¹ Apart from that given to Aeneas; see n. 2.

² Virg. Aen. IV, 345; Philostr. Ap. Tyan. IV, 14.

³ Klaros, 70 ff., quoted in RE s.v. ‘Gryneion’. Non vidi.

⁴ or the like. For see LS ⁹ S.V.

⁵ For δέχομαι intransitive, ‘succeed to’, see LS ⁹ s.v., though nothing is quoted exactly like the present case.

⁶ Note also the addition of iota adscript even to the present indicative—though the same feature occurs also in No. 26, q.v.

⁷ The evidence concerning village-organisation is now conveniently collected by Magie, , Roman Rule 1026 n. 70.Google Scholar

⁸ References in Magie loc. cit. Cagnat, on IGR IV 1304Google Scholar observes: ‘pagorum … annui magistratus, qui sacra ritu celebranda et honores tribuendos communi pecunia curabant.’ In Ramsay, , Studies in the Eastern Roman Provinces, 321Google Scholar, the dating is

⁹ Rev. Arch. 1934 III 40, cf. I. v. Pergamon 158 = Welles Roy. Corr. no. 51: see Welles' note on p. 363.

¹⁰ Second century B.C., as I should judge.

¹¹ In dealing with these and the following inscriptions I am indebted to the friendly help and unrivalled knowledge of Roman prosopography of Professor R. Syme.

¹² Πούφιος is certainly Fufius, not Pupius. The same form occurs in a late epitaph in the Smyrna museum. On the other hand, IGR IV, 105 and 1077 have Φουφία.

¹³ Waddington, , Fastes, 695Google Scholar, no. 76, RE s.v. ‘Petronius’ no. 24, Pros. Imp. Rom. III, 26, no. 198.

¹⁴ Waddington Fastes no. 114, RE s.v. ‘Antius’ no. 10, IGR IV. 275, 277. 373–98.

¹⁵ The expresson at Pergamum (IGR IV, 400, 401) may also be noted.

¹⁶ It was also normal in Lycia in the Imperial period (TAM II, passim).

¹⁷ I. v. Priene 186 = Syll. ³ 599, Hesperia XVI (1947), 87, no. 13 (Chios) and the notes ad locc.

¹⁸ See Mitsos' note in Hesperia, loc. cit.

¹⁹ Paton-Hicks, , Inscr. of Cos 109Google Scholar, no. 53, after Rayet, , Inscr. de Cos, no. 1, quoted above Part I, p. 18, n. 31.Google Scholar

²⁰ His story is told in a fragment of Aristocritus (FGrH. Ill B, no. 493, 1 = FHG IV 334, 2). A further story, attributed to Nicaenetus, and Rhodius, Apollonius (FHG IV, 313)Google Scholar, gives the names of two other early kings of Caunus, Aebialus and Basilos.

²¹ I had previously considered understanding βασιλεύς in the Coan inscription not as a king but as a religious official; on this use of the word see most recently Dörner, F. K., Reise in Bithynien (Ö;st. Akad. Wiss. Denkschr. 75. 1), p. 14Google Scholar, no. 5. But to this explanation the addition of Καύνου is fatal: βασιλεὺς Καύνου can, it seems, only mean ‘king of Caunus’.

²² When this period began is not certain (see Part I, p. 19), but if Brutus' correspondence with the Caunians (Epistologr. Gr., ed. Hercher, , 181 nos. XIX–XX, 183 nos. XXXI–XXXIIGoogle Scholar) has any basis of historical fact, the separation from Rhodes can hardly have been later than 43 B.C. The Caunians profess goodwill (XIX: ) and have done Brutus services in the past (XXXI: and XXXII: ) though he complains of their present slackness. No details whatever are given, but the contrast with the case of Rhodes is striking, and it is hard to believe that when Brutus had gone Caunus tamely slipped back into Rhodian power.

²³ Nor is there room for a column of writing between E and the apparent corner of the building.

²⁴ The possibility that it continued in a third column on the right, of which no trace remains, seems altogether too remote.

²⁵ For the portorium and cognate matters I have consulted Cagnat, R., Les impôts indirects chez les Romains (1882)Google Scholar, Broughton, T. R. S., Roman Asia Minor (Economic Survey of Ancient Rome IV, 1938)Google Scholar, and Laet, S. J. de, Portorium (1949)Google Scholar; these three works I quote by the author's name alone. I have also discussed the inscription with Professor A. H. M. Jones, to whom I am deeply grateful for his kind advice. He first suggested the probable connexion between C and E.

²⁶ Cagnat 144, Broughton 799, and especially de Laet 351–61.

²⁷ And just possibly a third person: I considered reading in B1 something like but this is exceedingly dubious.

²⁸ B2–4, or the like. Similar benefactions are not unknown, notably at Xanthus (TAM II, 291 = IGR III, 634): and something of a similar nature at Assus (IGR IV, 259): The service of an unknown benefactor at Lampsacus, (IGR IV, 181)Google Scholar seems to have been of a different kind.

²⁹ in l. 8 has evidently a similar sense, ‘according to the regulations previously in force’.

³⁰ To bring the length of line to 1·76 m. (see above), some 23–25 letters must be supplied on the left.

³¹ Cagnat 105, de Laet 428.

³² Cagnat 151–2, de Laet 452.

³³ Cic. Att. II 16, 4, de portorio circumvcctionis. Cf. Cagnat 152, de Laet 109–10.

³⁴ Quintilian declam. 341: quod quis professus non est apud publicanos, pro commisse tenetur. Cf. ib. 35g, Digest XXXIX, 4, 16 (quoted by Cagnat 129, de Laet 438).

