1. Introduction
Globalization has expanded the fashion domain and transformed fashion communication. The fashion industry has become thoroughly globalized, with international brands, cross‑border media distribution and transnational professional networks. Fashion industry stakeholders – including designers, models, journalists, photographers, influencers, buyers, entrepreneurs and consumers – engage in international communication networks. In such conditions, the international language of fashion is formed and developed, with borrowings being an important constitutive feature. The prominence of English borrowings in fashion discourse makes further investigation relevant to multiple linguistic subfields, including semiotics, cultural linguistics, language contact theory and intercultural communication (Kuleshova Reference Kuleshova2011, 61). Despite this relevance, the language of fashion has received comparatively little attention in lexicographic and terminological studies.
While the integration of Anglicisms into Russian has been extensively studied in various communicative domains (see Görlach Reference Görlach2003; Fischer Reference Fischer and Fischer2008; Proshina and Eddy Reference Proshina and Eddy2015), the specific linguistic practices of Russian‑speaking fashion influencers on YouTube remain a relatively underexplored area. Previous research on fashion discourse in Russian has predominantly focused on traditional media, mostly in edited written media, especially glossy magazines (Kuleshova Reference Kuleshova2011; Gubina Reference Gubina2015; Korenetskaya Reference Korenetskaya2022; Urenkova Reference Urenkova2023). An important gap exists in the systematic analysis of Anglicisms within the dynamic and multimodal discourse of Russian‑speaking fashion influencers on YouTube. This study addresses the critical gap by providing a detailed analysis of the thematic clusters and linguistic features of Anglicisms used by famous influencers. Unlike traditional media, the interactive, informal and often performative nature of YouTube vlogging by fashion influencers presents an interesting environment for observing new patterns of lexical borrowing, morphological adaptation and pragmatic functions of Anglicisms, offering insights into contemporary Russian sociolinguistics. By focusing on the linguistic choices of prominent fashion influencers, we aim to contribute new knowledge regarding the role of Anglicisms in constructing digital identities, fostering community engagement and reflecting language ideologies within a specialized and influential online subculture.
In recent years, consumers have increasingly engaged with digital fashion influencers across beauty sectors, from cosmetics to lifestyle products and services. These individuals leverage their online presence to launch careers and demonstrate expertise in marketing and content production (Megano et al. Reference Megano, Au–Yong Oliveira and Walter2022). SanMiguel et al. (Reference SanMiguel, Guercini and Sadaba2018) assert that influencers have the ability to impact the attitudes, beliefs and actions of those who follow them, influencing consumer behavior both audio visually and verbally. According to Megano et al. (Reference Megano, Au–Yong Oliveira and Walter2022), influencers must consider perceived credibility, trustworthiness, perceived expertise, similarity and familiarity with the product (or service) in order to persuade a consumer to purchase it. Moreover, influencers should show that they share their audiences’ values and opinions (Taillon et al. Reference Taillon, Mueller and Kowalczyk2020).
English serves as a lingua franca in the digital sphere for bloggers and Internet users, enabling them to express their identities and cultures while engaging in the global fashion conversation. Bloggers’ pursuit of cultural capital, brand development and navigating of personal and cultural identities are all aided by their usage of English vocabulary (Lenoir Reference Lenoir, Sabatini, Sádaba, Tosi, Neri and Cantoni2023).
In this paper, Anglicism is used as an umbrella term for English‑origin lexical items, phrases and hybrid formations occurring in Russian discourse. Hybrid formations refer to forms in which English and Russian items are combined within one word or phrase. The analysis therefore distinguishes morphological integration, grammatical integration and collocational integration.
The study analyzes Anglicisms in 30 YouTube videos by three Russian‑speaking fashion influencers: Alexander Rogov, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova. Rather than claiming that the borrowing mechanisms observed here are unique to fashion discourse, the paper examines how English‑origin items are distributed across thematic domains and how they are adapted, combined with Russian linguistic material and used in a spoken online discourse.
The research questions are the following:
RQ 1: What thematic clusters of Anglicisms can be outlined in the speech of three Russian‑speaking fashion influencers on YouTube?
RQ2: What sociolinguistic functions do these Anglicisms appear to perform in influencer discourse, particularly in relation to expertise, cultural capital and global‑local positioning?
2. Literature review
Anglicisms have been studied from different aspects. Görlach (Reference Görlach2003) examines graphic, phonetic, morphological and semantic‑stylistic adaptation of borrowings to the receiving language, based on Anglicisms in 60 languages, and is one of the most influential surveys of English borrowings. Fischer (Reference Fischer and Fischer2008) distinguishes three levels of Anglicisms in relation to the target language: ‘word is fully accepted’, ‘word is in restricted use’ and ‘word is not part of the language’. His book shows how English borrowings have influenced the development of many other languages. Voytekhovich and Serdyuk (Reference Voytekhovich and Serdyuk2020) propose a three‑tier framework for English borrowings: fully accepted terms for new concepts (e.g., ‘hoodie’, ‘jeans’), partially acceptable borrowings for known phenomena (e.g., ‘influencer’) and unjustified borrowings which have direct Russian equivalents (e.g., ‘military style’ for ‘voennyi stil’).
