¹ How many Thanksgiving sermons and school exercises still multiply that error!

² Andrews, C. M., “Historic Doubts,” in Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, XXVIII (Boston, 1934), 280–94Google Scholar. Hereinafter cited as C. S. M. Publications.

³ Two Elizabethan Puritan Diaries (Chicago, 1933)Google Scholar; Tudor Puritanism (Chicago, 1939).Google Scholar

⁴ Puritanism ana Liberty (London, 1938).Google Scholar

⁵ Tracts on Liberty in the Puritan Revolution 1638–1647 (in Records of Civilization, XVIII, 3 vols., New York, 1934)Google Scholar; The Rise of Puritanism (New York, 1938).Google Scholar

⁶ Orthodoxy in Massachusetts 1630–1650 (Cambridge, Mass., 1933)Google Scholar; Miller, Perry and Johnson, Thomas H., The Puritans (New York, 1938)Google Scholar; Miller, Perry, The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century (New York, 1939).Google Scholar

⁷ Builders of the Bay Colony (Boston, 1930)Google Scholar; The Founding of Harvard College (Cambridge, Mass., 1935)Google Scholar; Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century (2 parts, Cambridge, Mass., 1936)Google Scholar; The Puritan Pronaos: Studies in the Intellectual Life of New England in the Seventeenth Century (New York, 1936).Google Scholar

⁸ Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts [continuation of the work of John Langdon Sibley under this title, 3 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1873–85], IV (Cambridge, 1933)Google Scholar, V (Boston, 1937); and several articles, especially: “Secondary Education in the Puritan Colonies,” in The New England Quarterly, VII (12, 1934), 646–61Google Scholar; “A Plea for Puritanism,” in The American Historical Review, XL (04, 1935) 460–67Google Scholar; and “The New England Clergy of the ‘Glacial Age.’” in C. S. M. Publications, XXXII (Boston, 1938), 24–54.Google Scholar

⁹ London, 1934.

¹⁰ See especially, Miller, Perry, “Thomas Hooker and the Democracy of Early Connecticut,” in The New England Quarterly, IV (1931), 663–712CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “The Half-Way Covenant,” ibid., VI (1933), 676–715; “The Puritan Theory of the Sacraments in Seventeenth Century New England,” in The Catholic Historical Review, XXII (1937), 409–25Google Scholar; “The Marrow of Puritan Divinity,” in C. S. M. Publications, XXXII (Boston, 1938), 247–300Google Scholar. Hornberger, Theodore, “The Date, The Source, and The Significance of Cotton Mather's Interest in Science,” in American Literature, VI (1935), 413–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “Samuel Lee (1625–1691), A Clerical Channel for the Flow of New Ideas to Seventeenth Century New England,” in Osiris, I (1936), 341–55Google Scholar; “Puritanism and Science,” in The New England Quarterly, X (1937), 503–15Google Scholar. This list is by no means exhaustive; it is merely suggestive of some of the articles most pertinent to the new understanding of Puritanism.

¹¹ Woodhouse, , Puritanism ana Liberty, Introduction, 36.Google Scholar

¹² See, for example, Ames, William, The Marrow of Sacred Divinity (London, 1642), 169–70Google Scholar; Davenport, John's “Profession of Faith,” in Calder, Isabel MacBeath (ed.), Letters of John Davenport, Puritan Divine (New Haven, 1937), 68Google Scholar. Such sources can be multiplied many times.

¹³ Neal, Daniel, The History of the Puritans (Choules ed., 2 vols., New York, 1871), I, 269–70.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Woodhouse, , Puritanism and Liberty, Intro., 45–46Google Scholar. The degree of receptivity varied, of course, from Puritan to* Puritan and from time to time. Accordingly, it might in. the future be convenient to group New Englanders in a manner similar to Professor Woodhouse (ibid., Intro., 14ff.) as Rightists, Right Center, Center, Left Center, and Leftists. I believe each generation would display minds of each category and it seems pretty clear that, taking 1630 as a base, the New England mind progressed towards the left as time passed. The categories offer another advantage. They make possible a more integral unity, on a sliding scale, among leaders of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. For example, John Wilson and John Davenport were probably Rightists; Hooker and Cotton, Right Center; Shepard and R. Mather, Center; Hugh Peter and Sir Henry Vane, Jr., Left Center; and Roger Williams and Anne Hutchinson, Leftists. I consider these characterizations as purely tentative.

¹⁵ Miller, , “The Marrow,” in C. S. M. Publications, XXXII, 300Google Scholar; Morison, , Puritan Pronaos, 156.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Especially discussed in “The Marrow,” in C. S. M. Publications, XXXII, 247–300Google Scholar; The New England Mind, 365–97 and Appendix B.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Beveridge, Henry (translator), Institutes of the Christian Religion (Works of John Calvin, 52 vols., Edinburgh, 1843–1855), LI, Book iii, Chapters 1–3.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Institutes, LI, Book iii, 534.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Quoted in Miller, , “The Marrow,” C. S. M. Publications, XXXII, 261.Google Scholar

²⁰ Quoted in ibid., 264.

