^{page 55 note 1} For a list of these visitors and their accounts, see Curzon, , Persia and the Persian Question, Vol. 2 1892, 157 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 2} Sir Porter, R. Ker. Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, Ancient Babylonia. 2 vols. London, 1821 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 3} Voyage en Perse. 4 vols. 1843–1854 Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 4} Description de l'Arménie, la Perse et la Mésopotamie (1852).

^{page 55 note 5} Schmidt, Erich. Persepolis I: Structures, Reliefs, Inscriptions. (University of Chicago, Oriental Institute Publications, 68) Chicago 1953 Google Scholar. University of Chicago Press, folio 297 pp., 123 figs., 205 pls. (2). In this review article, I have had the benefit of advice and discussion with Dr. R. Ghirshman and my colleagues, R. Higgins, W. Watson and J. N. Coldstream.

^{page 55 note 6} In Schmidt's report, O.I.C., 21 (1939)Google Scholar, the funds are said to have been first provided by a private benefactress.

^{page 56 note 1} There is no prefatory mention of the plan of the publication, though from a footnote (22) on p. 73 we gather that vol. II will contain a chapter on “Sculpture and Applied Decoration”. We are further told (p. 82) that Herzfeld had planned a comprehensive treatment of the tribute procession which was in preparation at the time of his death. It is regrettable that it has not been possible to publish this material, as Herzfeld's papers were left, I understand, to the Frere Gallery, New York. But when shown to us, this material appeared to require prolonged editorial work before it could be published.

^{page 56 note 2} Schmidt, pp. 4, 42, 131–2.

^{page 56 note 3} Stolze, and Andreas, , Persepolis, 1 vols. Berlin 1882 Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 1} Reproduced in heliogravure in his L'Art Antique de la Perse (1881–85).

^{page 57 note 2} Schmidt, pl. 53; see also below p. 60 and Ker Porter I, 601.

^{page 57 note 3} Flandin and Coste II, pl. 108; cf. Schmidt, pl. 43.

^{page 57 note 4} Schmidt, pl. 44, cf. Flandin and Coste II, pl. 109.

^{page 57 note 5} Flandin and Coste III, pl. 130; cf. Stolze, pl. 65.

^{page 57 note 6} Schmidt, pl. 202c; cf. Stolze, pl. 65.

^{page 57 note 7} cf. Schmidt, pl. 103, with Stolze pl. 59.

^{page 57 note 8} Flandin and Coste III, pls. 151 and 154.

^{page 57 note 9} Herzfeld, Iranische Felsreliefs, fig. 65; cf. Schmidt, pl. 97b.

^{page 57 note 10} Flandin and Coste III, pl. 156, cf. Schmidt, pl. 106) pl. 156; cf. Schmidt, pl. 106; Stolze, pl. 60. A frag ment is now in Seattle—see below, p. 64.

^{page 57 note 11} Photographs of Casts of Persian sculptures of the Achaemenid period mostly from Persepolis: 12 pl. British Museum, 1932.

^{page 58 note 1} Most of the photographs, in fact, compare unfavourably in standard with the excellent short series in Herzfeld's Iran in the Ancient East, pls. XLVI-LXXI, being often a trifle indistinct, occasionally obviously touched up (pls. 66, 161B) or even out of focus (pls. 77, 103, 106).

^{page 59 note 1} Cameron, G. G., Persepolis Treasury Tablets (1948)Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 1} Does this mean the spear is really to be imagined as carried obliquely? The apple at its base is never placed on the ground, but appears to rest on the left foot. You cannot walk with a spear held in both hands resting on your foot. The solution is that the guards are not to be thought of as walking at all, but standing at ease, with feet apart. The appearance of walking is deceptive.

^{page 62 note 2} On a sculpture of Sennacherib in the British Museum.

^{page 62 note 3} Cooney, J. D., “Portrait of a Collaborator”, in Brooklyn Museum Bulletin, 1954, first noticed itGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} See above, p. 56 note 1.

^{page 65 note 2} Weissbach, , Keilinschriften der Achämeniden, 1911, p. 86 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 3} A. W. Davis, An Achameman Tomb Inscription Persepolis, in J.R.A.S., April 1932 Davis's list differs only from the Darius inscription (N.R.a) at Naqsh-i-Rustam by having a space for a (lost) name outside the throne to the left, bringing the total of the nations to thirty. As Davis only copied the Old at Persian texts, this may be recoverable in Babylonian or Elamite versions. It may be inferred to have been Karka.

