to mention by name the sister of Athelstan given in marriage to Sihtric is Wendover, who calls her Eadgytha (Luard, i. 446).

^{page 41 note 2} Horace, II Od. xvi. 27–8.

^{page 41 note 3} The story which follows is taken from one of the lives of Dunstan, perhaps that of ‘ B ’ ; cf. Stubbs, pp. 17–18.

^{page 42 note 1} I.e. presumably from παιδεία to ἐπιστήμην.

^{page 42 note 2} What follows is probably based on ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 13–14.

^{page 43 note 1} Cf. Heb., xii. 6.

^{page 43 note 2} Cf. Deut., xvii. 8.

^{page 43 note 3} For what follows, cf. ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 18–21.

^{page 44 note a} scintillanti : scintulanti, MS.

^{page 44 note b} persimiles : obscure in MS.

^{page 44 note c} erronee : herronee, MS.

^{page 44 note d} delicere : delinire, MS.

^{page 44 note e} modulata est : modulare, MS.

^{page 44 note f} familiariter : familialiter, MS.

^{page 45 note 1} I.e. Æthelhelm.

^{page 45 note 2} Prov., ix. 9.

^{page 45 note 3} The account which follows seems to be original ; only the expulsion of Guthfrith by Athelstan is mentioned in the Libellus, p. 377.

^{page 45 note 4} For the remarks which follow, see above, p. 40 n. 5. 6 The author is here confusing Guthfrith Sihtricson with King Guthred or Guthfrith. See the Historia de Sancto Cuthberto (Symeonis Monachi Opera Omnia, ed. Arnold, T., i (1882)Google Scholar ; pp. 213–14) where the latter is said to have routed a Scottish army with the help of the miraculous intervention of the saint.

^{page 46 note 1} This is evidently a reference to the revolt of Olaf Guthfrithson in 939–940 (Stenton, p. 352).

^{page 46 note 2} What follows seems to be based on ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 23–5.

^{page 47 note 1} From here to the end of the paragraph is based either on A (Stubbs, p. 56) or E (Stubbs, p. 183).

^{page 47 note 2} The account of northern affairs which follows is similar to that in the Libettus, pp. 377–8, but it is fuller and more accurate. The Libelluscalls Olaf Guthfrithson rex Normannorum (P 377).

^{page 47 note 3} The rest of this paragraph is based on ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 44–6.

^{page 48 note 1} From here to p. 49, …iuste persoluit, is from ‘ B ’, Stubbs, p. 29.

^{page 49 note 1} The account of the Northumbrian revolt which follows seems to have been taken from the same source as that used in the Libellus, p. 378.

^{page 49 note 2} For this account of Dunstan's refusal to be bishop of Crediton and of his subsequent vision, cf. Stubbs, pp. 29–31, 57, 95–7, etc. Our author follows ‘ B ’ and one at least of the other lives.

^{page 49 note 3} Her name was Eadgifu.

^{page 50 note 1} John, i. 1.

^{page 50 note 2} The information which follows seems to be original. Our author invariably writes Eadwin for Eadwig.

^{page 50 note 3} The account of the apparition which follows is from A, Stubbs, p. 59.

^{page 50 note 4} Ps., lxvii. 2.

^{page 50 note 5} This account of Eadred's illness and death is from ‘ B ’, Stubbs, p. 31.

^{page 51 note 1} The account of Eadwig's coronation which follows is from ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 32–3.

^{page 52 note 1} For what follows, to … in proscriptubelow, cf. O (Stubbs, p. 101), E (Stubbs, p. 192) and W (Stubbs, pp. 284–5).

^{page 52 note 2} The account of Dunstan's exile which follows is based on A, Stubbs, pp. 59–60.

^{page 52 note 3} Ps., lxxx. 6.

^{page 52 note 4} For what follows cf. ‘ B ’ (Stubbs, pp. 35–6) and O (Stubbs, pp. 102–3).

^{page 53 note 1} What follows is probably from ‘ B ’, but much altered and enlarged (cf. Stubbs, pp. 36 ff.).

^{page 53 note 2} The place of Dunstan's birth is not recorded in any of the printed lives.

^{page 53 note 3} From here to … Spiritus Dominiis from A, Stubbs, p. 60.

^{page 54 note 1} The fact that Ælfsige was a nominee of Eadwig's is nowhere stated in the printed lives but Stubbs comes to this conclusion in his introduction (p. xciii). This account of the succession of the archbishops of Canterbury is based on ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 37–8.

^{page 54 note 2} This passage about the Northumbrian earls and the cession of Lothian is apparently taken from the source used by the Libellus, p. 382. For the cession of Lothian, see also Wendover (Luard, i. 467–8), who probably used the same source.

^{page 54 note 3} This is an unusual name for the Firth of Forth, but cf. the Icelandic form Myrkvafjordr, which occurs in the Orkneyinga Saga. Our author is, of course, here confusing Deira and Bernicia.

