1 Leclercq, Henri, Histoire des Conciles (trans. from Hefele, C. J., Conoiliengeschichte), 5 vols. in 10 (Paris, 1907–1913), I–IVGoogle Scholar. Hereafter referred to as Hefele-Leclercq.

2 Philip, Jaffe, ed., Regesta Pontifioum Romanorum ad annum 1193, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1885–1888), I, 1–245.Google Scholar Hereafter referred to as Reg.

3 Hefele-Leclercq, 1, 1, pp. 245, 533; II, 1, p. 38; II, 2, p. 986.

4 Ibid., I, 1, p. 538.

5 Ibid., I, 2, p. 998; II, 1, p. 462; II, 2, p. 1062; III, 1, pp. 160, 163-164, 181; Reg., I, No. 787; p. 174.

6 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 1, pp. 160, 163-164. A canon of 549 added that although the time had formerly been longer, the acarcity of priests In proportion to the number of converts made a relaxation of the rule necessary.

7 Hefele-Leclereq, III, 1, p. 181.

8 Ibid., p. 297.

9 Friedberg, Emil, ed., Corpus iuris canonici, 2 vols., (Leipzig, 1879–1881) I, D. XXXVIII, e. iii.Google Scholar

10 Hefele-Leclercq II, 1, p. 86; II, 2, p. 903; Reg., 1, No. 560, No. 636, No. 675.

11 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 1, p. 229.

12 Ibid., 160, 181, 271, 291.

13 Ibid., 312.

14 Ibid., I, 1, p. 237; II, 2, p. 791; Cor. iur. oun., D. LXI, c. i, iv, x; Reg., I, No. 339, No. 371, No. 410.

15 Roger, M., L'Enseignement des lettres olassiques d'Ausoneà Alcuin (Paris, 1905), 83Google Scholar; Mullinger, J. B., The Schools of Charles the Great (London, 1877), 26–27.Google Scholar

16 Ibid., 31; Roger, L'Enseignement, 158-159.

17 Hefele-Leclercq, II, 2, p. 1022.

18 Ibid., 1111.

19 The Council of Vaison was presided over by Caesarius of Aries, who had previously been a monk at Lerins, where a succession of noble Gallo.Roman abbots had created a tradition of careful observance of their rule and a higher standard of ministry than generally prevailed at that time. Pickman, E. M., The Mind of Latin Christendom (Oxford, 1937), 487–489Google Scholar; Mullinger, , Schools, 30.Google Scholar

20 Roger, , L'Enseignement, 151–152.Google Scholar

21 Roger, , L'Enseignement, 95Google Scholar, n. 4.

22 Ibid., 91–98; Leon, Maitre, Les écoles épiscopales et monastiques en occident avant les universités (Paris, 1924), 119Google Scholar. For opinions that lay education was more extensive until c. 650, see Henri, Pirenne, Mohammed and Charlemagne (trans. Bernard Miall, New York, 1939)Google Scholar and Thompson, James W., The Literacy of the Laity in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1939).Google Scholar

23 Roger, L'Enseignement, 434.

24 Gabriel, Monod, Études critiques sur les sources de l'histoire carolingienne (Paris, 1898), 44.Google Scholar

25 Popes Gregory II, Gregory III, Zachary, and Stephen II gave him encouragement and support during the thirty-five years of his remarkable ministry. HefeleLeclercq, III, 2, PP. 810, 899.

26 That Boniface was personally interested in education is clear from his composition of an ars grammatica and his letters containing many requests and thanks for books. Emerton, Ephraim, trans., The Letters of Saint Boniface (New York, 1940), 40, 56, 60, 64, 116, 132, 134, 189.Google Scholar

27 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 2, pp. 903–906. Boniface himself wrote Cuthbert of Canterbury about what was being done in Germany, evidently as a suggestion for English action, Emerton, , Letters, 136–141.Google Scholar

28 Hefele-Leelereq, III, 2, pp. 906–909.

29 By the same reasoning we conclude there were fair facilities for education in an Italy that could produce Paul the Deacon, Peter of Pisa, and Paulinus of Aquileia.

30 Hefele-Leelereq, IV, 1, pp. 18–25.

31 Hefele-Leclereq, IV, 1, p. 21.

32 Roger, , L'Enseignement, 430Google Scholar, n. 3.

33 Reg., I, No. 2351. These included an antiphonal and responsal, an artem grammaticam Aristotelis, books attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite, and some about geometry, orthography, and grammar omnes Graeco eloquio scriptores.

