1. Henceforth, all dates are A.D. unless indicated otherwise.

2. For details on these matters, see, e.g., McKay, A. G., Cumae and the Phlegraean Fields (Hamilton, Ont., 1972), pp. 99–122Google Scholar; D'Arms, J. H., Romans on the Bay of Naples (Cambridge, MA, 1970), pp. 73–5, 84–90Google Scholar; or Maiuri, A., Capri. Storia e monumenti (Rome, 1957Google Scholar). The first two items give earlier bibliography.

3. Suet, . Tib. 65Google Scholar.2. This identification is accepted in this paper.

4. Explorers in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century thought they had located quite a few, if not all, of the imperial villas. By 1890 it was possible for K. J. Beloch to assemble a catalogue listing a dozen classical sites on the island: see his Campanien. Geschichte und Topographie des antiken Neapel und seiner Umgebung (Breslau, 1890), pp. 285–92.Google Scholar These need to be treated with some scepticism: D'Arms, op. cit., pp. 73f.

5. The area is an estimate based on Maiuri's plan, op. cit., facing page 34. I do not include the lighthouse, the ambulatio and associated rooms, or the so-called specularium. Maiuri, p. 32, apparently including these structures, gives an area of 7,000 metres for the villa, and notes that its gardens, groves, nymphaea and the like will have increased the total area considerably.

6. Ward-Perkins, J. B., Etruscan and Roman Architecture (Baltimore, 1970), p. 324Google Scholar.

7. See Maiuri's plan, op. cit., figure 29.

8. The evidence and the range of attested titles is well set out by Boulvert, G., Esclaves et affranchis imperiaux sous le haut-empire romain. Rôle politique et administratif (Naples, 1970), pp. 23–35, 80–85Google Scholar.

9. D'Arms, op. cit., pp. 86–8 gives a sensible and characteristic modern discussion.

10. The evidence on these points has been conveniently assembled by D'Arms, op. cit. See pp. 45–8 (Campania as a resort), 55–61 (cultural life), especially 56–8 on philosophers, 143–5 (poetry), 146 (Vergil), 60 (Decimus Laberius). Blaesus' exact date is unknown,. but he apparently belongs to the first century B.C.: Kaibel, G., Comicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, Volume I (Berlin, 1899), p. 191Google Scholar. On Vergil, see also now Gigante, M., Atene e Roma 28 (1983), 31–50Google Scholar.

11. For peregrinatio, see D'Arms, op. cit., p. 45 with note 29 and pp. 133f. Augustus had already set the precedent for an emperor owning and visiting many villas, for he had property on Capri and at Surrentum, Posillipo, Baiae (which he may never have visited), and Nola: D'Arms, pp. 73–9. Fishponds are discussed by D'Arms on p. 41, with note 14, where he makes the important observation that this had been a fad among the Hellenistic kings as well. Spas and baths: D'Arms, pp. 139–42, and Plin. HN 31.4–9.

12. D'Arms, , op. cit., pp. 58–9Google Scholar and 125 for the evidence on Paetus and other possible permanent residents.

13. For the social life, see D'Arms, , op. cit., pp. 48–55Google Scholar. A survey of Campanian gardens known from archaeological sites will be found in Jashemski, W. F., The Gardens of Pompeii, Herculaneum and the Villas Destroyed by Vesuvius (New Rochelle, NY, 1979), pp. 289–335.Google Scholar She points out that the great country homes not only contained formal internal gardens, but also were themselves set down in ‘great parklike gardens … sited to take full advantage of the view’ (p. 335). For lists of nymphaea and grottoes and a classification of them, with Campanian examples in all four categories, see Mingazzini, P., ArchClass 7 (1955), 156–61Google Scholar.

14. Bowersock, G. W., Augustus and the Greek World (Oxford, 1965), pp. 133fGoogle Scholar.

15. For Tiberius' travels between 27 and 37, see Rogers, R. S., CW 39 (1945–1946), 42–4.Google Scholar Note also that Suetonius makes a point of saying (Tib. 66) that Tiberius remained in the Villa Iovis for nine months after Sejanus' death: whether right or wrong, the statement implies that more frequent changes of venue were the norm.

16. Iacopi, G., L'Antro di Tiberio a Sperlonga (Rome, 1963), pp. 22–4Google Scholar. There were probably also fish-breeding tanks on Capri: Maiuri, , op. cit., p. 70Google Scholar.

17. A useful list of the properties of various types of water will be found in Plin. HN 31.6, and the whole section from chapter 4 to 9, which includes many Campanian spas, is relevant here. Note also the advantages of natural sweat-rooms: Celsus de med. 2.17, instancing the ones at Baiae. At the beginning of Book 6, Celsus discusses diseases of the face and scalp, but we cannot identify any of them with Tiberius' problem.