Alyunina (Reference Alyunina2022) outlines the newest anglicisms, which have been classified as words that have fewer than ten occurrences in the National Corpus of the Russian Language (e.g., ‘daflkot’ (duffle coat), ‘kitten heely’ (kitten heels), ‘lukbuk’ (look book), ‘myuli’ (mules), ‘nyud’ (nude), ‘oversayz’ (oversize), ‘Oksfordy’ (Oxfords) and others (p. 117). Most of the lexical units under consideration are documented in Dyakov’s electronic Dictionary of Anglicisms of the Russian Language (Reference Dyakov2014–present), a continuously updated lexicographic resource.
Proshina and Eddy (Reference Proshina and Eddy2015) provide evidence that the process of incorporating English terminology into Russian is complex and impacted by social, cultural and historical variables. The usage of anglicisms in Russian has changed over time, with differing acceptance and rejection rates during distinct eras. English language borrowing was frequently opposed during the Soviet era on ideological grounds, but, as a result of globalization and cross‑cultural interaction, attitudes regarding language borrowing have become more liberal in the post‑Soviet era. The media and entertainment sectors, which play a major role in the introduction and popularization of English terminology, also influence the function of anglicisms in Russian.
Younger generations are especially susceptible to the effect of media, as they are more exposed to the digital realm and thus global cultural trends and are more likely to speak English or at least use anglicisms as a sign of coolness. Anglo‑Russian loan words are a reflection of larger socio‑political processes. For instance, incorporating English terms can symbolize modernization and alignment with Western values, integrating Russia into global cultural and economic standards. English terminology is frequently used in the business and technology sectors to communicate innovation and global competitiveness. However, using anglicisms can also provoke discussions about linguistic purity and cultural identity, which highlights the conflicts between national identity and globalization.
Rivlina (Reference Rivlina2015) confirms that the present‑day linguistic situation in Russia is to a large extent influenced by the extensive use of anglicisms in everyday talks of youngsters, and she emphasises that the use of anglicisms in Russian is seen as one of the leading trends in a range of other linguistic changes. Given that the Internet has made it easier for people to embrace anglicisms, the development of their pragmatic functions has been expanded. Consequently, scholars emphasize the following functions of English borrowings: social identification, the use as a euphemism, and the linguistic shaping of a subculture (Fischer Reference Fischer and Fischer2008; Crespo–Fernández and Luján–García Reference Crespo–Fernández and Carmen2017, 74). The ability of anglicisms to manipulate has recently been recognised as a separate function that is especially evident in texts found on the Internet (Gorbunova Reference Gorbunova2011; Alyuninia Reference Alyunina2022). These functions are distinguished from linguistic ones since they are socially conditioned and are associated with the intentionality of the speaker/writer. Anglicisms are used as a tool for manipulation, attention‑grabbing and self‑presentation (Gorbunova Reference Gorbunova2011, 148). The manipulative function of anglicisms is traced since they can ‘create and change the opinions of the online community’, ‘mislead inexperienced users’ and sometimes even make the recipient language speaker unsure of the meaning of an anglicism (Kostyushkina and Gorbunova Reference Gorbunova2011, 75).
Beyond manipulation, the use of anglicisms is a key site of what Rivlina (Reference Rivlina2015) terms ‘bilingual creativity’. In this view, the mixing of English and Russian is not a deficit but a rich resource for language play, allowing speakers to be innovative and to achieve specific pragmatic goals. Rivlina (Reference Rivlina2015) argues that English can be used simply for entertainment or, more complexly, to convey nuanced ideological stances related to Westernization and global trends. This creative function is central to understanding the motivations of speakers like fashion influencers. Their use of anglicisms can be seen as a strategic performance of a particular social identity, one that is modern, cosmopolitan and connected to a global community of taste (Khoutyz Reference Khoutyz, Facchinetti, Crystal and Seidlhofer2010). The social meaning of these borrowings is not fixed but is a fluid and locally negotiated phenomenon, often used to construct ingroup identity and signal belonging to a specific community of practice (Zenner and van de Mieroop Reference Zenner and van de Mieroop2017). Therefore, for fashion influencers, the choice to use an anglicism is a discursive act that positions them and their audience within a particular sociocultural space.
Rivlina (Reference Rivlina2015) maintains that English words are embedded in Russian for novelty to amuse the audience, as Crystal (Reference Crystal1998) claims, ‘as a linguistic source of enjoyment’ to engage people and to switch on language creativity for attracting attention and being remembered. Besides positive functions, Anglicisms can be used as critical creativity (Carter Reference Carter2004, 47) and contribute to criticism and irony as a counterargument against Westernization.
Gritsenko and Aleshinskaya (Reference Gritsenko and Aleshinskaya2023) argue that anglicisms in the field of music contribute to the expressiveness and precision of the text, enhance promotional products and become part of the unique identity that ties Russian music fans together. They emphasize the function of forming local communities where these anglicisms circulate and their connection to global contexts. These functions are also relevant for fashion anglicisms.
As for Russian morphological techniques, they are classified into two categories, depending on how many motivational bases a word contains. The first group’s formation techniques are applicable to words that have a single motivational base. The substantivization of adjectives and participles, suffixation and prefixation techniques are a few of these. Compounding, suffixed compounding and hybridization are word creation strategies with two or more motivating bases that fall under the second category.
