¹ See Les phéniciens et l'Odyssée (1901 & 1927); Les navigations d'Ulysse (1927–9): Introduction à l'Odyssée and Dans le sillage d'Ulysse: Album Odysséen (1933) containing photographs of the places discussed.

² La colonisation grecque de l'Italie méridionale et de la Sicile (1941). His critical analysis of the Odyssey is taken without modification from the elder Bérard.

³ I 182: XX 383: XXIV 211, 307, 366, 389.

⁴ See c. VIII, ‘La légende d'Ulysse dans les mers italiennes’and the ‘Deuxième partie’ generally; also the discussion of these views by Dunbabin, T.J., ‘Minos and Daidalos in Sicily’ (BSR XVI (1948), 1–18.Google Scholar)

⁵ See his Mycenaean Origins of Greek Religion, though he does not himself agree inapplying this method to Italy.

⁶ See Dunbabin, , The Western Greeks, 1 and 28 ff.Google Scholar, and Blakeway, A. A., BSA XXXIII, 176.Google Scholar

⁷ See below, note 114, on Buchner's finds on Ischia.

⁸ Die Kunde der Hellenen von dem Lande und den Völkern der Appeninhalbinsel bis 300 v. Chr (Lund, 1937).

⁹ BSA XXXIII, 170 ff.

¹⁰ Op. cit. 27–8 on Od XV 403 ff., following Nilsson. J. Bérard, op. cit. 322, like V. Bérard, prefers the location at Delos, which is certainly suggested by the mention of Apollo and Artemis at 410.

¹¹ Od XXIV 304–7, and Scholia; Eustathius, ad loc. Steph. Byz. s.v. Ἀλύβας; Tzetz. Chil XII 404: Apollod. Hist. Mir. 2.

¹² Od I 179 ff. Tamasus in Scholia and Strabo 225–6. Copper and tin hardly occur in this part of Italy, but Dunbabin, , Western Greeks, 223Google Scholar, quoting Orsi, , N. Sc. 1916, 359Google Scholar, mentions traces of copper near Temesa, which, contrary to his assertion there, he now believes is the Homeric Τεμέση.

¹³ See Kinkel, , EGF, 58Google Scholar, and Allen, , OCT Homer V, 109.Google Scholar The date of Eugammon is usually given as the early sixth century; it must be later than the founding of Cyrene in 630 B.C. See Eusebius Chron. Olymp. LIII (568–565 B.C.).

¹⁴ See Thomson, J. A. K., Studies in the Odyssey, c. VI.Google Scholar Of Cinaethon of Sparta Pausanias (II. 3. 9) says Pindar in Pyth IV and Herodotus on Cyrene (IV. 45 ff) make no use of the connexion with Odysseus.

¹⁵ Aetna, in Theog. 860.Google ScholarOrtygia, in Ox. Pap. XI. 1358.Google Scholar Pelorus ap. Diod. IV. 85. Ligurians; Strab. 300. Libyans (or Ligurians) in Ox. Pap. 1358. Hesperethusa frag. 270 Rzach.

¹⁶ See Wikén, op. cit. on Stesichorus Tabula Iliaca, Bergk, , PLG III, 212.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Strabo 23. Schol. Ap. Rhod. IV. 311 (= frags. 65, 66, 67 Rzach). The Sirens also seem to be placed in these parts by Hesiod (frags. 68, 69 Rzach).

¹⁸ This interpolation was first shown by Muetzell, , De emendatione Theogoniae libri tres (Lipsiae 1833), 176 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁹ On the whole passage see Goettling-Flach, Hesiod, ad loc., where Lydus, De Mensibus I. 4. 7Google Scholar, is quoted. Lydus uses Hesiod's in support of statements about λατῖνοι and Γραῖκοι in Italy side by side, but a marginal note mentions Γραῖκοι as a son of Pandora and Zeus, which shows some confusion. See also Rzach's edition ad loc. and Hartmann, A., Untersuchungen über die Sagen vom Tode des Odysseus (1918), 103–5.Google Scholar

²⁰ History of Roman Religion, 214–16, reviving the suggestion of Müllenhoff, , Deutsche Altertumskunde I, 54Google Scholar, and Preller, , Römische Mythologie II, 308.Google Scholar

²¹ Dionysiaca XII. 328 ff.

²² Op. cit. 481.