18. Maiuri, , op. cit., pp. 39–42Google Scholar for the baths at the Villa Iovis, and pp. 69–72 for the so-called ‘Bagni di Tiberio’, which may have included not only the fish tanks noted by Maiuri but also facilities for sea-water bathing or swimming.

19. Maiuri, , op. cit., p. 32Google Scholar, argues no doubt correctly that there would have been extensive gardens surrounding the Villa Iovis. Such gardens will have included shade and ornamental trees, some imports from Greece, as well as smaller plants: Meiggs, R., Trees and Timber in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Oxford, 1982), pp. 275–7.Google Scholar The grottoes of Capri are described briefly by Maiuri, pp. 72–83 and in greater detail by Mingazzini, , op. cit., 139–56.Google Scholar Some of these constructions are no doubt originally Augustan, but they may well have been one of the attractions of the island for Tiberius.

20. We should note in passing that Tiberius was not the first powerful Roman to retire permanently to Campania. Just about a century before, Sulla had surrendered all his powers and left Rome for Cumae. There is no hint in our sources, however, that Tiberius had Sulla in mind when he made the move.

21. On Capri itself, the pharos, just west of the Villa Iovis, served as a tower for such fire signals. According to Maiuri, , op. cit., pp. 54–5Google Scholar, remains of a corresponding tower were found ‘on the heights overlooking the harbour at Misenum’, but I have not seen the remains there myself, nor come across any publication of them. On a clear day, however, Capri is clearly visible from Cape Misenum, and signals from one to the other would obviously be a simple matter. In figuring sailing times, I have taken the distance from the Marina Grande on Capri to the harbour at Misenum, and assumed speeds of from 21/2 to 5 knots. An average of about 3 knots, and thus about 65 hours for the trip, seems likely.

22. That Romans in general, and Augustus in particular, were interested in the economic aspects of, and commercial opportunities in, Campania, has been demonstrated by D'Arms, , op. cit., pp. 81–4Google Scholar, and especially now Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, MA, 1981), pp. 72–96. No specific commercial interests of Tiberius in the region are attested, but as inheritor of Augustus' estates and (in large measure) of his policies, Tiberius was no doubt well aware of the economic and political importance of Puteoli, through which passed most of the imported grain for RomeGoogle Scholar.

23. For the use of ships from the fleets to transport emperors and other important persons, and to carry messages, see, e.g., Starr, C. G., The Roman Imperial Navy 31 B.C. – A.D. 324 (New York, 1941), pp. 177–9Google Scholar.

24. The Hellenistic nature of Naples is well brought out by Bowersock, , op. cit., pp. 81–4.Google Scholar For the numerous philosophers, and an apparent Epicurean bias, see D'Arms, , op. cit., pp. 55–61Google Scholar. Greek games at Naples: Geer, R. M., TAPhA 66 (1935), 208–21Google Scholar.

25. On one occasion Augustus encouraged Romans on Capri to wear Greek dress and speak Greek, and he attended the training sessions of the ephebes (Suet. Aug. 98). The inscriptions of Capri: CIL 10.6806–6810, cf. p. 1018; Ephemeris Epig. 8.669–673/4; IG 14.896–902 and p. 693. The inscriptions now in Axel Munthe's villa, published by Thylander, H., Opuscula Romana IV = Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae 22 (1962), 129–57Google Scholar, seem to be from Rome or Latium rather than from Capri itself. For Blaesus, see above, note 10.

26. On these and other Greek associates of Tiberius in the pre-Capri days, see further Bowersock, , op. cit., pp. 133–4Google Scholar.

27. For Tiberius' entries at Thespiae and Olympia, see J., and Robert, L., Bull. Epig. (1959), 194Google Scholar, no. 184. The Sebasta at Naples: Geer, op. cit. There would have been celebrations in 30 and 34 (see Geer, p. 214); we are not told that Tiberius attended them, but then we are never told that Nero attended the Sebasta either, even though it seems highly likely that he did (Geer, p. 215).

28. Bowersock, , op. cit., pp. 77 and 133–4 sets out clearly the evidence for Tiberius' philhellenism and for his special interest in Greek literature and philological studiesGoogle Scholar.

29. For some examples, see D'Arms, , op. cit., pp. 35, 48–51, 64Google Scholar.

30. Details in Rogers, R. S., CW 39 (1945–1946), 42–4Google Scholar. Rogers shows that Tiberius left the island at least in 27, 28, and yearly from 32 to 37. Other, shorter trips, especially within Campania, remain a possibility.

