Introduction
One of the recent trends in Korean English Language Teaching (ELT) is that Korean parents are sending their children to countries in which English is a second language (ESL). Among these countries, the Philippines is the most preferred country due to its low tuition costs, low cost of living, and a population of well-educated ESL teachers. Every year, approximately 30,000 Korean students study in universities, elementary and secondary schools, and language academies in the Philippines. 10% of this student population consists of student visa holders and 90% are Special Study Permit (SSP) holders. SSPs are issued to international students studying non-degree special courses for a period not exceeding one year, and 90% of Korean students are presumed to enroll on short-term intensive English programs. The exodus of Koreans to the Philippines to learn English is being led by private language academies, which are founded and run by Koreans, solely targeting Korean students. In 2011, the number of such private language academies was estimated to be 280 (Kim, Reference Kim2011). Furthermore, it was reported that Korean students were spending over 425 million US dollars annually in the Philippines (KEDI, 2012).
Koreans consider the Philippines to be a country that bridges Korea and the Inner Circle. Filipino English traditionally follows American English conventions and rules, although there are phonological and grammatical differences between the two (Bautista, Reference Bautista2001; Dayag, Reference Dayag, Low and Hashim2012; Tayao, Reference Tayao and Mesthrie2004). Korean students usually participate in language training in the Philippines prior to beginning their tertiary education in the Inner Circle.
When it comes to Filipino ESL teachers, English is not a first, but a second language for them which they learn after they enter school. Considering that the native/non-native speaker label remains valid in the ELT profession (Braine, Reference Braine2010; Holliday, Reference Holliday and Sharifian2009) and native speakers are preferred by students, parents, and school administrators (Amin, Reference Amin2000; Mawhinney & Xu, Reference Mawhinney and Xu1997; Strother, Reference Strother2015), it is understandable that the status of the Philippines as an English-speaking country and of Filipino ESL teachers as English language teachers is unstable.
Teacher identity is an emerging research topic in the field of TESOL, as it is considered key to understanding teachers and teaching as a profession. Central research that focuses on language teacher identity is concerned with investigating the position and self-image of non-native teachers (Bukor, Reference Bukor2011). By far, research on language teacher identity has focused primarily on ESL teachers teaching in the Inner Circle. One area that remains under-explored is one of ESL teachers teaching EFL students in the Outer Circle. This study fills the gap by investigating identity of Filipino ESL teachers teaching EFL Korean students in the Philippines (the Outer Circle). I focus on Filipino ESL teachers’ identity formation in relation to their status as non-native teachers.
Methodology
Participants
In order to explore Filipino ESL teachers’ identity formation in relation to their status as non-native teachers I interviewed twelve Filipino ESL teachers who exclusively teach Korean students. They were from two different language academies in Manila, six teachers from each academy. Their ages ranged from the early 20s to mid-30s, with an average age of 26.5. Their native tongue is Tagalog, and they first began to learn English at the age of five or six, the time when they entered kindergarten. No participants held Bachelor's degrees in TESOL or any related field, nor had they received a TESOL certificate or master's degree in TESOL (hereafter, MATESOL). In the academy, they were required to teach students at all different levels, from beginner to advanced levels, from kindergarteners to adults. Pseudonyms are used in order to protect their identities.
Data collection and analysis
A total of twelve interviews, one individual interview with each participant, were conducted from mid-May to early July 2013. I recorded all interviews, each of which took about 90 minutes. The first ten minutes were used to obtain the participants’ demographic information. This phase was followed by a semi-structured interview. The participants were asked to read a list of guide questionsFootnote 1 that I had sent to them via email prior to the interviews. The questions were designed at eliciting their experiences as English teachers. I informed the participants of the reason for the questions in the interviews. I shared my experience as a non-native teacher with the participants in order to build rapport, which helped me obtain rich data.