²³ Cf. Strabo 232 For its having been an island Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. V. 83Google Scholar, Solinus II. 22, Pliny, N.H. III. 57Google Scholar; see Hülsen in RE s.v. ‘Circeii’ and Bethe, ibid.s.v. ‘Kirke’. This is likely in a volcanic region of rises and subsidences, though the date would be much more ancient than anything in Greek history.

²⁴ ARI, 29. But see Altheim, , Der Ursprung der Etrusker (1950)Google Scholar, passim, for a justification of this view of the Etruscans as a composite people when they became important in history.

²⁵ Op. cit. 79, where he suggests that Agrius may be meant for a ruler of the Etruscans and Latinus for a ruler of the Latins considered as part of them.

²⁶ ‘Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Commerce with Italy, Sicily, and France in the Eighth and Seventh Centuries B.C.’ (BSA XXIII (1932–3), 170 ff.). Compare also his article ‘Demaratus’ (JRS XXV (1935), 130 ff.).

²⁷ See Cook, R. M. in JHS LXVI (1946), 80–1Google Scholar, for a summary of their arguments, though he is willing to date Theog. 1011 ff. earlier than 700, by which date the Tyrrhenian would be better known.

²⁸ See Dunbabin, , Western Greeks, 5Google Scholar, who mentions Cycladic pottery but denies that any can be identified as Chalcidian.

²⁹ See Pearson frag. 748 (682 Nauck) and Holzinger, , Lykophrons Alexandra, 346.Google Scholar The words are added to the note on (λιμὴν cold) given by the compiler used in Bekker, , Anecd. graeca 414. 3Google Scholar, but do not recur in the same extract in Eustathius ad Od. (1667. 13 and Et Magn. 115). Κερβέριος as a name in Sophocles for the Cimmerians (957 Nauck. and Et Magn. 115) may belong to the same play. ‘Tyrrhenian’ is surely used generally for the west coast of Italy from Campania northward. See Wikén, op. cit. 118 and 126. Pearson doubts whether Cumae was meant by Sophocles, however later writers took the allusion, and notes also the νεκυομαντεῑον at the Ἄορνος λίμνη in Thesprotia (Paus. IX. 30. 6). This is another link between Campania and Thesprotia such as those discussed later here in section X.

³⁰ 273–8 Nauck. cf. Hartmann, op.cit. 109–11, and Wikén, op. cit. 126. In Nauck. 277, the text has Aristophanes Frogs may parody the play in places. Δαείρα in Lycophron 710 will be discussed later; as a name for Persephone here it is quoted by Schol. Ap. Rhod. III. 847. See Wikén, op.cit. 125–6.

³¹ Schol. Lycophr. 44. Eustathius 1379. 20 and Ad Dion Perieg. 78. Servius, ad Aen VIII 328.Google ScholarEt. Magn. 171. 15. s.v. Αὔσονς, Verrius Flaccus ap. Fest 16 Lindsay. See Wikén, op. cit. 76. Cumae itself was founded on territory already Osean in the eighthcentury: see Heurgon, , Capoue préromaine 55Google Scholar, who also sums up the evidence for regarding the Oseanpeople as a branch of the Ausones or Aurunci, op. cit. 39–50.

³² Frag. 144 Jacoby cf. Livy X. 21. 8. See Wikén, op. cit. 126.

³³ Pausanias VI. 6. 44 ff.and Strabo 255, who calls him Polites (cf. Od X. 224. See also Suidas sv Εὔθυμος and Ps. Plutarch, Prov. Alex. 131. Λύκαν in Pausanias is usually emended to the Ἀλύβαντα of Suidas in view of the Λύβαντα of later MSS., and ἡρῷον is read for Ἢρα, as the goddess has no relevance. The youth Sybaris, the spring Lyca, the river Calabrus, and the heröon at Temesa, shown together on the sculpture as seen by Pausanias, suggest a wide context of Italiote legend. For discussion see Maas, E., ‘Der Kampf um Temesa’ (JdI XXII (1907), 18–53)Google Scholar: Sanctis, G. de, ‘L'eroe di Temesa’ (Atti. Ac. Torino XLV (1909–1910), 164 ff.Google Scholar) (Ricerche storice e geogr. 43 ff.; Klio IX 1909, 385 ff.): Pais, E., Annali Univ. Toscana IX (1891), 27 ff.Google Scholar; Gianelli, G., Culti e miti della Magna Grecia 261–77Google Scholar; Mayer, M., ‘Rhodier Chalcidier und die Odyssee’ (JdI 1925)Google Scholar, Sect. I, ‘Elpenor und sein Grab.’; Lawson, J.C., περὶ ἁλιβἁντων (CR XL (1926), 53–58 and 116–21)Google Scholar; Ribezzo, F., Riv. Indogrecoital XV (1931), 98–2Google Scholar and XVI (1932), 78. Pais sees in the story a symbol of the known subjection of Temesa to Croton at one period; this is rightly discounted by Giannelli. But the youth Sybaris no doubt stands for Sybarite help against the natives.