31. Suet. Calig. 10, Tac. Ann. 6.20 (A.D. 33), cf. ibid., 6.45f. (A.D. 36, the story of Macro encouraging his wife to seduce Caligula). The marriage to Iunia Claudilla is mentioned in Tac. Ann. 6.20, her death ibid., 6.45. Caligula seems to have been with Tiberius (at Misenum) at the time of the emperor's death, ibid., 6.50.

32. Tac. Ann. 6.46. Note that the next chapter shifts the scene to Rome (‘interim Romae’), implying that the scene of chapter 46 was in fact Capri.

33. The thesis is that of Syme, R., Tacitus (Oxford, 1957), pp. 422–3Google Scholar, n. 7, based on Suet. Tib. 73.2.

34. Jos., Ant. Jud. 18.161–2Google Scholar. Agrippa may have been on the island previously, since Josephus reports that Tiberius was happy to have Agrippa ‘return’ (epanekein) to Capri. We cannot be sure, however, how precise Josephus' language was, or how accurate his reporting of Tiberius' letter.

35. Syme, R., op. cit., p. 277Google Scholar with n. 2, and p. 299 with n. 3. The hypothesis is now treated as a certainty: Athenaeum 61 (1983), 10Google Scholar.

36. For example, ‘convictu principis prohibitus’ (Tac. Ann. 6.9), or ‘interdicere domo’ (ibid., 6.29).

37. For Tiberius as curmudgeon, see Sen., de benef. 5.25.2Google Scholar, and note that most of Suetonius' anecdotes about Tiberius' literary interests show him criticizing someone. It appears that he did not suffer fools gladly.

38. Suet., Tib. 72Google Scholar indicates that banquets were a regular part of Tiberius' day: even though Tiberius was ill, says Suetonius, he did not interrupt his ordinary schedule, but insisted not only on the usual banquet, but also on standing, ‘as was his custom’, to greet his guests.

39. For Nerva as a jurist, see the fragments and interpretation in Bremer, F. P., Iurisprudentiae antehadrianae quae supersunt, II.1 (Leipzig, 1898), pp. 300–11Google Scholar.

40. For Thrasyllus' family, and for his standing as a respectable scholar (not just a charlatan), see Vetter, W., RE 6A (1937), 582fGoogle Scholar. We need not accept the identification of Thrasyllus' son with Ti. Claudius Balbillus that was proposed by Cichorius and cited by Vetter. See, e.g., Pflaum, H.-G., Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le haut-empire romain, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1960), pp. 37–41Google Scholar.

41. We do not know anything for sure about Charicles' professional accomplishments, but a work on drugs by a doctor of the same name is cited frequently by Galen (12, p. 556, 558, 579, 581; 13, p. 94, 109, 282, 329 ed. Kühn), and the two doctors may well be identical.

42. AE 1960.26 = AJA 63 (1959), 384Google Scholar. Panciera's, discussion is in Epigraphica 31 (1969), 104–20Google Scholar.

43. Bremer, , op. cit., pp. 313–17Google Scholar.

44. Note Suet., Calig. 10Google Scholar, a description of Caligula's behaviour on Capri. The excesses outlined in the following chapter may be ascribed to popular rumour; for a contrasting (but not completely disinterested) picture, see Philo, , Leg. ad Gaium, 14Google Scholar. It is tempting to take the aversions to eruditio felt by Caligula after his accession (Suet., Calig. 53Google Scholar) as a young man's rebellion against the style of life he had been made to follow while under the eye of Tiberius on Capri.

45. Agrippa I, for example, was imprisoned for his over-enthusiastic support of Gaius Caligula (Jos., AJ 18.168–91)Google Scholar; and Sextus Vistilius was apparently caught intriguing against Gaius (Tac., Ann. 6.9Google Scholar). Iulius Marinus and Vescularius Flaccus were both involved in plots before Sejanus' death (Tac., Ann. 6.10Google Scholar).

46. The best current publication of these fasti is that of Degrassi, A., Insc. Ital. 13.1.320–31Google Scholar = Insc. Ital. 13.2.201–12. Degrassi cites earlier publications and bibliography.

47. A freedman cubicularius is attested in the imperial villa at Surrentum, CIL 10.695. For the Hellenistic precedents, see Cesano, L., Diz. Epig. 2 (1910) 1281Google Scholar. Perhaps the most famous of the men who were a cubiculo was Domitian's freedman Parthenius, on whom see Cesano, p. 1284.

48. Tac., Ann. 1.24Google Scholar: ‘Germanorum, qui turn custodes imperatori aderant’. Cf. Mommsen, Th., Ges. Schr. 6Google Scholar = Hist. Schr. 3 (Berlin, reprint 1965), pp. 17–19.