I consulted a colleague over the data analysisFootnote 2. Data were analyzed using Stake's (Reference Stake1995) four-phase analysis: (1) description, (2) categorical aggregation, (3) establishing patterns, and (4) naturalistic generalizations. The objective of Phase 1 (description) is to derive a general description of the case. In this phase, we reviewed the data in its entirety and made out a general description of the participants’ teacher identities. Phase 2 (categorical aggregations) aims to compile specific examples and categorize them. In this phase, we collected instances meaningfully related to the case by highlighting and writing margin notes, and made a list of the instances. Then, we categorized these instances ‘until something [could] be said about them as a class’ (Stake, Reference Stake1995: 74). Phase 3 (establishing patterns) is the stage of establishing patterns or themes through further analysis of categories. In this phase, we recoded the data into more common categories to identify recurrent themes, using the categories made in Phase 2 as a template. Phase 4 (naturalistic generalizations) consists of interpretation and generalization. In this stage, we first elaborated on the recurrent themes, and then we interpreted them and made generalized claims based on the interpretation. We also selected quotations which we believed were the most suitable to illustrate each theme.
Findings
Three major themes regarding the participants’ identity as English teachers have emerged from the analysis of the interview data: (1) negative identity, (2) positive identity, and (3) negotiated identity. Each major theme includes two to three sub-themes. Specifically, teachers’ negative identity is based on their non-nativeness, their lack of target culture knowledge, and lack of TESOL training while their neutral accent and advantages as non-native teachers helped them form their positive identity. Their negotiated identity, between negative and positive identities, was represented as the acceptance of their status as non-native teachers and the role of the Philippines as a link between Korea and the Inner Circle. These emerging themes, regardless of whether they are major themes or sub-themes, are interconnected and tend not to be completely separated from each other. I now turn to a detailed discussion of each theme found in the data.
Negative identity
Non-nativeness
The participants viewed themselves as non-native teachers because of their accent. For instance, the following quotation revealed Adriana's greatest concern regarding her non-native accent. She believed a non-native accent the most crucial determinant of the identity of English language teachers:
I have some weaknesses when it comes to pronunciation, and I try to make up for the weaknesses. It's a common mentality for people to prefer native speakers compared to Filipinos. (Adriana)
Some of the participants shared experiences of being discriminated because of their non-native accent. For example, some Korean ESL academies intentionally hire a small number of native teachers in order to show off that they have native teachers as well as Filipino ESL teachers. Joyce reported:
I have experienced discrimination because of my strong Filipino accent. In a job interview, I used Filipino English and I was rejected. They said, ‘You need to practice American English.’ (Joyce)
The above quotation also reveals that the Filipino accent can hardly be viewed as beneficial for acquiring a teaching job in Korean ESL academies. Because Korean students and parents alike prefer native teachers, Korean ESL academies generally require Filipino ESL teachers to attenuate their Filipino accent and practice the American accent. Bona shared her experience:
In my academy, we have to take a one-month training session on being hired. The training session includes topics on four language skills and pronunciation correction from Filipino to American accent. It's an important part of the training. (Bona)
She added that pronunciation and speaking training regularly took place during the spring season in her academy.
Lack of target culture knowledge
The participants reported that students and parents demand to be taught the target culture. For Korean students and their parents, the target culture is equivalent to the American culture. In Korean society, too much emphasis on American English is found in the field of ELT. Accordingly, the American culture was considered to be the most desirable by Korean students and parents. Brie confessed that it is not easy to teach American culture as a Filipino ESL teacher:
The textbooks that we use contain various topics of American culture. In particular, history is very difficult to teach. When I have a US-specific content, I become nervous. I just bring visual materials to the class such as movies to help students understand better. (Brie)
Meanwhile, Lyndsey tried to incorporate Filipino culture into her class:
I introduce American culture in my class. At the same time, I try to deliver Filipino culture as well. I want my students to learn and experience Filipino culture because they are in the Philippines, and it is also an English-speaking country. I'm Filipino. I can introduce Filipino culture better than American culture. (Lyndsey)
Lyndsey showed her intention to introduce the Filipino culture to her Korean students. She viewed the Philippines as an English-speaking country and moreover, the Filipino culture could be a target culture. From Lyndsey, her students would learn one of the international target cultures and the value of the culture, which at least would help them participate in the host community.