³⁴ Grettir, like Euthymus, is historical, but has folk-tale attached to him. Alybas also recalls Grendel, whose onset Beowulf awaits at night and who returns defeated to a lake. I now see that Burn also compares Glam, (World of Hesiod, 140–1)Google Scholar; he further mentions the custom of μασχαλισμός intended to prevent such walking. Lawson assembles evidence that ἀλίβαντες were dried and unputrefied corpses which might be reanimated as vampires by the indignant ghosts.

³⁵ The base of his statue was found at Olympia (Roehl, , IGA 108Google Scholar: Loewy, , Inschr. griech. Bildhauer. 19Google Scholar, quoted by Giannelli, op.cit. 277).

³⁶ See Ribezzo, loc. cit. XV, 187 who with Wilamowitz, Bethe, and Bérard accepts Alybas as the later Metapontum.

³⁷ Op. cit. 271–7.

³⁸ See Giannelli, op. cit. 220–1 and 231–41. The presiding goddess was chthonic and was usually identified with Persephone, who had a famous temple at Locri. Justin XXI, 3. 2 ff. rather naturally makes her Venus (like Aphrodite at Corinth). Clearchus of Soli ap. Athen. XII 515 E seems to make the prostitution at Locri an inheritance from the Locrians of old Greece, whose hero Aias had violated Cassandra and offended Athena, and whom Athena thus punished. But the originators of such a custom would not regard it as degrading.

³⁹ See Jacoby's, commentary on Hellanikos 84Google Scholar (= Dion. Hal. A.R. I. 72), also Malten, L., Aineias (Archiv für Religionswiss. XXIX (1931)) 50.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ 1242–5.

⁴¹ For discussion see Schur, W., ‘Griechische Traditionen von der Gründung Roms’ (Klio XVII (1921), 137–152)Google Scholar and Malten, op. cit, Hellanicus was probably using at any rate Etruscan tradition, for a terracotta group of Aeneas and Anchises has been discovered at Veii and is dated to the early fifth century. See Giglioli, G. Q., Bull. del Mus. dell'Impero. Appendix to vol. LXIX, 3–16.Google Scholar

⁴² See Wüst in RE s.v. ‘Odysseus’ cols 1908–9 and Fiesel in Roscher s.v. ‘Utuse’.

⁴³ Hellanicus ap. Dion. Hal. A.R. I. 26. See Wüst in RE s.v. ‘Nanas’, who has no doubt that they are the same, and Wagner in Roscher s.v. ‘Nanas’ and Hartmann, op. cit. 154–6, who are sure that they are not.

⁴⁴ See Dion. Hal. A.R. I. 25 ff. and J. Bérard, op, cit. 493 ff.; also the discussion in Schachermeyr, F., Etruskische Frühgeschichte, C. VI, 260–2Google Scholar, who traces the identification to the resemblance between Kyrton or Gyrton, the Etruscan for Cortona, and Gyrton in Thessaly, mentioning also the trade route from Spina to Cortona.

⁴⁵ V. 33 ad fin.

⁴⁶ For an account of this see Beaumont, , ‘Greek Influence in the Adriatic’ (JHS LVI, Pt II, 1936, 177–8).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Timaios und die Geographie des Westens (Philologische Unter suchungen XIII (1892)).

⁴⁸ 670–3. Cf. Strabo 462 and 464 ff.; also Schol. Lycophr. 653 and 670 on the flight of the Centaurs from Thessaly and their death by hunger on the Isle of the Sirens under the spell of their song. The scholia here and later are quoted as in Scheer's edition, which includes similar material from Tzetzes, the paraphrases, and elsewhere, on each passage.