49. For a number of doctors who used their access to the emperor to advise and/or obtain favours from him, see Sailer, R. P., Personal Patronage under the Early Empire (Cambridge, 1982), p. 64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50. Interesting observations on the potentially close relationship between medicine and philosophy will be found in Griffin, M. T., Seneca: A Philosopher in Politics (Oxford, 1976), pp. 40–42Google Scholar.

51. A good example is one Krateros, who late in the second century B.C. was successively a tutor to Antiochus Philopator, chief doctor, and the equivalent of cubicularius (OGIS 256). One can easily imagine Charicles performing similar functions.

52. For a convenient and entertaining list of the personnel in Rome, see Boulvert, G., op. cit. (above, note 8), pp. 27–8Google Scholar.

53. For the functions of glutinatores see now Dorandi, T., ZPE 50 (1983), 25–8Google Scholar.

54. On Thrasyllus, see W. Vetter, op. cit., who notes that in his studies Thrasyllus certainly used Hermes Trismegistos and Nechepso Petosiris. (This, of course, might have been before his stay on Capri.) Maiuri, , op. cit., pp. 48–50Google Scholar, suggested that a thick-walled construction near the Villa Iovis, but not actually attached to it, might have served Thrasyllus and Tiberius as an observatory and look-out, but the structure has never been adequately published or convincingly explained. Astronomy, of course, was one of the fields of study regularly afforded patronage in the Hellenistic courts, not only at Alexandria, but also at Pergamum: see, e.g., Hansen, E. V., The Attalids at Pergamon (Ithaca, 1947), p. 379Google Scholar.

55. No convincing candidate for a library has been found among the rooms excavated so far. We need not think of a particularly large room: compare the size of the libraries in Augustus' house on the Palatine, of which instructive reconstructions are provided by Carettoni, G. in MDAI(R) 90 (1983), pp. 381–3Google Scholar.

56. Boulvert, , op. cit., p. 83 with notes 485–8Google Scholar, gives the extensive evidence for such entertainers in the imperial court.

57. The elderly, chubby Trimalchio plays with long-haired slaves at Petr., Sat. 27Google Scholar. Ball-players are attested at the court of Alexander: Plut. Alex. 39.3, which (while probably apocryphal) shows that it might involve throwing a ball from one player to another, and again that young athletes are involved. In an article brought to my attention by Professor Philip Stadter, Sterling Dow discusses this and other evidence on the Sphairistes in Hellenistic times: HSCPh 67 (1963), 77–92, esp. 91–2Google Scholar. Vespasian liked to be given a rubdown in the sphaeristerium, which may mean that he played ball for exercise before his massage, though Suetonius does not seem to know of such ball-playing (Vesp. 20).

58. Paul., FromDig. 33.10.3Google Scholar we learn that the term supellectile included chairs, benches, couches (both inlaid with silver and not), cushions, slip-covers, cauldrons, basins, lamp-holders, and lamps. The a Corinthis may, of course, have been in charge specifically of the so-called ‘Corinthis ware’, but see Gummerus, , Klio 14 (1915), 135, 140CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Another a Corinthis is known at Surrentum (CIL 10.692). For the duties of the atriensis, see Fuchs, F., Diz. Epig. 1 (1895), 762Google Scholar.

59. I have not included all the titles attested at Antium, and even all the attested titles must represent only a portion of all those that existed. It is useful to remember that the palace establishment in Rome was, even at this time, very highly developed (see Boulvert, , op. cit., pp. 23–35Google Scholar for a list), and it seems unlikely that Tiberius would either want or need to give up the comforts familiar to him from Rome when he went off to Capri.

60. There is a tabellarius at Antium (FA 43); for examples of letters to or from Capri, see Tac., Ann. 4.68, 4.70, 6.7, 6.9, 6.29, and 6.39Google Scholar. There must, of course, have been a great many more.

61. For a good example of such specialization in a Hellenistic court, see Bikerman, E. J., Institutions des Séleucides (Paris, 1938), pp. 36–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62. It almost goes without saying that the combination of Tiberius' isolation, the presence of the young princes and their companions, and perhaps most of all the ‘otium Graecum’ enjoyed by Tiberius will have been important factors in the origin of the scandalous stories circulated about Tiberius' sexual life on Capri (Suet., Tib. 43–5Google Scholar, Tac., Ann. 6.1Google Scholar). Cf. e.g., D'Arms, J. H., Commerce and Social Standing in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, MA, 1981), pp. 114–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and André, J.-M., L'Otium dans la vie morale et intellectuelle romaine (Paris, 1966), pp. 30, 42, 60Google Scholar: there were those in Rome who would view precisely the things that Tiberius did (conversation and scholarship) as reprehensible, a clear sign of moral corruption.