Lack of TESOL training
During the interviews, the participants mentioned their lack of TESOL training. They had a one-month training course in the academy when they were hired, but nobody had an opportunity to pursue further TESOL training. They believed that a TESOL certificate or MATESOL would enhance their status in the ELT profession. Lonnie commented:
We should always try to figure out what skills we lack, what our strengths and weaknesses are, and I think taking TESOL courses would be beneficial not because you are not confident of your skills, but because you want to be more confident. We need TESOL training in order to be more qualified as a teacher. (Lonnie)
Interestingly, some of them expressed that TESOL training might not be necessary to teach Filipino students but that they needed it to teach Korean and other foreign students. Joyce's comment demonstrates this well:
As an English teacher in the Philippines, I'm satisfied with myself. I'm confident enough to teach Filipinos. But compared to native teachers, I'm not that confident. To teach Korean and foreign students, I have to compete with native teachers. That's the reason why I need an MATESOL. (Joyce)
The participants mentioned that the high cost of tuition was a barrier prohibiting them from obtaining a TESOL certificate or an MATESOL. Mellissa once applied for an MATESOL program and received admission. However, the high tuition fees prevented her from attending the program:
High tuition virtually forced me not to enroll in the program. It's kind of expensive for us. I tried to study TESOL through a distance education program, but it also costs a lot. I cannot afford to do it as well. (Mellissa)
Positive identity
Neutral accent
Although the participants attempted to follow the American accent, at the same time, they considered their accent to be neutral. They viewed their accent as different from the local Filipino accent because theirs was highly systematic. Furthermore, they also distinguished their accent from that of a native. Gloria explained:
Based on my observation, our accent is very neutral. When we speak with the neutral accent, we focus how harmonious we can sound. The neutral accent, in my opinion, is Filipino English, but it's not like the accent that the locals speak. Our accent is closer to an American accent, but neutral. It is a combination of how to sound well and how to make the structure accurate. (Gloria)
They argued that their neutral Filipino English could be beneficial for Korean students. Adriana said:
I think Filipino English is okay. We can easily cope with another accent. We can easily follow the British accent and the American accent. I think American English is really hard for Korean students to learn. It is very fast. Filipino English is better (Adriana).
Like Adriana, other participants agreed that non-native students could learn English better when taught with a Filipino accent. However, they viewed Filipino English as being inappropriate as an educational target. Instead, they recommended American English because it is the most widely spoken and moreover, easy to understand compared to other standard varieties. Lonnie commented:
American English should play as a model. It should be American English because it's one of the most commonly spoken varieties nowadays. I think American English is a guideline that students and teachers should follow. It's easy to teach American English because it is the language with which we grew up. (Lonnie)
Advantages of being non-native teachers
The participants frequently mentioned the benefits of being non-native teachers. They emphasized that they could share their experience as learners of English. They viewed non-native teachers as being able to easily put themselves into the students’ situation and better understand their difficulties. They added that they could be more ‘patient’ and ‘considerate’ toward student needs compared to native teachers. Julia said:
We are more patient because we know how non-native speakers learn English. We are more considerate compared to native teachers because they can hardly understand what and how students feel as non-native speakers. They just teach but don't care about whether the students understood or not. They sound really good and they are able to teach, but they do not realize if students are really learning. (Julia)
They talked about their relationship with students. Their ideal teacher-student relationship was ‘a teacher like a friend’. Accordingly, ‘a teacher like a friend’ could be defined as a teacher who cares for the students’ emotional as well as linguistic development. They said that native teachers were not likely to give attention to the students’ emotions. Instead, non-native teachers had a greater understanding of their emotional needs. Mellissa said:
I want to be their friend. Indeed, I keep a very close relationship with my students. I try to know them well. I always treat them as friends in order to soothe their emotional struggle. The difficulty that Korean students have can be attributed to homesickness. Emotionally, I'm much closer to Korean students by comparison with native teachers because I'm Asian. I can understand their emotion much better than native teachers. (Mellissa)
Negotiated identity
Acceptance of status as non-native teachers