⁴⁹ Schol. Lycophr. 658, 721, 731. Ap. Rhod. IV. 898 ff. Apollod, , Epit VII 19.Google ScholarOvid, Met V 552–62.Google ScholarHyginus, Fab 125.Google ScholarAelian, NH XVII 23.Google Scholar See also Zwicker in RE s.v. ‘Sirenen’ and Weicker in Roscher s.v. ‘Seirenen’ and Petra, G. De, ‘Le sirene del mar tirreno’ (Atti ac. Napoli XXV (1908), 1–36).Google Scholar The illustrations in Weicker's article are particularly instructive; they vary from human-headed birds to women with bird's feet and wings growing from their backs. See also Buschor, Musen des Jenseits, for representations in vase-painting and sculpture.

⁵⁰ 673–5.

⁵¹ 677–80.

⁵² 681–7 Schol. 683.

⁵³ 688–93 Schol. 688.

⁵⁴ 248.

⁵⁵ 626–7, where he mentions Ἄριμοι, originally in Cilicia with Typhon, and Pindar's combination of the Cilician and Campanian locations (frags. 92–3 Schröder 240 Bowra). For the apes see also Ovid, Met XIV 89Google Scholar and Martianus Capella VI 644 Inarime a Graecis dicta Pithecussa. Virgil on Inarime, in Aen IX 716Google Scholar does not mention apes. There were in historical times none nearer than Barbary. Ribezzo, loc. cit. XVI, 8–10, regards ἅριμος as an ancient Mediterranean word occurring in Italy as well as in the Aegean.

⁵⁶ 694 and Schol. For Baios at Baiae cf. Strabo 245 Stephanus Byz s.v. Βαὶα Et Magn. 192–45 and Silius Ital. VII. 539, XII. 113.

⁵⁷ Cf. Strabo 244.

⁵⁸ Not yet identified. in Schol. Lycophr. 697 from Metrodorus. Mr. Dunbabin suggests that it may be the Monte di Procida.

⁵⁹ The Lucrine dam, a prehistoric work attributed to Herakles returning with Geryon's cattle by Strabo (245) and Diodorus (IV. 22); its modern name is given by Geffcken (op.cit. 30) as Stufe di Tritoli.

⁶⁰ Persephone's grove by Avernus: see Schol. 698 and Strabo 245; cf. Od X, 509.

⁶¹ 245.

⁶² Ast huic Lucrino mansisse vocabula quondam Cocyti memorant XII, 116; the whole passage 104–61 is a further source of this material, if a late one.

⁶³ 244. Mr. Dunbabin suggests that this may be Solfatara.

⁶⁴ Op.cit. 32. Cf. Schol, which is probably ancient lore. It would make the whole region a world of the dead. Mr. Dunbabin, however, suggests that Polydegmon is the mountain between Baiae and Naples, Campi Flegrei, rising above Lake Avernus.

⁶⁵ The view of Schol. 710 and Et Magn 244. 34.

⁶⁶ Their location in Campania seems to be assumed in Hesiod (frag. 68 Rzach = Schol. Ap. Rhod. IV 892), who places them on a like Homer's ἀνθεμοείς in Od XII 159. They are put on the same coast by Strabo 22, 23, 26, 246, 247, 251, 252, 258. Ps-Aristotle, De Mir Ausc 110Google Scholar Ptolemy III. 1. 79, Eustathius 1709, Virgil, Aen V 864Google Scholar, Pomponius Mela II. 4. 9, Pliny, NH III 62Google Scholar, Solinus II 22. Their Hesiodic names are different from the Campanian names given in Lycophron, which are evidently part of a distinct local tradition (see Zwicker and Weicker, loc. cit., also Frazer, , Apollodorus, Loeb Vol. II, 290–2Google Scholar). For their connexion with the underworld compare Sophocles frag. 861 Pearson (777 Nauck) Euripides, Helena 167 ff.Google Scholar, where they are at the orders of Persephone (but may have died) and Plato, Cratylus 403 DGoogle Scholar, where they live in Hades. Weicker insists that they are demons of the dead. Buschor, Musen des Jenseits, points out that, though they are always connected with the underworld, they help mortals to enter either Hades or Elysium, sometimes being more like angels than demons.

⁶⁷ In some accounts they were fated to die when anyone passed them so (e.g. Apollod, Epit. VII. 19Google Scholar, Hyg. Fab 125 and 141) Lycophron says at least this, but his scholiast at 712, Schol. Od XII 39, Eustathius ad Od 1709. 48, and Ad Dion Perieg 358 give their motive for suicide as their own chagrin. Cf. the famous vase from Vulci (Amphora Brit. Mus. E440. Attic of the fifth century).