34 Reg., I, No. 2371.

35 B. Caroli Magni eodex diplomatus, in Migne, J. P., ed., Patrologiae, Cursus Completus, series Latina, 221 vols. (Paris, 1878–1890), XCVIII, 121–122.Google Scholar Charlemagne's newest biographer, Kleinclausz, A., Charlemagne (Paris, 1934), 83–86Google Scholar, allows little authority to the “deliberations” of the assemblies held by the king, maintaining that the recommendations and decisions were really made by the ruler; but he points out the action of the Frankfort Council (795), permitting him to relax Gregory's rule and use the bishops on missions outside their respective dioceses, as proof of the important part the prelates played in the reforms. Ibid., 76.

36 Migne, , P. L. XCVIII, 124.Google Scholar

37 Reg., I, No. 2473.

38 Mann, H. K., Lives of the Popes in the Middle Ages, 19 vols. (London, 1925-1932), I, 2, p. 475Google Scholar and n. 5.

39 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 2, p. 972.

40 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 2, p. 1032.

41 Ibid., IV, 1, p. 27. This restriction was part of the monastic reform of Benedict of Aniane. Cf. Gaskoin, C. J. B., Alcuin: His Life and his Work (Cambridge, 1904), 200.Google Scholar

42 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 2, p. 1143.

43 Ibid., IV, 1, p. 12.

44 Today when there is no question of suitable masters, salary bonuses and promotion still encourage hesitant students to work for higher degrees.

45 Hefele-Leclercq, IV, 1, p. 35; Gaskoin, , Alcuin, 200Google Scholar, n. 3.

46 Hefele-Leclercq, IV, 1, p. 35.

47 Ibid.

48 Ibid., 71.

49 Ibid., 77. It is possibly because of the war the next year that we hear no more about the establishment of “imperial” schools.

50 Maitre, , Les écoles épiscopales, 22.Google Scholar

51 Helele-Leclercq, III, 2, p. 972; IV, 1, pp. 12, 122.

52 Ibid., IV, 2, p. 65; Mullinger, , Schools, 136.Google Scholar

53 Hefele-Leclercq, III, 2, pp. 777–778.

54 Arithmetic in the early Middle Ages “was almost exclusively devoted to the work of computing Easter so that during this age the terms ‘computus’ and ‘arithmetic’ became synonymous.” A theoretical treatment of properties and relations of numbers was also attempted. Paul, Abelson, The Seven Liberal Arts (New York, 1906), 94.Google Scholar “It is certain that in England, … from the eighth century to the days of the Norman conquest, no one was ordained to the priesthood who could not compute the date of Easter and teach it after the manner of the writings of the Venerable Bede.” Ibid., 91.

55 Hefelo-Leclercq, III, 2, pp. 777–778, 1125, 1143; Cor. iur. can., I, D. XXXVIII, c. vi.

56 This included the Athanasian and the Apostles' creeds, the Lord's Prayer with a commentary, the sacraments, the office of the masses, a commendatio animae, the Penitential, the ecclesiastical calendar, the Gospels, and the lessons of the Comes. Monks must know the Benedictine Rule and the canons; the canons must be acquainted with Gregory's Pastoral Care, the Liber officiorum, and Gelasius' Pastoral Letter. Hefele-Leclercq, III, 2, p. 1122. See Maitland, S. R., The Dark Ages (London, 1889), 17–18Google Scholar, quoting Regino, Bishop of Prum (c. 900), for a similar list of prerequisites for ordination.

57 Hefele-Leclercq, IV, 1, p. 53. In a circular letter accompanying the collection of homilies made by Paul the Deacon, Charlemagne employed the expression, which had been in use with the qualifying “seven” since the time of Cassiodorus (480–575): “As we have tried unceasingly to improve our churches we have by incessant care restored the literary studies almost forgotten through the negligence of our predecessors and have encouraged the liberal arts.” Monod, , Etudes oritiques, 56.Google Scholar

58 Reg., I, 336.

59 Hefele-Leclercq, IV, 1, p. 208.

60 Maitre, , Les écoles épiscopales, 22.Google Scholar

61 Roger, , L'Enseignement, 95Google Scholar, n. 4; Monod, , Études critiques, 61–64.Google Scholar

62 To be sure, the authorities had the Church Fathers on their side in this matter. See Dudden, F. H., Gregory the Great, 2 vols. (London, 1905), I, 75Google Scholar, n. 2, for a collection of opinions adverse to dialectic.

