¹ See, for example Dobson, J. F., The Greek Orators (Freeport, NY, 1969, 2nd ed), p.67;Jebb, R.C., The Attic Orators from Antiphon to Isaeus (New York, 1962), 1.106, where Jebb feels that this anecdote diverges from Andocides′ argument, and 127 where Jebb states that sections 97ff. are ‘a confused appendix’. For Callias Ill's ancestry:Davies, J. K., Athenian Propertied Families 600–300 B.C., (Oxford, 1971, henceforth APF), pp.254ff.Google Scholar

² The fullest discussion of these events and of Andocides 1 is still MacDowell, D. M., Andokides on the Mysteries (Oxford, 1990), and esp. pp.1–18.Google Scholar

³ Missiou, A., The Subversive Oratory of Andokides (Cambridge, 1992), p.53 argues that superstition forms the basis of Andocides′ argumentGoogle Scholar

⁴ For Callias′marriages:APF pp. 263–8. For the vagueness of the term συνοικ⋯ω see Just, R., Women in Athenian Law and Life (London and New York, 1989) pp.43–44.Google Scholar

⁵ Strauss, B., Fathers and Sons in Athens (Princeton, 1993), pp.196–197 argues that Andocides hopes to demonstrate how Callias was a bad son and, therefore, a bad citizen to his fatherland.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Lambert, S. D., The Phratries of Attica (Ann Arbor, 1993), pp.68–71 argues that Callias′ first oath was sworn before his phratry and the second, before his genos. See also MacDowell, , Andokides, p. 153.Google Scholar

⁷ For the interpretation that the τρ⋯πεζα meant ‘a bank’:Dalmeyda, G., Andocide Discours (Paris, 1930), p.57;MacDowell, , Andokides p. 155;Bogaert, R., Banques et banquiers dans les cites grecques (Leiden.1968), p.62Google Scholar

⁸ For example, Dem. 19.198; overturning a boat: Aeschin. 3.158; a couch: Athen. 13.584f

⁹ Davies, APF, pp. 254ff.

¹⁰ For which see MacDowell, Andokides, pp. 14–15.

¹¹ Dow, S.and Gill, D., ‘The Greek Cult Table’, AJA 69 (1965), 103–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar and esp. 109;Gill D., ‘Trapezomata: A Neglected Aspect of Greek Sacrifice’, HThR 67 (1974), 118ff. gives archaeological and inscriptional evidence for the use of cult tables; see also his Greek Cult Tables (New York and London, 1991, henceforth GCT).

¹² Gill, GCT, pp. 23ff.

¹³ For the shares of food to priests: Gill, ‘Trapezomata’, 127–33; Gill, GCT, pp. 15ff.;for the wealth of this branch of the Ceryces: Davies, APF, p. 260.

¹⁴ Gill, ‘Trapezomata’, 122; id., GCT, p. 10.

¹⁵ For example Hdt. 1.162; X. An. 7.3.22; Gill, ‘Trapezomata’, 121;id., GCT, p. 10.

¹⁶ Eitrem, S., ‘Miscellanea’, CR 35 (1921), 20–21. Eitrem conjectures that this rite mimics the myth of Zeus′ overturning the inhospitable table of the Arcadian Lycaon and then setting Lycaon's house on fire.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Farnell, L., The Cult of the Greek States (Oxford, 1896–1909), iii.163;Google ScholarFoucart, P., Les Mysteres d′ Eleusis (Paris, 1914), pp.157–158;Google ScholarMylonas, G., Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (Princeton, 1961), 234.Google Scholar The sacred calendar of Eleusis stated that the Eumolpid hierophant and the priestesses were sent as delegates to the Pyanopsia, the festival of Pythian Apollo, which took place in Athens:Clinton, K., The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries (TAPhS 64.3, 1974), p.22.Google Scholar In the late fifth century Eleusinian Demeter and Kore were associated with Apollo's son, the healing god Asclepius:Parke, H. W., Festivals of the Athenians (Ithaca, NY, 1977), pp.63–64.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Brumfield, A. C., The Attic Festivals of Demeter and Their Relation to the Agricultural Year (New York, 1981), p.67 n. 29 gives the inscription a sixth-century date, but see Lewis in IG I³ 78 and SEG 40.12 for later dates.Google Scholar