Russian speakers adapt anglicisms to the grammatical norms of the Russian language and use them creatively to meet grammar requirements to make them more local (Gritsenko and Aleshinskaya Reference Gritsenko and Aleshinskaya2023).
3. Research design
The study is based on a qualitative linguistic analysis of 30 publicly available YouTube videos produced by three Russian‑speaking fashion influencers: Diana Milkanova, Alina Charova and Alexander Rogov. These three influencers were selected because their channels represent prominent Russian‑language fashion‑oriented content and combine fashion commentary with lifestyle, consumption trends and self‑presentation. The corpus includes ten videos by each influencer. The videos were published between April 9, 2018 and November 10, 2022 on their YouTube channels. The duration of the videos ranges from 13 to 35 minutes.
The material was drawn from the Higher School of Economics project Interdisciplinary Multi‑Vector Language Research: Social Norms and Practices in Modern Russia, specifically from the anglicisms in the Russian Media dataset collected by project research assistants in 2021–2022. Only publicly accessible YouTube materials were used. The corpus is not intended to be statistically representative of all Russian fashion discourse; it is a purposive sample designed to examine patterns of anglicism use in a specific digital genre.
For the purposes of this study, we broadly define anglicisms as an English‑origin lexical item, phrase or hybrid formation used in Russian discourse. The analysis included: (1) English‑origin words adapted phonologically or graphically to Russian, such as ‘luk’, ‘trend’, ‘shoping’ or ‘content’; (2) English‑origin bases receiving Russian derivational or inflectional morphology, such as ‘topchik’, ‘trendovyi’, ‘trendsettery’ or ‘folovit’; (3) hybrid formations combining Russian and English‑derived material, for example, ‘uluchshayzing’; and (4) short code‑mixed phrases where English material appears inside Russian discourse, for example, ‘its sou mach going on hier, kak by ya skazal’.
Each occurrence was counted as a token. The corpus contains 1,444 anglicism tokens and 446 unique root types. Thematic coding was conducted inductively, that is, recurrent semantic domains were identified from the data. The resulting categories were then consolidated into twelve thematic clusters. A second stage of analysis examined the linguistic integration of the items, focusing on derivation, inflection, gender assignment, verb conjugation, collocational integration and phrasal code‑mixing.
4. Thematic clusters of fashion anglicisms
Anglicisms appear throughout the speech of Alexander Rogov, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova, covering different topics interconnected with fashion, which can be classified in the following 12 clusters (see Figure 1): general words of fashion (1), words referring to particular types of clothes, shoes and bags (2), textiles (3), colors (4), makeup (5), fashion images and styles (6) and sales (7). Then three categories, such as music (8), sports, vehicles (9) and food (10), can be outlined, which emphasize the strong connection of these domains with fashion. Finally, words of digital content (11) and general topics (12) are the most significant clusters of anglicisms in the fashion bloggers’ speech.
Fashion interconnectedness.
1 Long description
Fashion′s Interconnectedness shows various categories linked to fashion. At the center is General Fashion Words, described as common terms used in fashion discussions. Surrounding it are categories connected by arrows: Specific Items for clothes, shoes and bags; Textiles for fabrics and materials; Colors for fashion hues; Makeup for cosmetics and beauty products; Images and Styles for fashion visuals and trends; Sales for fashion commerce; Music for connecting fashion and music; Sports and Vehicles for linking fashion with sports and transport; Food for showing fashion′s connection to cuisine; Digital Content for online fashion media; and General Topics for broader fashion discussions. Each category is represented with an icon and brief description, illustrating the diverse aspects of fashion.
The analysis reveals that fashion does not operate in isolation but intersects with multiple cultural domains. One of the most prominent intersections is with music, which contributes to fashion’s artistic rhythm and stylistic expression. Different musical genres influence aesthetic choices. Strähle and Kriegel (Reference Strähle, Kriegel and Strähle2018) confirm that the fashion sector primarily benefits from music and its business as a trendsetter, image‑building instrument, supporter of fashion processes and developer of cutting‑edge fashion items. By offering distinguishing characteristics and uniting their respective target audiences around a common lifestyle, fashion and music expand their own target markets. This leads to heightened brand recognition, trustworthiness, an emotionalized brand experience, distinction and an effective brand identity.
The book Fashion, Sport and Tourism, by Tosi and Cantoni (Reference Tosi and Cantoni2023), outlines the synergies between these sectors. The authors claim that the relationship is evident, for example, at the visual advertising level at the sports programs and Manzotti’s theatrical productions, which brought life to Milan’s Scala towards the end of the 19th century. The collaborative phenomenon of fashion and tourism is emphasized. Fashion and tourism affect not just individuals and companies but also the arts, culture and the entire ecosystem of lifestyles. They have a tight relationship with the newest social norms, technological innovations and trends (Gravari–Barbas and Sabatini Reference Gravari–Barbas and Sabatini2023; Sabatini and Cantoni Reference Sabatini, Cantoni, Gravari–Barbas and Sabatini2023).