^{page 66 note 1} Sarre, and Herzfeld, , Iranische Felsreliefs (1910)Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 2} As far as I know, Junge, P. S.'s Satrapie und Natio (I) Klio 34,1941/2 is the most recent detailed discussion of the subject and has been used by SchmidtGoogle Scholar. From the introduction to Junge's ‘Dareios I’ (Leipzig, 1944) we learn that Part II was never published, the author being reported missing, presumed dead, at Stalingrad. His major work, Die Völker des alt-persischen Weltreiches, to which he makes references in the above article, was likewise never finished. An evil genius seems to dog discussions of this subject.

^{page 66 note 3} Herodotus III, 90.

^{page 66 note 4} In Iranische Feltreliefs, pp. 14–56.

^{page 66 note 5} This is forecast in a footnote on Schmidt I, 118.

^{page 67 note 1} Herodotus I, 195, describes the costume of the Babylonians.

^{page 67 note 2} * e.g. Stele of Marduk-apal-idinna, Frankfort, , Art and Architecture of Ancient Orient, 120 Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 3} See Barnett, , “Early Greek and Oriental Ivories”, in J.H.S. 1948, 9, fig. 7Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 4} Barnett, in “The Archaeology of Urartu”, C.R. du Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, 1952, 17 Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 1} ibid. VII. 85.

^{page 68 note 2} ibid. VII. 67.

^{page 68 note 3} Herodotus, III, 98.

^{page 68 note 4} ibid. VII. 86.

^{page 68 note 5} ibid. VII. 75.

^{page 68 note 6} ibid. VII. 69.

^{page 68 note 7} Refs.: Schmidt, p. 85, n. 123.

^{page 69 note 1} Ibid. n. 124.

^{page 69 note 2} The corresponding figure in the Throne Hall (E. 3) seems to be wearing a slightly pointed cap with a twisted head-band.

^{page 69 note 3} Amandry, , “Sur une statuette de dompteur de lion”, Syria XXIV 1944 Google Scholar. In ‘Early Greek and Oriental Ivories’, JHS. LXVIII, 1948, p. 16.Google Scholar, I took this figure for Rhodian as against Amandry, who held it for Ionian. It seems that he may well have been right.

^{page 70 note 4} Mendel, , Catalogue du Musée de Brousse (1908) 1 Google Scholar. pl. 1. Pope, Survey of Persian Art IV, pl. 104 B: see Casson, ibid Vol. I, p. 530. Casson quite erroneously regards this sculpture as Achaemenid.

^{page 70 note 5} Junge accepted this on the assumption that they corresponded to the “Sea-people”, called more explicitly in Darius Persepolis e “Yauna of the Sea”, who Herodotus indicates cover Cilicia and Cyprus.

^{page 70 note 6} The Karakul or Bokhara sheep are medium-sized with black face and legs. The rams have large horns curving outwards. The face is narrow, the eye full and bright, nose decidedly Roman, the ears small and pendulous, these last two features being very characteristic of the Karakul.

The tail is the most distinctive characteristic and is very broad next the body, perhaps eight to ten inches thick, and about the same length, usually ending in a sharp upward curl. ( Macmillan, A. A., Karakul (Fur Bearing) Sheep and Persian Lamb Fur Production— Dominion of Canada, Dept. of Agriculture Publication 654, 09. 1939.Google Scholar) They were introduced from Bokhara into Germany in 1903, and into German S.W. Africa in 1909. Lossen, Robert, Karakul Breeding in S.W. Africa (Windhoek, 1931)Google Scholar, first identified this sheep on the Persepolis relief as Karakul. I owe my thanks to Miss Sylvia Schweppe for drawing my attention to this comparison with the Karakul sheep, and to the International Wool Secretariat, London, for putting the former publication at my disposal.

The only point in which the sheep in the relief diners from the Karakul is in the ear, which is horizontal. We can only assume, therefore, that it was not exactly the Karakul, but a breed akin to it.

^{page 71 note 1} Rostovtseff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, pl. VIII.

^{page 71 note 2} Herodotus VII, 64: “The Sacae or Scyths were clad in trousers, and had on their heads tall stiff caps rising to a point. They bore the bow of their country, and the dagger; besides which they carried the battle-axe or sagaris: they were in truth Amyrgian Scythians, but the Persians called them Sacae, since that is the name which they give to all Scythians”. The Amyrgian Scythians are, of course, the Saka Haumavarga.

^{page 72 note 1} Schmidt, pls. 80–81.

^{page 72 note 2} Schmidt, pl. 108–115.

^{page 74 note 1} e.g. by Flandin & Coste, Dieulafoy, and Herzfeld in Iranische Felsreliefs especially.

^{page 74 note 2} Fig. 6.

^{page 74 note 3} Iranische Felsreliefs, 52.

^{page 74 note 4} Barnett, , “Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale”, in Iraq, XII, Pt. 1, p. 1 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 5} Frankfort, H. H., Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, 217 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 6} In “The Throne of Solomon's Mother”. Schmidt, fig. 7. Schmidt wrongly asserts that Pasargadae provides the earliest example of drafted edges. They also occur apart from Van, at Nimrud in buildings of Sennacherib, and at Samaria in masonry, perhaps of the ninth century B.C ( Fitzgerald, , P.E.Q. 1932, pl. 1.1 Google Scholar).

^{page 74 note 7} Barnett, loc. cit., pl. I.

^{page 74 note 8} ibid. fig. 12.

^{page 74 note 9} Herzfeld, , Iranische Felsreliefs, 171 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 10} Barnett, , ‘Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale,’ in Iraq, XII, Pt. 1, fig. 11Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 11} Barnett, ,‘Excavations of the British Museum at Toprak Kale,’ Addenda, Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, Fig. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 12} Oganesyan, , Karmir Blur IV (Arkbitektura Teishebaini) Erivan 1956, pls. 58, 59 Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 13} Schmidt, p. 22.

^{page 75 note 1} Frankfort, op. cit., p. 217.

^{page 75 note 2} For a prototype in early Elamite art of the Achaemenid animal capital, see Contenau, Monuments Mésopotamiens, 17 and pl. XC.

^{page 75 note 3} Similar bases occur below the columns with Ionic capitals at the tomb of Da-u-Dukhtar, which Herzfeld would date early in the 6th century (Iran in the Ancient East), pl. XXVI and pl. XXVII.

^{page 75 note 4} Oganesyan, op. cit., fig. 14.

^{page 75 note 5} An illustration of part of Cyrus' servant: Herzfeld, Iran in the Ancient East (pl. LXXI, fig. 363). Frankfort thinks it possible that these sculptures were added by Darius.

^{page 75 note 6} The dating of the statue from Palanga with a late Hittite inscription and elaborate folded dress ( Barnett, , J.H.S. 1948, fig. 19 on p. 21 Google Scholar) would, of course, be very relevant if it could be fixed.

^{page 75 note 7} Herzfeld, Iran in the Ancient East, fig. 317. In the argument for Oriental priority of Ionic style we cannot ignore the pavilion much resembling Da-u-Dukhtar with columns bearing Ionic capitals beside a fire altar, Rawlinson, , Ancient Monarchies I fig., p. 309 Google Scholar, set amid pinewoods in the (presumably) Iranian foothills.

^{page 75 note 8} See, for Iranian priority, Herzfeld's arguments, op. cit., p. 259–260. For the contrary view, Frankfort, , Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, 22 Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 9} Iranische Felsreliefs, p. 189.

^{page 75 note 10} Several are in the Louvre, one in the British Museum (from Egypt).

^{page 76 note 1} Osten, H. H. von der, Die Welt der Perser, 1956 Google Scholar See Barnett, , ‘Tie Treasure of Ziwiye’, Iraq, XVIII, Pt. 2, pp. 111 ffGoogle Scholar, for the dating of this treasure.

^{page 76 note 2} Iran in the Ancient East, p. 267.

^{page 76 note 3} Dalton, , Treasure of the Oxus, 22, pl. IXGoogle Scholar.

^{page 76 note 4} I owe thanks to the Curator of the Johanneum for permission to publish this, and to Dr. Margarete Falkner, for kind assistance in procuring the photograph.

^{page 76 note 5} Herzfeld pointed this out, Iranische Felsreliefs,. 153–163.

^{page 76 note 6} Schneider, H., Das persische Weltreich (1941) quoted by Schmidt, 117 Google Scholar.

^{page 76 note 7} Information from M. Ghirshman.

^{page 76 note 8} See above, p. 58.

^{page 77 note 1} Herzfeld, , Archaeological History of Iran (1955)Google Scholar, pls. II-IV. Mr. John Boardman, however, shows that this idea at least of a double stairway in converging directions leading to the temple platform was known in Chios at the end of the 6th century B.C., and may be imported from Greece. But there it was at least unillustrated with reliefs.

^{page 77 note 2} The theme of the lion hunt, treated by the Assyrians as a major subject of narrative art, has shrunk at Persepolis to a formal and unconvincing, almost heraldic single combat between the Persian king, typifying good, and a lion, bull or monster, typifying evil; yet it was still imposing enough for the Moslems to see in it, once the Great King was forgotten, their own legendary figure of the chase, Jamshid, thus giving Persepolis its native name of ‘Jamshid's Throne’.

‘They say the Lion and the Lizard keep

The Halls where Jamshid gloried and drank deep.’

^{page 77 note 3} Strabo, Geog, 15.3.6.