63 Cor. iur. can., D. XXXVJ1, c. vi: “The heretics place all their persuasive force in dialectic, which is destructive rather than inspirational. The salvation of God's people does not rely on dialectic, and his realm lies in simple faith—not in contentious words.”

64 Migne, , P. L., CXIX, 1119.Google Scholar

65 Helen, Waddell, The Wandering Scholars (Boston, 1927), 57.Google Scholar

66 Concilia Labbei, VIII, 637Google Scholar, cited in Maitre, , Les écoles épiscopales, 21Google Scholar, n. 5.

67 Migne, , P. L., CXV 629.Google Scholar

68 Maitre, , Les écoles épiscopales, 22.Google Scholar

69 Hefele-Leclercq, IV, 1, p. 208.

70 Ibid., 618.

71 Ibid., III, 2, p. 1225.

72 Ibid., IV, 1, pp. 210–612.

73 Monod, , Études critiques, 65.Google Scholar

74 Louis, Duchesne, ed., Liber pontificalis, 2 vols. (Paris, 1886), I, 359, 396Google Scholar; II, 86.

75 Ibid., II, v. According to Abbé Duchesne, “the literary renaissance of the Frankish empire scarcely made itself felt at Rome, at least in the offices of pontifical administration.”

76 Ibid., I, 322, n. 3; II, 102, n. 18.

77 Cassiodorus, De institutiones divinarurn Litterarum, praefatio.

78 Among the studies which have portrayed the state of learning during the tenth century are: Clark, J. M., The Abbey of St. Gall as a Centre of Literature and Art (Cambridge, 1926)Google Scholar; Godefroid, Kurth.Notger de Liége et la civilisation au Xe siěcle (Paris, 1905)Google Scholar; Sister, Mary Pia Heinrich, The Canonesse and Education in the Early Middle Ages (Washington, 1924)Google Scholar; S. R. Maitland, The Dark Ages; Picavet, F., Gerbert un Pape Philosophe (Paris, 1897)Google Scholar; Reginald, Lane Poole, Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought and Learning (New York, 1920)Google Scholar; Leon Maitre, Lea Écoles épiscopales et monastiques du moyen age; Specht, F. A., Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des 13 Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1885)Google Scholar; Thompson, J. W., Education of the Laity in the Middle Ages (Berkeley, 1939)Google Scholar; Thompson, J. W., A History of Historical Writing (New York, 1942)Google Scholar; Helen Waddell, The Wandering Scholars.

79 Against the Gerbert legend and the suspicion sometime shown toward the literary ambitions of Bruno of Cologne and Abbo of Fleury, we may set the account of the monks of Lobbes, who asked for their former scholastic as abbot (995), saying: “For many years he has lived among us as a brother, rendering signal services and filling with the greatest zeal for many of us the role of an educator. You have, like us, the assurance that he knows how to teach well, and that he possesses the art of drawing from his treasures the old and the new.” Geata episcoporum Cameracensium, c. 106, quoted in Kurth Notger, 267–278.

80 Ibid., 281: Ordericus Vitalis (Historia ecclesiastica, VIII, 2) tells of Eudes of Bayeux sending his most capable clerks to Liège and other towns where philosophy flourished. See also Clark, , Abbey of St. Gall, 99.Google Scholar

81 David, Knowles, The Monastic Order in England (Cambridge, 1941), 91Google Scholar; Kurth, , Notger, 332–342.Google Scholar

82 In view of the low level of the papacy at that period, it would be too much to expect any program from it. According to a letter reproduced by Olleris in his Oeuvres de Gerbert, 237–238 (Quoted in Christian, Pfister, Étude sur de régne de Robert le Pieux, Paris, 1885)Google Scholar, John XV (985–996) answered the charges of the French bishops as to papal ignorance by the following words to the kings: “Because the vicars of Peter and his disciples have not wanted to take for a master either Plato or Virgil or Terence or the other floek of philosophers who, in their pride, have presumed to flit through the air like birds, plunge into the seas like the fish, and walk the earth like animals,—because they have not nourished themselves on such ditties, you say they are not worthy to be even the gatekeepers. Know, oh, kings, that they lie; for Peter did not know those things and yet he was made the gatekeeper of Heaven.… From the beginning of the world, God has chosen not orators and philosophers, but unlettered peoples and rnstics.” This letter was not included by Jaffe in the Regesta.

83 Leach, Arthur F., Educational Charters and Documents, 598–1909 (Cambridge, 1911), 35.Google Scholar

84 Knowles, , Monastic Order, 47, 485–489.Google Scholar

85 Ibid., 26–30, 149–150.

86 Hastings, Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages., 3 vols. (Oxford, 1895), I, 91–97Google Scholar; Knowles, , Monastic Order, 95Google Scholar; Thompson, , Literacy, 54–67.Google Scholar

87 Poole, , Illustrations, 80Google Scholar; knowles, , Monastic Order, 94, 97–98.Google Scholar

88 Reg., I, No. 4446, No. 4669.

89 Ibid., No. 4442.

90 Hefele-Leclercq, IV, 2, p. 1124.

91 Ibid., V, 1, p. 113. William I was present at this council.

92 Ibid., 309–310.

93 Ibid., 140.

94 The dignitaries found time solemnly to order laymen to “cut their hair short enough to show the tips of the ears and the eyes,” or to forbid abbesses and canonesses to wear coats of more sumptuous furs than lamb or cat, but left learning to less formal direction. Ibid., 477, 667.

95 Margaret, Deanealey, “Medieval Schools to c. 1300,” in The Cambridge Medieval History (New York, 1926), V, 77Google Scholar. On another occasion Hildebrand included the charge of “ignorance” in his condemnation of a simoniacal bishop (Hefele-Leclercq, V, 1, pp. 123–125).

96 Migne, , P. L., CLXXIX, 99–101.Google Scholar

97 Ibid., col. 685; Hefele-Leclercq, V, 1, p. 687.

98 Leach, , Educational Charters, 59, 61, 69, 75, 77, 83, 95.Google Scholar

99 Migne, , P. L., CLXXIX.Google Scholar It should be noted that the papal chancery, trying at this time to achieve uniform canonical meaning for its “protection,” followed a set form in its confirmation of privileges, with few variations in wording; this might partially explain the omission of schools. Possibly the confirmations of other local powers give a more favorable picture.

100 Hefele-Leclercq, V, 1, p. 687. The Council of Tours (1163) forbade one who had made his profession to leave to study those subjects (Ibid., V, 2, p. 972), while a synod at Paris (1212 or 1213) refused him leave to study anything (Ibid., 1314). The clericus vagans, regular or secular, had been a ceaseless problem for the Church since the Council of Nicaea and sometimes the prohibitions about studies are merely to forestall his current excuse for relaxing his vows. See Waddell, Wandering Scholars, Appendix E, for a collection of canons insisting that he stay at home.

101 Hefele-Laclercq, V, 1, p. 721.

102 Ibid., 542.

103 Reg., II, No. 9534.

104 Ibid., No. 9534.

105 Pool, , Illustrations, 164–166.Google Scholar

106 He summoned an abbot and a master “disputing over the magisterio of the schools of St. Regimius” (Reg., II, No. 9950), and confirmed to a Master Ada the direction of the schools of Meaux (Ibid., No. 10427). On at least one occasion Alexander III also upheld an abbey in its claim to a school. Migne, , P. L., CC, 967–968.Google Scholar

107 Ibid., cols. 299, 737–738, 1157–1158, 1178–1179, 1370–1372.

108 Ibid., cols. 746–747

109 Ibid., cols. 440–441, 840; Reg., II, No. 11329, No. 12096, No. 13779, No. 13780, No. 14157. For a full discussion of the purpose and effect of these orders, see Gaines Post, “Alexander III, the Licentia docendi, and the Rise of the Universities,” in Taylor, C. H., ed., Haskins Anniversary Essays in Medieval History (Boston, 1929), 253–257.Google Scholar

110 Migne, , P. L., CC, 741–742Google Scholar; Reg., II, No. 11925.

111 Migne, , P. L., CC, 998Google Scholar; Reg., II, No. 12397.

112 Hefele-Leclercq, V, 2, p. 1101; Cor. iur. can., II, Lib. V. T. v, c. i.

113 Although the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) lamented that the previous canon had not been observed in many cathedrals, the earlier provisions were reenacted with certain additions, and various provisional synods implemented them in several details. Ibid., 1341, 1502, 1504, 1532, 1558, 1573.

114 Coulton, G. G., Five Centurieg of Religion, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1929–1936), I, 324–334.Google Scholar Peter Damiani, with an almost morbid distrust of his own knowledge, was more nearly typical of the Hildebrandine circle than Desiderius, who in rebuilding Monte Cassino restored its library and encouraged his monks to study.

115 Ferdinand, Lot, Etudes sur le règne de Hugues Capet et la fin de Xe siècle (Paris, 1903), 36.Google Scholar