²¹ “That which is said to be right reason, if absolute rectitude be looked after, is not elsewhere to be sought for then where it is, that is, in the Scriptures: neither doth it differ from the will of God revealed for the direction of our life.” Ames, , The Marrow of Sacred Divinity, 226.Google Scholar

²² Quoted in Miller, , “The Marrow,” in C. S. M. Publications. XXXII, 285.Google Scholar

²³ Ibid., 285–86.

²⁴ Ibid., 283–84.

²⁵ See the excellent example quoted by Professor Morison from Sewall, Samuel's Diary (1691)Google Scholar: “‘I pray'd this noon that God would give me a pardon of my Sins under the Broad Seal of Heaven.’ I have done my part, at least, ‘I hope I doe thirst after Christ’; now, God do yours!” Puritan Pronaos, 156.Google Scholar

²⁶ Eliot, John, A Late and Further Manifestation, of the Progress of the Gospel Amongst the Indians in New England … (London, 1655)Google Scholar, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d Ser., IV, 278Google Scholar. For an earlier, similar example, see Eliot, , The Day-Breaking (London, 1647)Google Scholar, in ibid., 10.

²⁷ Institutes, L, Book i, ch. xiv, 221.Google Scholar

²⁸ Miller, , The New England Mind, 183.Google Scholar

²⁹ Institutes, L, Book ii, ch. v. 394.Google Scholar

³⁰ Institutes, L, Book ii, ch. ii, 314–19Google Scholar; cf. Miller, , The New England Mind, 183.Google Scholar

³¹ Quoted in Miller, , The New England Mind, 205.Google Scholar

³² Old South Leaflets, No. 55 (Boston, Mass.), 14.

³³ Ames, , Marrow of Sacred Divinity, 226.Google Scholar

³⁴ Miller, , The New England Mind, 187.Google Scholar

³⁵ See Knappen, , Tudor Puritanism, 475Google Scholar; Morison, , The Founding of Harvard College, passim; Sanara College in the Seventeenth Century, especially Part II, Appendix BGoogle Scholar; Miller, , The New England Mind, 156Google Scholar and passim.

³⁶ Quoted in Miller, , The New England Mind, 160.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid., 72.

³⁸ Ames, , Marrow of Sacred Divinity, 177.Google Scholar

³⁹ William Preston had stated it: “Faith addeth to the eye of reason, and raiseth it higher; … As one that hath dimme eyes, he can see better with the help of Spectacles: even so doth the eye of reason, by a supernaturall faith infused. So that all things which we beleeve, have a credibilitie and entitle in them, and they are the objects of the understanding; but we cannot find them out, without some supernaturall help.” Cf. Miller, , The New England Mind, 201.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ As Professor Woodhouse has said of the Puritans, “… no one was ever more insistent on hearing a reason for the faith that was in you.” Puritanism and Liberty, Intro., 41.

⁴¹ Both Willard and Davenport are quoted from Miller, The New England Mind, 185.Google Scholar

⁴² The Marrow of Sacred Divinity, 2.Google Scholar

⁴³ Quoted from Preston, William in Miller, , The New England Mind, 186.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, Part I, 200Google Scholar, passim; Part II, passim; Puritan Pronaos, 45–53.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See, for example, William Ames' statement that, since the Scriptures were written in Hebrew and Greek, “some knowledge at least of these tongues [is] necessary to the exact understanding of the Scriptures: …” Marrow of Sacred Divinity, 171.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ “They were, in fact, reacting against the spirit of the Renaissance rather than continuing it.” Cf. Perrin, Porter G., “Possible Sources of Technologia at Early Harvard,” in The New England Quarterly, VII (12, 1934), 718–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ Quoted in Miller, , The New England Mind, 198.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Cotton, John, A Brief Exposition upon Ecclesiasites (London, 1654), 22Google Scholar; see also Hornberger, Theodore, “Puritanism and Science: The Relationship Revealed in the Writings of John Cotton,” The New England Quarterly, X (09, 1937), 503–15Google Scholar. William Ames had made much the same point. Cf. Miller, , The New England Mind, 162.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ The entire Compendium is published in C. S. M. Publications, XXXIII, (Boston, 1940)Google Scholar. The quotation is from page 4.

⁵⁰ Morison, , Puritan Pronaos, 239.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Davenport, to Winthrop, John Jr., New Haven, 03 1, 1658/1659Google Scholar, in Calder, (ed.), Letters of John Davenport, 134.Google Scholar

⁵² Shepard, to Winthrop, John Jr., Charlestown, 03 8, 1668/1689Google Scholar, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d. Ser., 70.

⁵³ Shipton, C. K., “The New England Clergy of the ‘Glacial Age.’” in C. S. M. Publications, XXXII, 24–54.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Morison, , Puritan Pronaos, 248.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Quoted in Miller, , The New England Mind, 107.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Some useful materials in these directions are in Foster, Herbert D., “International Calvinism, through Locke and the Revolution of 1688,” in The American Historical Review, XXXII (04, 1927), 475–99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar