1. I wish to thank the Bureau of General Research of Kansas State University and the American Philosophical Society (the Penrose Fund) for grants which made possible the research for this study. Also, I have been assisted in preparing this essay for publication by the generous criticisms and comments of several friends, especially those of Robert M. Kingdon of the University of Wisconsin and James M. Kittelson of the Ohio State University.

2. For some of the most recent important discussions of this problem, see Niebuhr, Reinhold, The Nature and Destiny of Man in Historical Thought (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), pp. 46–58Google Scholar; Battenhouse, Roy W., “The Doctrine of Man in Calvin and in Renaissance Platonism,” Journal of the History of Ideas 9 (1948): 447–471CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Trinkaus, Charles, “The Problem of the Free Will in the Renaissance and the Reformation,” Journal of the History of Ideas 10 (1949): 51–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haydn, Hiram, The Counter-Renaissance (New York, 1950)Google Scholar; Trinkaus, Charles, “Renaissance Problems in Calvin's Theology,” Studies in the Renaissance 1 (1954): 59–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Huizinga, Johan, Erasmus and the Age of Reformation (New York, 1957Google Scholar; first pub. in Dutch in 1924); Holl, Karl, The Cultural Significance of the Reformation (New York, 1959; written in 1911, rev, after World War I and first pub. in German in 1948)Google Scholar; Biéler, André, L'humanisme social de Calvin (Geneva, 1961)Google Scholar; Pauck, Wilhelm, The Heritage of the Reformation, rev. ed. (New York, 1961), pp. 3–17Google Scholar; van Gelder, H.A.E., The Two Reformations of the 16th Century (The Hague, 1961)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dickens, A. G., Reformation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Europe (New York, 1966), pp. 29–34Google Scholar; Dufour, Alain, Histoire politique et psychologie historique (Geneva, 1966)Google Scholar; Breen, Quirinus, “Humanism and the Reformation,” in Brauer, Jerald C., ed., The Impact of the Church Upon Its Culture (Chicago, 1968), pp. 145–171Google Scholar; Bainton, Roland H., Erasmus of Christendom (New York, 1969)Google Scholar; Spitz, Lewis W., “Humanism in the Reformation,” in Molho, Anthony and Tedeschi, John A., eds., Renaissance Studies in Honor of Hans Baron (DeKalb, III., 1971), pp. 641–662Google Scholar; and Heller, Homy, “The Evangelicalism of Lefèvre d'Etaples: 1525,” Studies in the Renaissance 19 (1972): 42–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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12. Ibid., pp. 18–22; Gardy, Frédéric, Bibliographie des oeuvres théologiques, littéraires, historiques et juridiques de Theodore de Bèze (Geneva, 1960), pp. 1–14Google Scholar; and Beza, Theodore, Theodori Bezae Vezelii poemata (Lutetiae, 1548)Google Scholar.

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14. This means that Viret was in the city while Calvin was still there and they probably met each other at this time. Calvin left Paris for Orléans in the Spring of 1528. See McNcill, John T., The History and Character of Calvinism, rev. ed. (New York, 1967), pp. 101–102Google Scholar.

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27. McNeill, , History and Character of Calvinsism, pp. 107–118;Google ScholarGeisendorf, , Théodore de Bèze, pp. 28–31;Google Scholar and Linder, , Pierre Viret, pp. 19–20.Google Scholar All three of the men speak of a rather extensive change which took place in their life-styles following conversion and all three indicate that they looked upon their conversion experience as a serious and profound turning point in their lives. Of the three, Beza seems to have hestitated the longest before his decision to “forsake all to follow Christ” but, as is often the case, once he crossed over the line he became a wholehearted and dedicated believer. This may help explain why he tended to react more negatively to his humanist past than did either Calvin or Viret. See Meylan, Henri “La conversion de Bèze on les longnes hésitations d'un humaniste chrétien,” Genava 7 (1959): 103–125.Google Scholar

28. The critical apparatus in the most recent scholarly edition of Calvin's Institutes in English will enable any interested person to check these facts. Calvin, John, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. McNeill, John T., 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1960).Google Scholar Also see Pannier, Jacques, Calvin écrivain (Paris, 1930);Google ScholarPannier, Jacques, Recherches sur la formation intellectuelle de Calvin (Paris, 1931);Google ScholarBoisset, Jean, Sagesse et sainteté dans la pensée de Calvin: Essai sur l'numanisme du Reformateur françois (Paris, 1959);Google ScholarBohatec, , Budè und Calvin, pp. 241–253;Google ScholarHarbison, , Christian Scholar, pp. 145–146;Google ScholarHuizinga, , Erasmus, pp. 170–173;Google ScholarWendel, , Calvin, pp. 34–37;Google ScholarBreen, , John Calvin, pp. 67–85, 146–164;Google ScholarBattenhouse, , “The Doctrine of Man in Calvin and in Rennaissance Platonism,” pp. 447–471;Google Scholar and Fuhrmann, Paul T., “Philosophical Elements in the Early Reformed and Tradition,” Columbia Theological Seminary Quarterly 57 (1964): 46–61.Google Scholar

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30. Geisendorf, , Théodore de Bèze, pp. 18–24;Google ScholarGardy, , Bibliographie, p. 5;Google Scholar Theodore Beza to Melchior Wolmar, March 12, 1560, Geneva, in Beza, , Correspondance, 3:43–49;Google Scholar and Theodore Beza to Guillaume Grataroli, August 11, 1563, Geneva, in Beza, , Correspondance, 4:182.Google Scholar

31. For numerous examples, see Viret, Disputations chrestiennes, passim; Viret, , Instruction chrestienne 1, passim, 2:817 ff.Google Scholar; Viret, . Dialogues due desordre, pp. 131–134, 221 ff.Google Scholar et passim; Viret, PierreMetamorphose chrestienne de M. Pierre Viret distinguce ein deux parties Geneva 1561,Google Scholar passim; and Viret, Pierre, Exposition familiere de l'oraison de nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ (Geneva, 1548), pp. 15 ff.Google Scholar

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33. Breen, , John Calvin, pp. 119–124.Google Scholar A common sixteenth-century humanist rendering of institutio was “instruction.”

34. Borgeaud, Charles, Histoire de l'Université de Genéve, 3 vols. (Geneva, 1900–1934),Google Scholar vol. 1, L'Académie de Calvin, 1559–1798, pp. 1–49; Geisendorf, , Théodore de Bèze, pp. 34–38, 45, 107–109;Google Scholar and Vuilleumier, Henri, Historie de l'Eglise Réformée du Pays de Vaudsous la Régime Bernois, 4 vols. (Lausanne, 1927–1928), :400–405.Google Scholar

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37. Ibid., pp. 40–42.

38. Calvin, , Institutes, 1:273–275.Google Scholar

39. Viret, , Instruction chrestienne, 1: 147.Google Scholar Also see Beza, , Tractationes Theologicae, 1:170 ff.Google Scholar

40. Breen, , John Calvin, pp. 165–179;Google Scholar and Kuiper, Herman, Calvin on Common Grace (Grand Rapids, 1930).Google Scholar The extremely difficult question of what this so-called doctrine means in relation to Calvin's view of the sinful nature of man and his sin-damaged heritage has been warmly debated by theologians. For two useful discussions of the problem, see Dowey, Edward A. Jr, The Knowledge of God in Calvin's Theology (New York, 1952),Google Scholar chapter 3 and appendix 3; and Niesel, Wilhelm, The Theology of Calvin, trans. Knight, Harold (Philadelphia, 1956), pp. 39–53.Google Scholar

41. Social reform might be included in this list but there is no consensus among historians that this actually was an integral part of Renaissance humanism's view of man. Nevertheless, several recent studies have indicated that Calvin had a lively interest in the problems of social welfare even though authorities differ on the questions of to what extent he was the instigator of such reforms and what it was that motivated him to participate in them. For example, Biéler, André, La pensée économique et sociale de Calvin (Geneva, 1961);Google ScholarGraham, W. Fred, The Constructive Revolutionary: John Calvin and His Socio-Economic Impact (Richmond, Va., 1971);Google Scholar and Kingdon, Robert M., “Social Welfare in Calvin's Geneva,” American Historical Review 86 (1971): 50–69.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42. A careful study of the three reformers' major works will reveal the heavy emphasis which each placed on Christian piety. See Calvin, Institutes; Beza, Tractationes Theologicae; and Viret, Instruction chrestienne. Viret once commented that a Christian's devotion and reverence belonged to God, his native land and his parents, in that order. Viret, , Le monde a l'empire, pp. 172–173Google Scholar. For further information on this subject, see Hunter, A. Mitchel, The Teaching of Calvin, rev. ed. (Glasgow, 1950), pp. 296–297;Google Scholar and Wendel, , Calvin, pp. 242–255.Google Scholar

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49. Viret, , Dialogues du desordre, pp. 943–963, 991–992.Google Scholar The only major difference between Viret and Erasmus was Viret's emphasis on the education of the masses in contrast to Erasmus' more restrictive view of quality education for an intellectual elite. Compare, Bainton, Erasmus of Christendom, pp. 5, 43–45, 235.Google Scholar

50. Douen, Orentin, Clément Marot et le Psautier huguenot, 2 vols. (Paris, 1878);Google ScholarScreech, M. A., Marot évangélique (Geneva, 1967);Google Scholar and Geisendorf, , Théodore de Bèze, pp. 20–21, 41–63, 393.Google Scholar

51. For some specific examples in Calvin's Institutes, see 1:58–59, 180–181, 271–272, 719–721. For some illustrative references in Viret's writings, see his Instruction chrestienne, 2:161–162 and his Dialogues du desordre, pp. 300–302. Also see Wencelius, Léon, L'Esthétique de Calvin (Paris, 1937), pp. 112–134;Google Scholar and Wallace, Ronald S., Calvin's Doctrine of the Christian Life (Edinburgh, 1959), pp. 141–147.Google Scholar

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54. For a detailed study of Viret's ideas concerning toleration, see Linder, , Pierre Viret, pp. 143–176.Google Scholar

55. This does not mean that there is no need for more work on Calvin himself. There is still a number of dark corners of the reformer's thought which need exposition and there seems always to be room for “one more” book or article on John Calvin. Moreover, Calvin, Beza and Viret all lack a definitive twentieth-century biography in English.

56. Breen, , John Calvin, p. ix;Google Scholar and Harkness, Georgia, John Calvin; The Man and His Ethics (Nashville, Tenn., 1931), p. 164.Google Scholar

57. Italics mine.

58. For support of this general view, see Kristeller, Paul O., “Humanism and Scholarship in the Italian Renaissance,” in Studies in Renaissance Thought and Letters (Rome, 1956), p. 561.Google Scholar

59. Battenhouse, , “The Doctrine of Man in Calvin and in Renaissance Platonism,” pp. 469–471.Google Scholar

60. Suggested by Biéler, , Social Humanism of Calvin, pp. 10–12.Google Scholar

61. For further insight into this development, see Armstrong, Brian G., Calvinism and the Amyraut Heresy: Protestant Scholasticism and Humanism in Seventeenth-Century France (Madison, Wis., 1969).Google Scholar