Food and fashion have long intersected, and this relationship has only become more apparent in a society that struggles to balance overproduction and waste on the one hand and resource constraints on the other. Marra–Alvarez and Way (Reference Marra–Alvarez and Way2023) explore the role food plays in fashionable expression. The connection is multifaceted: first, there is a historical connection between 17th‑century France and the French haute couture and haute cuisine, which correspondingly signified aristocratic French taste and thus the epitome of good taste; second, a number of companies use French cuisine to add a touch of luxury to their dining experiences in fashion. One such company is Chanel, a premium fashion house from France that operates a restaurant in Tokyo in partnership with French Michelin‑starred chef Alain Ducasse; third, both sectors are working on the development of a more organic and nature‑connected approach: slow food and slow fashion practices; moreover, fashion brands are experimenting with new technologies to generate more sustainable outfits, and food waste may be utilised to make apparel; for example, the apple leather Russian‑French designer brand, BOYARI (Karamalak and Sokolova Reference Karamalak, Sokolova, Sabatini, Sádaba, Tosi, Neri and Cantoni2023); next, food and fashion are considered as essential components of visual culture.
The fashion domain has undergone intensive digitalization: digital clothing, social networks and online (streaming) platforms are used extensively. Fashion does not exist as an isolated domain but is embedded within broader cultural and social practices. It is intertwined with many aspects of life (we refer to them as clusters) and the abundance of anglicisms in these clusters can serve as a proof to that fact (Figure 1).
(1) Fashion (general): luk (look), luchok (pl. luchki) (little look), super‑luchok (super‑dear look), luk of ze dey (look of the day), podbirat luki i metchi (to combine looks and matches), brand (brand), branding (branding), trend (trend), trendovo odetsya (to dress trendy), trendsettery (trendsetters), feshn (fashion), storitelling (storytelling), shoping (shopping), uniseks (unisex), feshn‑prochtenie (fashion‑reading), feshn‑yasnovidyashchiy (fashion‑clairvoyant), feshn‑syurpriz (fashion‑surprise), feshn‑investitsiya (fashion‑investment), feshn‑kurer (fashion‑courier), feshn‑otryv (fashion‑get‑high), feshn‑obstrel (fashion‑shooting), feshn‑syomki (fashion‑shootings), feshn‑eksperty (fashion experts), feshn‑skily (fashion‑skills), feshn‑guru (fashion‑guru), sekond hend (second hand), masthev (must have), khitovye veshсhi (hit things), total luk odnogo brenda (total look of one brand), randomnye razrezy (random cuts), reteyl odezhdy (retail of clothes), kasting (casting), antitrend (anti‑trend), trendovyi hvost (trendy tail), imidzh (image), kombo dvukh super trendov (a combo of two super trends), dress‑kod (dress code), reteyl (na reteyle) (retail, in retail), fast feshn (fast fashion), dlina maksi (maxi length), kambek etogo goda (come back of this year), polnyi metch (total match), etc.
(2) Types of clothes, shoes and bags: Top (top), sviter (sweater), pulover (pullover), dzhemper (jumper), bomber (bomber), svitshot (sweatshot), dzhoggery (joggers), krop top (crop‑top), bodi (body), pidzhak smoking (smoking‑jacket), trench (trench), sumka shopper (shopper‑bag), legginsy (leggings), klatch (clutch), klatchik (dear little clutch), khaytopy (hightops), khudi (hoody), sumka aurglass ot Balanciaga (hourglass bag from Balenciaga), kardigan (crdigan), prinstauny (princetowns), bra (bra), lofery (loaffers), choker (choker), shorty (shorts), fason mom (mom cut), ze litl blek dzheket (the little black jacket), kiki dzhins (kiki jeans), Balanсiaga nayf butsy (Balenciaga knife boots), bomber dzheket (bomber jacket), flayt dzheket (flight jacket), etc.
(3) Textiles: tvidovyi (tweed), fetrovaya shlyapa (felt hat), lyureks (Lurex).
(4) Colours: total blek (total black), total vait luk (total white look), polka dot (polka dot), tsvet aivori (ivory colour), print,‑y (print, ‑s), monoluk (monolook), kolor blok (colour block), fioletovyi set (violet set), pink (pink), nyudovyi (nude), dark feshn (dark‑fashion).
(5) Makeup: meykap (makeup), meyk (make), konturing (contouring), smoki (smokey), meykap artist (makeup artist), brashing (brushing), LG stayler (LG styler).
(6) Fashion images and styles: sviter gerl (sweater girl), reyversha (raver‑girl), reyverskie ochki (raver look), reyverskiy luk (raver look), artovyi brend (art brand), art haus sumasshedshaya (art‑house crazy), feshn‑diva (fashion‑diva), feshn‑ekvilibristka (feminine fashion‑equilibrist), frik (freak), frikos (freakos), frikozochka (little freaky girl), reper (rapper), feshn‑kasta (fashio‑caste), feshn‑huliganka (feminine fashion hooligan), feshn‑beybi (fashion‑baby), stritstail (streetstyle), stritstaylershi (streetstyler girls), guchimen (Gucciman), ledi in blek (lady in black), etc.