⁶⁸ 717–20 and 732–7 and Schol., where the gymnastic contest is mentioned which was instituted by order of an oracle in her honour by the Athenian admiral Diotimus in 433–2. Cf. Strabo 246 on the festival. Her cult is thus at least as old as the fifth century. It is mentioned also by Virgil, Georg IV 563–4Google Scholar, Ovid, Met XV 711–12Google Scholar, Pliny, NH III 62Google Scholar, Servius, ad Georg IV 563Google Scholar, Dion Perieg 357–60, Eustath ad loc., and Schol. Od XII 39. Suidas s.v. Νεάπολις mentions her statue at Naples. G. de Petra op. cit. Sect. II ‘Napoli e la tomba di Partenope’ summarises the medieval Cronaca di Partenope; here the siren appears as a princess of Sicily, who in heathen times sailed into Naples and died of sickness, after which her tomb was the seat of an oracle consulted in times of plague and civil disturbance. From apatron goddess she becomes nearly a Christian saint. The other Sirens' cults are not otherwise known. For the benevolent aspect of the Sirens, which he thinks equally important, see Buschor, Musen des Jenseits, passim.

⁶⁹ 723–5 and Schol. cf. Strabo 123, 252, Pliny, NH III 85.Google Scholar Enipeus here is Poseidon and the promontory Poseideion, now Licosia, between Posidonia and Elea.

⁷⁰ 726–31 and Schol. cf. Stephanus Byz. 617. 7; Solinus II. 19. The Ocinarus is identified by Dunbabin with the Savuto, (Western Greeks 161–2).Google Scholar Tereina is on the Bruttian coast.

⁷¹ Any difficulties in his account are largely due to later volcanic activity which has shrunk the lakes. See Gunther, R. T., ‘Contribution to the Study of Earth Movement in the Bay of Naples. The Submerged Greek and Roman Fore shore’ Archaeologia LVIII (1903), 499–560.Google Scholar

⁷² Strabo 245.

⁷³ 23 on the Sirens. 26 on the Sirens, Scylla, Aeolus, the underworld. Cf. Ps. Aristotle De Mir Ausc on the clear water of Avernus where leaves would not float, on Pyriphlegethon as the name of the whole region, and on the swans that swam on Avernus.

⁷⁴ 247. Cf. Ps-Aristotle ibid. 103, who speaks of continual sacrifice in the temple. The reason for this was probably the Sirens' power over the weather, for which see Zwicker, loc. cit.

⁷⁵ Now I Galli.

⁷⁶ 232. Cf. Ps-Aristotle ibid. 78 on the fatally poisonous herbs said to grow there.

⁷⁷ 1278–80.

⁷⁸ 805–11. As he dies he foresees that Telemachus will murder his wife Circe and be murdered by his half-sister Cassiphone, a melodrama developed from the apparently happy ending of the Telegonia.

⁷⁹ 1242–9.

⁸⁰ E.g. Modona, A. Neppi, Cortona etrusca e romana (1925), 12 and 15.Google Scholar Hartmann, op. cit. 152, points out that Etruscan Curtun appears in Greek as Γορτυνάια like Gortyn in Crete; as Κρότων, now sometimes read for Κρηστῶνα (in Thessaly) in Herod. I. 57, and Dion. Hal. AR I 28, like Croton in Magna Graecia; as Κορθωνία in Dion. Hal. AR I 26; and as Κυρτώνιον in Polyb. III 82. 9. Cf. Rosenberg, , Herodot, und Cortona', (Rh Mus NF LXIX (1914), 622–76Google Scholar, and Schachermeyr, op. cit. 260–1).

⁸¹ See Danielsson, , Etruskischen Inschriften (Uppsala, 1928)Google Scholar on Nuvlaius Nanus and Schachermeyr, op. cit. 263, who quotes Kretschmer, , Einleitung in die griechische Sprache, 341 ff.Google Scholar, for Nanas as a common name in Asia Minor.

⁸² Op. cit. 154–7.

⁸³ Il III 193; Od VI 230.

⁸⁴ See Schur, op.cit., 139–42.

⁸⁵ Except in the allusive pun at 1233.

⁸⁶ 799–805 and Scholia. These people are reckoned barbarians by Thucydides who calls the Chaonians, Thesprotians, Molossians, Atintanians, and Parauaeans βάρβαροι, and the Eurytanians (II 80–1, III 94). But they probably contained a very ancient Greek element older than the Dorian migration.