^{page 55 note a} Louthion : Loithion, MS.

^{page 55 note b} Kineth : apparently sometimes spelt Kinech in the MS.

^{page 55 note c} rex : ræx, MS.

^{page 55 note d} honore : honori, MS.

^{page 55 note e} familiariter : familialiter, MS.

^{page 55 note f} precidendis : prescidendis, MS.

^{page 56 note 1} This is a very curious error ; her name was Ælfthryth.

^{page 56 note 2} The account of Edward's reign and murder which follows is in some ways peculiar to this author; cf. Acta SS. Mar., ii, 641ff.

^{page 57 note 1} This account of Ælfheah's appointment to the bishopric of Winchester is from A, Stubbs, pp. 61–2.

^{page 57 note 2} The rest of the account of Dunstan seems to have been taken for the most part from ‘ B ’, Stubbs, pp. 41 ff.

^{page 58 note 1} Sedulii Opera Omnia, ed. Huemer, J. (1885), p. 155Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 1} This is perhaps a reference to the stories about Gerbert which Wendover inserts sub anno 998 (Luard, i. 477–9).

^{page 59 note 2} I.e. ÆElfgifu.

^{page 59 note 3} Most of the information which follows is from William of Jumièges, Marx, p. 69.

^{page 59 note 4} The only other mention of Cholsey Abbey seems to be that in the Historia Ramesiensis (Scriptores … XV, ed. T. Gale (1691), p. 429) where it is stated that Æthelred made Germanus abbot of Cholsey, transferring him there from Ramsey. Germanus signs a charter as abbot of Cholsey (J. M. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, no. 698).

^{page 60 note 1} For a discussion of the treatment of the ‘ massacre of St. Brice ’ by the different chroniclers, see Freeman, i. 634–8. I cannot find the source of this account, which is remarkable especially in its mention of Saturday, the Danes' bath day, as being the day of the massacre, for in 1002 St. Brice's day fell on a Saturday.

^{page 60 note 2} The account which follows is based on William of Jumièges, Marx, pp. 79–81. Both our author and William are hopelessly muddled here, and seem to be confusing the joint expedition of Swein and Olaf in 994 (Stenton, pp. 372–3) ; the expedition of Swein in 1003 immediately after the massacre ; and his invasion in 1013, which culminated in the flight of Æthelred and his family to Normandy. William, however, does not mention Olaf in his account of this invasion.

^{page 60 note 1} This was in 994 : Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Plummer, C., i (1892), p. 129Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 1} The rest of this paragraph is based on William of Jumièges, Marx, p. 81 ; Swein died in 1014 (Stenton, p. 380).

^{page 61 note 2} This account of the invention of St. Ivo is similar to that in Oxford Bodleian MS. 285, partly printed in Acta SS. Jun.ii., 288 ff.

^{page 63 note 1} This account of Ælfheah is probably based on Osbern's life, Anglia Sacra, ed. Wharton, H., ii (1691), pp. 122–42Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 1} This paragraph is mostly taken from William of Jumièges, Marx, pp. 81–3 ; on Lagman and Olaf, see Freeman, 456 and n.

^{page 64 note 2} This sentence is not from William. Cnut's concubine, AElig;lfgifu, who bore him Harold, was daughter of jElfhelm, earl of Northumbria (Freeman, i. 713–14). The chronicler has already mentioned the other Ælfgifu, daughter of Æthelred and wife of Uhtred, above, p. 59.

^{page 65 note 3} The battle of Ashingdon was fought between Edmund and Cnut in 1016, after Æthelred's death (Stenton, p. 387). The form Auxedunecomes from William of Jumièges, Marx, p. 82.

^{page 65 note 1} The true date is 1016 (Stenton, p. 385).

^{page 65 note 2} I cannot find the source of this account of the reign of Edmund, and of his agreement with Cnut. Unlike the other English chroniclers, our author ignores the story of the single combat between the two kings. On this, see Freeman, i. 688–93.

^{page 65 note 3} This curious attack on Cnut seems to be original ; the other chroniclers praise his just rule; Freeman, i, 732–3.

^{page 65 note 4} What follows is mostly from William of Jumièges, Marx, pp. 109–11 ; 83 ; and 114.

^{page 65 note 5} Here the author is confusing Richard with his successor Robert.

^{page 66 note 1} I.e. Robertus.

^{page 66 note 2} The confusion between Robert and Richard continues, and so, although it was Robert and not Richard who died at Nicaea in Bithynia on his way back from the Holy Land in 1035 (Freeman, i. 473), the chronicler gives the date of Richard's death.

^{page 66 note 3} The only printed version of this miracle of St. Kenelm seems to be that in Ricardi de Cirencestria Speculum Historiale, ed. Mayor, J. E. B., i (1863), pp. 314–15Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 1} I have not found the source for this passage about St. Olaf, whom our author here confuses with Olaf Tryggvason.