(7) Sales: shoping (shopping), shop‑kontent (shop‑content), shopogolik (shopaholic), autlet (outlet), reseil (resale), reseil‑platforma (resale‑platform), v riteile (in retail), mass‑market (mass‑market), stokovyi (stock (adj.)), keshbek (cashback), bayery (buyers), sozdat novyi drop (to create a new drop), drop brenda (drop of the brand), menedzher (manager), korner Dior (corner Dior), kornery (corners).
(8) Music and styles: rokenrol (rock‑n‑roll), rokenrolnye bryuki (rock‑n‑roll trousers), rep kultura (rap culture), rep (rap), arenbi (R’n’B), boyz bend (boys band), muzykalnyi klip (musical clip), didzhey (DJ), zapisat trek (to record a track), nyu‑yorkskiy vib (New York vibe), disko‑stil (disco style), treki (tracks), sovremennye bity (modern bits), sumka v stile hippi‑shika boho (bag in the style of boho hippie‑chic), vib devyanostyh (vibe of 90s), pankovskiy (punk ‑ adj.), pank (punk ‑ noun), pankovskaya futbolka (punk T‑shirt), stil granzh (grunge style), etc.
(9) Sport and vehicles: serfing (surfing), serfing sport (surfing‑sport), serfit (to surf), krash (crash), skuter (scooter), baggi snoubord (snowboard buggy), khayking (hiking).
(10) Food: seksi‑sinnabonchik (sexy little Cinnabon), sinnabon (Cinnabon), tost s yaytsami (toast with eggs), Starbaks (Starbucks), kokonat Baunti bolz (coconut Bounty balls), banana bred (banana bread), boul s fruktami (bowls with fruit), krekery (crackers), grecheskiy boul (Greece bowl), bar (bar), lanch (lunch), gavayskiy tost (Hawaiian toast), veganskoe myaso (vegan meat).
(11) Digital content: onlayn (online), onlayn‑platforma (online‑platform), onlayn‑test (online‑test), oflayn (offline), promokod (promocode), layki (likes), sayt (site), bloger (blogger), vloger (vlogger), tiktoker (TikToker), chelovek skaner (scanner‑person), Instagram (Instagram), heshteg (hashtag), kontent (content), follover (follower), inflyuenser (influencer), mikroinflyuenser (microinfluencer), selfi (selfy), selfi‑kamera (selfy‑camera), akkaunt (account), faylik (little file), esmska (little sms), trevel‑bloger (travel‑blogger), bot (bot), nikneym (nickname), spoyler (spoiler), v direkt (in direct), strim (stream), Yutub (YouTube), Yutubchik (diminutive YouTube), Yutuber (YouTuber), Yutub kanal (YouTube channel), zabanit (to ban), zum (Zoom), Pininterest (Pinterest), storis (stories), selebriti (celebrity), podpiska ‘Optimum’ (Optimum subscription), iskat v gugle (search in the Google), gugl meps (Google Maps), chekat pochtu (check email), follovit (to follow), kastomizirovat (to customise), etc.
(12) Words of general topics: premium (premium), top/topchik (top); topovye dizaynery (top designers), polnyi tresh (total trash), seksi (sexy), chellendzh (challenge), ekshen (action), blek‑list (black‑list), biznes (business), layfhak (lifehack), feyk (fake), kottedzh (cottage), zloy kop (angry cop), kampeyn (campaign), reyting (rating), gender (gender), insayt (insight), afterpati (afterparty), vau (wow), fan (fun), pop zvezda (pop star), prezent (present), inspireyshn (inspiration), pobit rekord (to break record), installyatsiya (installation), konditsioner (conditionner), stress (stress), press‑tur (press‑tour), VIP launzh (VIP lounge), kontent (content), referensy (references), bestseller (bestseller), fleshbeki (flahbacks), resepshn (reception), krovat king sayz (king‑size bed), mud po zhizni (life mood), rum tur (room tour), tru (true), ne sovsem tru (not at all true), its sou mach going on hier, kak by ya skazal (it’s so much going on here I would say); uluchshayzing (bettering), zamiksovat/miksovat (to mix), modernizirovat (to modernize), skanirovat (to scan), vyzvat uber (to call Uber), randomnyi (random), ekspiriens (experience), etc.
5. Linguistic features of fashion anglicisms
The use of anglicisms in the Russian fashion discourse, particularly in the speech of influencers like Alexander Rogov, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova, provides an interesting lens for examining the integration of foreign lexemes in the Russian language within the Russian morphological system. This adaptation often involves modifying these borrowings to fit the syntactic and grammatical conventions of the Russian language, a process particularly evident in digital spaces where these influencers operate, i.e., on the YouTube.
Analyzing the speech of the three fashion influencers on YouTube, we observe that anglicisms are not only adopted but also morphologically transformed to suit the linguistic needs of Russian. Urenkova (Reference Urenkova2023) highlights the significance of suffixation as one of the key methods through which borrowed words become a part of Russian. In the case of Alexander Rogov, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova, we observe numerous instances of borrowed English roots being suffixed with Russian morphemes to create new words that are fully integrated into the language. For instance, Charova uses terms like ‘topchik’ (a diminutive form of ‘top’, meaning ‘top’), which illustrates how borrowed words are adapted by adding the diminutive suffix ‘‑chik’, a common feature in Russian morphology that conveys a sense of familiarity or affection. Similarly, Milkanova frequently employs words like ‘luchok’ (from the English ‘look’), where the diminutive suffix ‘‑chok’ is again applied to create a more colloquial and intimate term. This use of diminutives reflects the influencers’ informal style, aimed at creating a personal connection with their audiences. In Rogov’s speech, for example, ‘clatchik’ (from clutch) is formed by adding the diminutive ‘‑chik’ (meaning ‘little dear’). Such morphological adaptations not only integrate the borrowed lexemes into Russian but also make them more relatable to their followers, aligning with the casual and conversational tone typical of influencer speech. Social media influencers are likely to produce more casual forms of language, behaving in a relaxed manner while vlogging (Alajmi, Reference Alajmi2023).
Influencers use this strategy in their discourse to express intimacy and stylistic playfulness conveying a sense of closeness and informality. Russian, known for its extensive use of diminutives, provides influencers with a tool to make borrowed anglicisms more familiar and accessible to their audiences. For instance, Charova’s frequent use of diminutives like topchik (from top, using the diminutive suffix ‘‑chik’, meaning ‘little dear’), yutubchik (from YouTube, using the diminutive suffix ‘‑chik’), clatchik (from clutch, using the diminutive suffix ‘‑chik’) and faylik (from file, using the diminutive suffix ‘‑ik’) highlights how English borrowings can be adapted to reflect the emotional and stylistic tone in Russian. This adaptation appears to align with the influencers’ aim to cultivate a relatable and informal persona. Urenkova’s (Reference Urenkova2023) study of fashion discourse emphasises this role of diminutives in making the language of fashion feel more intimate, aligning with the broader trend of informal, approachable communication in digital spaces.
The productivity of affixation in Russian fashion discourse is evident in the influencers’ speech, where numerous new terms are created by affixing Russian morphemes to borrowed English roots. For example, in Rogov’s description of various fashion items, we observe terms like ‘trendovyi’ (trendy), which is derived from ‘trend’ (trend) by adding the adjectival suffix ‘‑ovyi’, a common suffix used to create adjectives in Russian, or adverbial suffix ‑o ‑ ‘trendovo’ (trendy). This affixation process allows influencers to expand their lexicon by generating new words that are based on English roots but follow Russian morphological patterns.
Another interesting example of the morphological hybridization is the word ‘uluchshayzing’, which derives from the Russian root ‘uluchshat’ (to improve) and the English suffixes ‘ize’ +‑ing’). Other examples include ‘payping’ (piping), ‘kolor bloking’ (colour‑blocking). This illustrates how English suffixes are increasingly incorporated into the Russian words to create new hybrid forms. Such formations reflect the influence of English not only at the lexical level but also in the way suffixes are adapted to fit the Russian morphological patterns, mixed coded elements to form new terms that reflect global trends.
Similarly, Charova frequently uses ‘antitrend’ (anti‑trend), where the prefix ‘anti‑’, which has its origins in the Greek language, is attached to the English root ‘trend’. This word formation process allows Russian speakers to easily create new terms that convey opposition or contrast, a common theme in fashion discourse where trends are constantly evolving.
An additional aspect of morphological adaptation is the assignment of grammatical gender to borrowed words. Russian, unlike English, is a highly gendered language, and every noun must be assigned a gender – masculine, feminine or neuter. This feature influences how anglicisms are integrated into Russian. For example, the English word ‘top’ (for clothes) becomes ‘top’: in Russian, and it is assigned masculine gender, which dictates how it behaves grammatically in sentences. Charova’s use of topchik further illustrates how gender assignment interacts with diminutive formation, as the word takes on masculine agreement patterns despite its diminutive form.
Similarly, Rogov uses ‘clatch’ (clutch), a masculine noun in Russian, which influences its inflection and agreement in his sentences. The assignment of gender to anglicisms in Russian is typical, and influencers’ choices in how they adapt these words reflect broader trends in the morphological integration of borrowed lexemes. Feminitives which do not exist in English but instead are typical of Russian due to inflectional type of language are used in anglicisms, for example: ‘stritstaylershi’ (feminine streetstylers), ‘o, eshche odna frikozochka moya lyubimaya’ (oh one more my little dear feminine freak; ‘frikozochka’ – feminine freak). Feminitives are sometimes used with a diminutive suffix to add tenderness and intimacy and indicate full immersion of English borrowing into the Russian language. Feminization in Russian via the use of (lexical) feminitives is a widely discussed topic in Russian linguistics (e.g., Badanina, Reference Badanina and Dolzhikova2017; Berkutova, Reference Berkutova2018; Guzaerova, Reference Guzaerova2020; Fufayeva, Reference Fufayeva2021; Saifeeva, Reference Saifeeva2024 and others).
English borrowed verbs conjugate according to Russian grammatical rules: ‘postit – ya poshchu’ (to post – I post); ‘chekat – ya chekayu’ (to check – I check; ‘laykat – oni laykayut’ (to like – they like); ‘follovit – stavte layki i folovte’ (to follow – put likes and follow me). Nouns change cases like in Russian grammar, for instance: ‘dobavit fanu’ (to add fun). This creates full integration of borrowings into the native language.
A hallmark of the fashion discourse used by influencers like Rogov, Charova and Milkanova is the frequent creation of code‑mixed forms, where English roots are combined with Russian morphological elements to produce new, hybridized words. For instance, the term ‘trendsetter’ (trendsetter) is a compound of the English roots ‘trend’, ‘set’ and the suffix ‑ ‘er’. In Russian, the word ‘trendsetter’ functions as: a masculine noun; animate (semantically: denotes a person/brand innovator); and 2nd declension. Influencers use globalised English terms applying Russian morphological rules to them, especially this is visible with the Russian plural marker affixation ‘‑y’ in the word ‘trendsettery’.
These hybrid terms serve an important function in influencer discourse, allowing bloggers to align themselves with global fashion trends while still maintaining a local connection to Russian linguistic culture. Milkanova, for example, uses ‘feshn‑guru’ (fashion‑guru), where the English word ‘fashion’ is combined with the Russianised version of ‘guru’ (Indian loan). Other examples include: ‘feshn‑prochtenye’ (fashion‑reading), ‘feshn‑yasnovidyashhiy’ (fashion‑clairvoyant), ‘feshn‑syurpriz’ (fashion‑surprise), ‘feshn‑investitsiya’ (fashion‑investment), ‘feshn‑kurer’ (fashion‑courier), ‘feshn‑otryv’ (fashion get high), ‘feshn‑obstrel’ (fashion‑shooting), ‘feshn‑syomki’ (fashion‑shootings), ‘feshn‑eksperty’ (fashion‑experts), ‘feshn‑skily’ (fashion‑skills), ‘feshn‑diva’ (fashion‑diva), ‘feshn‑ekvilibristka’ (feminine fashion‑equilibrist). This kind of code‑switching is crucial for influencers who operate in a digital, transnational space of fashion and blogging but want to show both their expertise, closeness to the world of global fashion and retain their Russian linguistic identity.
Mixed code occurs at the morphological level, for example, ‘topchik’, at the lexical level, for example anglicism are used with Russian words to form such collocations as: ‘randomnye razrezy’ (random cuts), ‘dlina maksi’ (maxi length), ‘kambek etogo goda’ (comeback of this year), ‘metchitsa po tsvetam’ (to match in colours), ‘kontsepciya izituvyeer’ (easy to wear concept), ‘sozdat novyi drop’ (to create a new drop), ‘polnyi tresh’ (complete trash), ‘mud po zhizni’ (life mood), etc. Sometimes a mixed code occurs at the syntactical level: ‘its sou mach going on hier, kak by ya skazal’ (it’s so much going on here, as I would say); ‘i zamette kak po‑drugomu chernye lodochki zvuchat v etom luke’ (and look how flat black shoes are different in this look) and etc. This linguistic technique adds personal touch and creates a trendy rhetoric style.
6. Discussion
The study of YouTube discourse by fashion influencers allows one to witness live and natural language which is biological and socio‑cultural at the same time (Druzhinin and Karamalak Reference Druzhinin and Karamalak2017; Karamalak and Pozhidaeva Reference Karamalak and Pozhidaeva2019). The findings in our study should be understood as evidence of how known contact‑induced processes operate in a specific digital genre. Previous research has already described the adaptation of anglicisms in Russian and their pragmatic functions in media and fashion‑related written genres. The present data and analysis add a spoken dimension to this discussion. In YouTube fashion influencer discourse, anglicisms are not only terminological labels for clothing, styles or consumer practices, but they also, and most importantly, contribute to the performance of expertise, informality, cultural capital and affiliation with global fashion culture.
After having conducted the analysis, 12 thematic cluster groups were proposed: general words of fashion (1), words referring to particular types of clothes, shoes and bags (2), textiles (3), colors (4), make up (5), fashion images and styles (6), sales (7), music (8), sports and vehicles (9), food (10), digital content (11) and general topics (12) (Figure 1). They indicate the strong connection of these domains with fashion which coincides with ‘the consideration of fashion not simply as an object, commodity, concept or idea but as an active and ongoing set of practices that are co‑negotiated between people and communities in space’ (Crew Reference Crew2017, 2). Both language and fashion are actions which are ‘intertwined with people’s everyday practices and the structure of cultural communities in complex ways’ (ibid., 2).
The morphological adaptation of anglicisms in Russian fashion discourse is complex, reflecting linguistic strategies used to accommodate borrowed terms in the structure of the Russian language. The central aspect of this adaptation involves affixation, which is prevalent in the speech of the Russian‑speaking fashion influencers like Alexander Rogov, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova. Affixation is particularly productive, as demonstrated above. The flexibility of the Russian language in accommodating English borrowings through these morphological processes highlights its ability to adapt foreign terms while maintaining syntactic consistency (Proshina and Eddy Reference Proshina and Eddy2015). This morphological interplay between borrowed and internal linguistic elements in Russian demonstrates the dynamic and evolving nature of the Russian fashion vocabulary as influenced by global linguistic trends. Besides morphological adaptations, there are lexical and syntactical adjustments of anglicisms to the Russian fashion content.
The speech of Rogov, Charova and Milkanova reflects the broader trend of hybridization in Russian fashion discourse, where global and local linguistic influences intersect. As Lenoir (Reference Lenoir, Sabatini, Sádaba, Tosi, Neri and Cantoni2023) points out, the use of English as a lingua franca in fashion blogging allows influencers to participate in global conversations while maintaining their distinct cultural and linguistic identities. The integration of English words into Russian through processes like affixation (including diminutization) and compounding, allows these influencers to craft a linguistic style that is both globally relevant and locally grounded, but targeting mostly the local audience. By using anglicisms in ways that adhere to the Russian morphological, lexical or syntactical rules, fashion influencers seem not only expand the Russian fashion lexicon but also demonstrate the adaptability and creativity of the language in the context of globalization.
While the thematic and linguistic analysis reveals broad patterns, a comparative look at the three influencers suggests a nuanced use of anglicisms tied to their individual personas and brand identities. The function of these borrowings extends beyond mere lexical gaps into the domain of pragmatic and social meaning. Alexander Rogov, as an established stylist on YouTube and television personality, often employs anglicisms that reinforce his authority and professional expertise. The use of terms like ‘stritstayl’ (streetstyle), ‘masmarket’ (mass‑market) and ‘kolor‑bloking’ (colour blocking) serves to educate his audience, positioning him as a knowledgeable mediator between the global fashion world and the Russian consumer. His language functions to legitimise fashion concepts and trends for his followers and/or YouTube audience. In contrast, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova appear to use anglicisms more frequently to foster a sense of intimacy and shared identity with their younger, digitally native audiences. Their speech is characterized by a higher density of playful and informal adaptations, such as the diminutives ‘luchok’ and ‘topchik’. This use of anglicisms functions as an ingroup marker, creating a shared linguistic space that feels exclusive and contemporary. For them, English borrowings are not just about fashion terminology but are part of a broader communicative style that signals youth, coolness and participation in a globalised digital fashion culture. For example, the integration of phrases like ‘its sou mach going on hier [ . . . ]’ (it’s so much going on here) demonstrates a deeper level of code‑mixing that seem to perform a cosmopolitan identity. Across all three influencers, the use of anglicisms serves a crucial function in constructing what can be termed a ‘global‑local’ identity. By embedding English words within Russian morphological and syntactic structures, they perform a sophisticated balancing act; that is, they signal their connection to global fashion trends while simultaneously domesticating these trends for their Russian‑speaking audience. This bilingual practice allows them to increase cultural capital by appearing both internationally aware and locally authentic.
At the same time, several limitations of the research should be acknowledged. The corpus is limited to 30 videos by three major influencers and should not be treated as representative of Russian fashion discourse as a whole. The analysis is qualitative and focuses on recurrent patterns rather than statistical distribution across the entire Russian‑speaking digital sphere.
7. Conclusion
The present study analyses the use of anglicisms in the speech of three prominent Russian‑speaking fashion influencers on YouTube, Alexander Rogov, Alina Charova and Diana Milkanova, focusing on the thematic clusters of these borrowings and their morphological adaptation to the Russian language. First, the analysis reveals the interconnectedness of fashion with such domains as music, sport, vehicles, food, digital content and everyday life in general, proving that ‘multiple agents, institutions and practices intersect to create fashion space’ and language environment (Crew Reference Crew2017, 3). Fashion is not an isolated domain; on the contrary, it is distributed throughout our lives and encompasses many daily routines.
Second, the analysis highlights that the use of anglicisms in Russian fashion discourse is not merely a reflection of global linguistic trends but also a dynamic process of morphological adaptation. Borrowed words from English are not used in their raw form; rather, they are modified and assimilated into the structure of the Russian language through various morphological processes. These include suffixation (including diminutives), prefixation and compounding. The ability of Russian to absorb and adapt foreign lexemes showcases its flexibility and capacity to incorporate global linguistic influences while maintaining its syntactic and grammatical integrity.
The study also demonstrates how the productivity of affixation, particularly through suffixation and prefixation, facilitates the creation of new words that seamlessly blend English roots with Russian morphological elements. Additionally, the assignment of grammatical gender to borrowed anglicisms adds another layer of complexity to the morphological adaptation process. The gendered nature of Russian requires that foreign nouns be assigned a gender, which affects their inflection and agreement in sentences. This feature highlights the deeper grammatical integration of anglicisms. Collocations, which comprise Russian words and anglicisms, contribute to a more natural use of borrowings and show their adjustment to the native language of influencers.
Overall, this study contributes to research on language contact and borrowing in digital fashion discourse. It emphasizes the importance of anglicisms, their morphological, lexical and syntactical integration into Russian. By focusing on the speech of fashion influencers, this research provides new insights into how global trends shape local linguistic practices, particularly in the context of the Russian‑speaking digital space.
OLGA KARAMALAK holds a PhD in Theory of Language. She is an Associate Professor at School of Foreign Languages at HSE University (Moscow). Her research interests include digital communication in fashion, online interaction from cognitive, semiotic and ecological (bio-socio-cultural) perspectives, and the communication of fashion sustainability and cultural heritage. Email: okaramalak@hse.ru
DIONYSIOS ZOUMPALIDIS holds a PhD in English Studies (University of Cyprus). He is an Associate Professor of the School of Philological Science at HSE University (Moscow). His research interests include language policy, language ideology, language and identity, mass/societal bilingualism, educational bilingualism, and anglicisms in the Russian media. email: dzubalov@hse.ru