⁸⁷ Strabo 20.

⁸⁸ Strabo 20.

⁸⁹ Strabo 21.

⁹⁰ Od X 140–1; Bérard, , Les Phéniciens II, 268Google Scholar, and photographs in Album, 128–32 (Circaeum and port), 133–4 (Fontana della Bagnaja).

⁹¹ Od X 159; Phéniciens II, 268: Album, 136–7.

⁹² Od X 149–50, 194–7. Phéniciens II, 273 ff.; Album, 141. Bérard argues that the whole region was better drained and more thickly populated before the Romans ruled it, so that it was worth while to make the raised roads for trade with the interior. This is probable, but even the Odyssey describes a wild and solitary stretch of country in spite of the roads. The period of fullest occupation would need to be of early Mycenaean or even of Minoan date. The Cretan roads of the Minoan period were better than any of classical times before the Romans, but no one would claim that there were actual Minoan roads in Latium or Campania.

⁹³ Phéniciens II, 288 ff.

⁹⁴ See Phéniciens II, 285–6, and Album, 142. Bérard sees in Circe the Mediterranean mother-goddess or nature-goddess, the πότνια θηρῶν. Compare the Babylonian Ishtar, who changed her lovers into animals and hunted them. (Persson, A., The Religion of Greece in Prehistoric Times, 117–18Google Scholar, on the Gilgamesh epic.)

⁹⁵ See Phéniciens II, 287. The required antiquity of the cult can hardly be proved, but in some forerunner there may have been a young god such as was usually associated with the nature-goddess in the Aegean and further east.

⁹⁶ Phéniciens II, 288–9.

⁹⁷ Phéniciens II, 290 quoting Pliny, NH VIII. 2. 7Google Scholar, XXI. 45. 3, XXV. 5. 2, XXVIII. 6. 1, Cicero, De Div I 58Google Scholar, II 33, Virgil, Aen VII 749Google Scholar, VIII 496, Horace, Ep V 76Google Scholar, XVII 29.

⁹⁸ See photographs Figs. 64 and 65 in Phéniciens II.

⁹⁹ Circe's palace, with its high flat roof from which Elpenor fell, suggests a Minoan mansion, which would be hard to find as the precursor of Feronia's temple. But like that of Alcinous it is now regarded as owing something to folk-memory of Minoan Crete. This could easily, if carried in literaryform, attach itself to new localities.

¹⁰⁰ See his Odyssée (Texte) II, 77 ff.

¹⁰¹ Od X, 509; Phéniciens II, 314; Album, 148.

¹⁰² Phéniciens II, 313 ff.; Album, 147–51. Bérard reads ἐλάχεια at Od X, 509. Styx and Cocytus are mentioned in the Nekyia, but in the Nekyomantia portion Odysseus does not visit them. Yet they recur in later literature and local lore, and Pyriphlegethons are found everywhere here as sulphurous springs.

¹⁰³ Phéniciens II, 321. The Sibyl's grotto proper is in the rock at Cumae, not here.

¹⁰⁴ Phéniciens II, 324.

¹⁰⁵ Phéniciens II, 318–19, cf. Silius Ital. XII 130–7.

¹⁰⁶ See his article ‘Nuovo elemento reale nella localizzazione della Nekyia preomerica sul lago d'Averno’, Riv.indo-greco-Ital XVI (1932), 6–12. Aristarchus read λάχεια at X 509 and the Scholiast says it means cf. Et Magn 558. 6, for the same derivation. This sense might also suit the near the land of the Cyclopes with its caves, in Od IX, 116.

¹⁰⁷ Phéniciens II, 334–42: Album, 152–5.

¹⁰⁸ Phéniciens II, 349–69; Album, 156–60.

¹⁰⁹ Phéniciens II, 365–9; Album, 161–2. Bérard on Naxos and Tauromenium seems to add needless complications. Sicily as fabulous Thrinacia and elsewhere as real Sicania in the same poem suggest that the author of our Odyssey did not regard both as Sicily. For us they represent prehistoric and historic acquaintance with the same island.

¹¹⁰ CAH I, 105; II, 567, 584; III, 670–7.

¹¹¹ The World of Hesiod, 20–2.

¹¹² Colonisation grecque de l'Italie, 519–24.

¹¹³ See Dunbabin, ‘Minos and Daidalos’ passim; Diodorus IV, 78–9.