³⁵ Εὐθέως evidently means ‘on the same or the following day’. A shipmaster who leaves within this period is entirely unmolested; if he intends to stay longer, he must register before the end of the second day.

³⁶ OGI 629 = IGR III 1056, Sections I and IIIb.

³⁷ ‘I cannot recover the word after in l. 4. I had thought at one time of to be explained by the allusion to Aphrodite below, but I am now convinced that this is wrong.

³⁸ Tac. Ann. XIII, 51, with reference to Nero's reform of the portorium: quae alia exactionibus illicitis nomina publicani invenerant. Cf. Cagnat 88, de Laet 382.

³⁹ E.g. in the neighbourhood of Caunus, at Cnidus and Mylasa. Note also Aphrodite Limenia at Hermione (Paus. 2, 34, 11).

⁴⁰ OGI 525.

⁴¹ In P. Cair. Zen. 59015, 40 and (7) 10, a customs charge in the port of Alexandria is recorded under the heading Edgar ad loc. suggests a tax for the upkeep of the Alexandrian lighthouse; in view of our present passage, it seems not impossible that the charge was made there also in the name of Aphrodite Euploia.

⁴² An exaction of a similar kind was apparently devised by Verres for his own benefit: scribae nomine de tota pecunia binae quinquagesimae detrahabantur (Cic. Verr. III 78 (181)). Compare the cerarium, mentioned with contempt by Cicero in the same passage.

⁴³ As compared with two days in the case of merchants entering by sea (B 12).

⁴⁴ is perhaps commoner in this sense; but there can be no question here of ἐπί denoting a date, since the official is not named; as a future date would be especially futile. Moreover, the eponymous official at Caunus was a priest; see on Part I, No. 5.

⁴⁵ E.g. at Sparta (IG V. 1. 18), Cyzicus, (IGR IV 144)Google Scholar, Attaleia, (IGR III, 785Google Scholar, cf. Wilhelm, , Sitzb. Akad. Wien 224Google Scholar (1), 22–3) and Amorgos, (IG XII. 5. 38Google Scholar, found on Naxos).

⁴⁶ I translate as if had the sense of This is, I think, probable, though only as an error due to the two preceding negatives.

⁴⁷ μόνον, l. 14—that is, no ‘perquisites’ or other charges.

⁴⁸ See LS ⁹ s.v. The difference of construction perhaps corresponds to the difference of meaning: ‘lie under the ban of’, as opposed to ‘be liable to pay’.

⁴⁹ It is natural to suppose that these taxes had previously bee n actually in force at Caunus; in any case, they are evidently regarded as a possibility.

⁵⁰ Strabo XIV, 651; Broughton 836.

⁵¹ I considered reading in 1. 5 and in l. 11, but re-examination of the squeeze does not confirm this.

⁵² The reading βώλου in 1. 8 is virtually certain. The only alternative would be βόλου, which seems meaningless.

⁵³ Plin. NH XXIII, 46, picem meminisse debemus non aliud esse quam combustae resinae fluxum. Methods of burning, are described in detail by Theophrastus, , HP IX, 3Google Scholar; they are remarkably similar to the methods still used for charcoalburning. See also Edgar's, note on P. Cair. Zen. 59481, 8Google Scholar: analysis of a black substance used to coat the inside of wine-jars (evidently the πίσσα mentioned in the text) showed it to be ‘a true resin … neither pitch [i.e. mineral pitch] nor bitumen’.

⁵⁴ Dsc. 1, 72, ξηρἀ and ὑγρά; Plin. NH XXIV, 37, pix … et ejus duo genera, spissum liquidumque; cf. XIV, 122, (picem) liquidam et tantum resinam, crassiorem ad pices faciendas. In Polyb. 5, 89, 6 pitch is measured by the talent, raw pitch (i.e. the resin before burning) by the metretes.

⁵⁵ E.g. Syll. ² 587, and in the accounts of the Delian hieropoei, IG XI. 2. 145, 154. In the later accounts (ib. 158 (282 B.C.), 161, 203 etc.) the apparently synonymous μετρητής is substituted.

⁵⁶ Strabo XVI, 743, quoting Eratosthenes, says that Babylonian was of two kinds, ὑγρά and ξηρά, and speaks of but here is evidently not an actual measure.

⁵⁷ Twelve per cent is commonly considered by scholars as the normal rate of interest, but in fact this estimate is probably generous. It appears from Pliny, (ad Traj. 54)Google Scholar that municipalities were not always able at that time to lend their money even at 9 per cent (duodenis assibus, not 12 per cent, see Larsen, , Class. Phil. XLVII (1952), 236)Google Scholar, when this rate could be obtained from private lenders, and Trajan in fact authorised a lower rate.

⁵⁸ For example, de Laet 114, 448 refuses to attempt any estimate, even approximate, for the total yield of the Imperial portorium in Asia Minor.

⁵⁹ As Professor Jones pointed out to me.

⁶⁰ CIG 2673 b is a proxeny decree of Iasus for the Caunian Hestiaeus son of Boiscus (date early Hellenistic?). A few—very few—mentions occur in Rhodian inscriptions; there is a single epitaph at Athens (IG II² 9004); otherwise (apart from Zeno) one has to look far for a Caunian.

⁶¹ Dio's other references to the Caunians are equally uncomplimentary. XXXI, 50: ib. 124: ib. 125: XXXII, 92: In XXXI, 125 he implies that the Caunians were in the habit of re-using statues with a fresh inscription; of this practice I have noticed only one clear example, No. 27.

⁶² Fraser-Bean, , Rhodian Peraea, 82, 83, 86.Google Scholar

⁶³ It is tempting to suggest that the development of this industry may help to explain the startling increase of Caunian tribute from half a talent to ten talents in 425 B.C. (see Part I, p. 18).