All of the participants accepted their status as non-native teachers. They did not covet the native status. Despite their non-native status, they believed that they were qualified as ELT professionals. However, they also felt that they were deficient in teaching English compared to native teachers. For example, Mandy, despite her long-term teaching experience, confessed that she viewed herself as imperfect because of her non-nativeness, but she was fully satisfied with her non-native status:
I think I'm qualified as an English teacher. I'm a non-native teacher, but I'm satisfied with being a non-native teacher. I am proud of myself because I've become an English teacher, overcoming my weak points as a non-native speaker. I'm still open to improvement and training, of course. I'd like to have that. Throughout my seven years of teaching experience, I think I have enough skills that I need to be a good English teacher. Still, I'm not perfect compared to native teachers. I would like myself to have improved more and more. (Mandy)
Regina once tried to challenge being labeled as a non-native teacher, denying the notion of the NS-NNS (native speaker vs. non-native speaker) dichotomy, but she realized that she could not be perceived as a native teacher. She told her story as follows:
I would say I'm close to being a native speaker. Thanks to my experience and training that I've had, I would say probably I'm close to native speakers. I indulge myself in English. I eat, breathe, and live in English, and then eventually I absorb everything. But, nobody considered me a native speaker. So, I had no choice but to admit it. (Regina)
The notion that NS-NNS labeling cannot be imposed by oneself, but by others is highlighted by the quote above. Due to her effort, Regina considered herself close to a native speaker, but she was still classified as a non-native speaker by others. Ultimately, she accepted the label.
Acceptance of the role of the Philippines as a bridge
The participants acknowledged the role of the Philippines as a bridging country between Korea and the Inner Circle. In general, they viewed the country's bridging role as positive. For instance, Julia highly appreciated the role of the Philippines, saying that Korean students laid their foundations of English language learning there, and the foundations were the most important factors in learning English. Mandy made a similar comment:
I am glad that my country is the bridge between Korea and native English-speaking countries. It feels good that we are the first step. We're providing the first step for them to be able to improve English. When they go to those countries, they will be more confident in English. Learning English here will be a great help for them to follow and catch up with native speakers. (Mandy)
Mandy revealed her satisfaction with the status of the Philippines as a bridge and further emphasized the fact that Korean students use the Philippines as their first step in learning English. However, some of the teachers pinpointed reasons as to why Filipino ESL teachers could not help but accept their country's status as an ESL country that could not compete with the countries where English is a native language. Nicole said:
I agree that we act as a bridge between Korea and native countries. I think the Philippines really is one of the best places to consider to study English. It's very affordable. We don't have the right to charge a large amount of money to foreign learners of English, because my country is not identified as a native English-speaking country, and we are categorized as non-native teachers. If we charge more, nobody will come to the Philippines. (Nicole)
In the quotation, Nicole pointed out that the Philippines was attractive to English language learners because of its low tuition costs and low cost of living. Without these two conditions, the Philippines could not compete with other native English-speaking countries.
Discussion
The present study aims at unraveling Filipino ESL teachers’ identity formation, particularly in relation to their status as non-native language teachers. A number of important findings have emerged from the data analysis. First, the native speaker model, i.e. a model stating that only native speakers are fully qualified as teachers of English, plays a crucial role in the participants’ identity formation. However, this model works only within the dimension of pronunciation. Korean ESL academies judge the teachers based mostly on their pronunciation, with other factors such as teaching ability being largely ignored. They evaluate them on how their pronunciation matches an American accent. This excessive emphasis on the American accent comes primarily from preferences of Korean students and their parents, and in a broad sense from Korean ELT. American English, of Inner Circle Englishes, has long been regarded as the educational target. Although non-native teachers can be equally as good or better than native teachers considering non-language factors, as long as ELT consumers emphasize and desire native pronunciation, non-native teachers will always be treated as second-class teachers, even if they are highly qualified for the job (Amin, Reference Amin2000; Phillipson, Reference Phillipson1992; Thomas, Reference Thomas and Braine1999).
There were some cognitive conflicts in the participants’ process of identity formation. The same teachers would view their non-nativeness in a negative way, but also in a positive way. They tried to discard their non-native accent and adopt a native accent. However, they considered their own accent more neutral and more universally accepted than the native accent. They believed their neutral accent to be more appropriate for Korean students, in regards to teachability and learnability. They thought that Filipino English was more suitable than American English for use in teaching and learning English, particularly for non-native students. The term neutral accent also implies that they differentiated their accent from the local Filipino accent. The participants seemed to believe that their accent was more educated, sophisticated, standardized, and less indigenized. Their ambivalent attitude was also expressed toward the issue of TESOL training. They believed that TESOL training was a way to improve their non-expertise in teaching as well as to overcome non-nativeness. However, they did not feel a necessity to obtain a TESOL certificate or an MATESOL in order to teach Filipino students, in part because Filipino English to some extent is institutionalized and is mutually intelligible between Filipinos. Furthermore, it has played a vital role as a national language for intranational communication in the Philippines.
Another delicate issue concerning the participants’ identity emerged as an in-between identity. They positioned themselves between native speakers and local Filipinos. They believed that their English could be differentiated from both native speakers and local Filipinos and therefore placed between the two varieties of English. They had a sense of being outsiders in the ELT profession, making a division between themselves and native teachers. Likewise, they drew a line between themselves and the local Filipinos due to their status as English teachers. This feeling of being ‘in-betweeners’ possibly implies that they cannot claim both territories, nor can they position themselves distinctly in one or the other. In general, individuals with in-between identities feel a burden because, in most cases, they are situated in the margin of both territories. The sense of outsiderness in comparison with native teachers was forced by the Other. However, their outsiderness from local Filipinos was derived from the Self.
At the helm of the global spread of English is the Inner Circle, such as the US and the UK. Phillipson (Reference Phillipson1992) argues that English and ELT are being promoted by British and American powers in a systematic and strategic way, which is widely observed in the global context. Interestingly, this study illustrates that not only the Inner Circle, but also the Expanding Circle, can be part of the English dissemination. At least, in the Philippines, Koreans play a key role compared to American and British people in the global diffusion of English. The Koreans’ role as a disseminator of English has made a contribution to the (re)emergence of the neutral accent, the one claimed by the Filipino ESL teachers in this study. The so-called neutral accent may have long existed in Filipino society, as Otanes (Reference Otanes and Gonzalez1988: 84) argues that there is ‘a variety that is internationally understood and accepted’ in the Philippines, and that ‘the variety [is] already spoken by educated Filipinos from all ethnic groups and linguistic areas’. The Korean excessive pursuit of English acquisition and their obsession with American English, disregarding the Filipino accent, were perhaps some of the reasons as to why the neutral accent rose to the surface.
Conclusion
The participants’ identity as English teachers is well represented in the trend of the global spread of English and the language's status as a global lingua franca. Furthermore, the notion of the native speaker model has permeated the ELT profession. The three components that shaped their negative identity verify that it still continues to exert a great influence on ELT professionals. The participants viewed themselves as less qualified because of their non-nativeness and their lack of target cultural knowledge. In order to compensate for these two weaknesses, they had a strong desire for a TESOL certificate or MATESOL. However, high tuition costs prevented them from obtaining such qualifications. The teachers in this study tried to change their non-nativeness in a positive way. They considered their accent as neutral, which they thought was better for Korean learners of English. They also believed that it was highly systematic. They obviously recognized their advantages as non-native teachers. They experienced the same difficulties that their students were currently experiencing. Hence, they could be more passionate and considerate about such issues. Their negotiated identity was a combination of both negative and positive identity. Because the native status is the one that is given by others and cannot be obtained by self-claim, they did not covet it. They simply accepted their status as non-native teachers. Lastly, they acknowledged the role of the Philippines as an ESL country that provides the link between Korea and the Inner Circle.
Acknowledgement
This work was supported by Hankuk University of Foreign Studies Research Fund of 2015.
HOHSUNG CHOE is an Associate Professor in the Department of TESOL & English Linguistics at Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in South Korea. He teaches various courses in foreign and second language education from undergraduate to the doctoral level. He received both an MS and PhD in language education from Indiana University, Bloomington. In 2014-2015, he was selected as a Fulbright Visiting Professor at the University of Missouri, Kansas City. His research interests include world Englishes, L2 writing, L2 teacher/learner identity, and narrative inquiry. Email: choe@hufs.ac.kr