¹¹⁴ See Buchner, G., ‘Nota preliminare sulle scoperte preistoriche dell' isola d'Ischia’ (BPI N.S. I (1936–1937), 65–93)Google Scholar 79 fig.3 and Buchner, G. and Rittmann, A., Origine e passato dell isola d'Ischia, 36–7Google Scholar, for sherds on Ischia and Vivara.

¹¹⁵ Mr. Dunbabin informs me that he has seen a Mycenaean sherd from Cumae found by Miss Bertha Tilley; for traces of metal near Cumae see Heurgon, , Capoue préromaine, 20–2Google Scholar, on καδμεία (Dioscorides V 85), cadmae (Pliny, , NH XXXIV, 2Google Scholar), a copper ore.

¹¹⁶ See, for instance, Gabrici, , Cuma (MA XXII (1913), 168 ff.).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ See Beaumont, ‘Greek influence in the Adriatic’, 164–5, quoting Plutarch. Qu grace II Ps-Scymnus 442–3 Schol. Ap. Rhod. IV 1775 and 1216, and Patsch, Sandschak Berat in Albanian, on remains of a settlement on the Pasha Liman. But Mr. Dunbabin comments that no remains of the eighth century or earlier have been found at Corcyra or Oricus nor any specially connected with Euboea.

¹¹⁸ Pausanias V. 22. 2–3, Lycophron 1034 ff. and Scholia.

¹¹⁹ Ap. Clem. Alex. Stromateis VI 25 and 266 and Paus. VIII.12. 5, and X. 30. 6.

¹²⁰ I. 17. 5, cf. V. 14. 3, and Aristotle, , Meteor. I, 353aGoogle Scholar on located in these parts. If the Greeks remembered this as their earliest home, they might sometimes regard it also as the place where their ghosts went after death, just as some immigrant Britons in Wales believed that theirs went to Strathclyde.

¹²¹ This is no doubt the explanation of the odd story in Plutarch, , Theseus XXXIGoogle Scholar, that Theseus and Pirithous went to Epirus to steal the daughter of Aidoneus, King of the Molossians, who had a wife Phersephone and a dog Cerberus.

¹²² See Thomson, J. A. K., Studies in the Odyssey, cc. II and V.Google Scholar Lycophron knows of a Boeotian birthplace of Odysseus by the ‘Tcmmician hill of Bombyleia’, i.e. of the Athena of Orchomenos (786). But Odysseus may be even older in Epirus.

¹²³ Euryalus in Eustath. 1796. 52 on Od XV 118 and Sophocles, , Euryalus, I 145 ff.Google Scholar Pearson; also Parthenius III. Leontophron or Doryclus in Lysimachus ap Eustath. loc. cit.

¹²⁴ Proclus on Telegonia: Kinkel, EGF 57Google Scholar, OCT Homer V, p. 109, and Apollod. VII 34–6.

¹²⁵ Lycophron 799 and Scholia mentioning Aristotle's Ἰθακησίων πολιτεία (508 Rose), cf. Plutarch, Qu. graec. XIV (507 Rose)Google Scholar, where Odysseus apparently goes to Italy after Neoptolemus of Epirus decrees his banishment for blood at the instance of the wooers' kin. Ἰταλία of the MSS. is altered by Hartmann, op. cit. 140, to Αἰταλία to agree with Apollod. VII 40, which ends the same story with Odysseus' death in Aetolia.

¹²⁶ Lycophron 799–800 and Scholia. Steph Byz. sv Τραμπύα.

¹²⁷ Schol. ad. Od XI 22 mentions this as a barbarous place connected with Odysseus. Stephanus, sv Βούνειμα, says that this was the place where the seawas unknown and Odysseus planted his oar; Schol. Lycophron claims this for Trampya. Compare also the Aornon in Thesprotia mentioned by Pausanias IX. 30. 6, but in connexion with Orpheus, not Odysseus.

¹²⁸ Cf. Aristotle, Meteor I 353AGoogle Scholar on Dodona and the valley of the Achelous as the original home of the Hellenes, , and Kretschmer, , Einleitung, 254 ff.Google Scholar, on this passage. The Illyrians who overran the region may have taken over Odysseus the prophet as they partly took over the oracle of Dodona. Some may even have penetrated southern Greece towards the end of the Mycenaean age leaving their heroes Dardanus and Aeneas in Arcadia and Laconia as well as in eastern Thrace. (See Paus III. 22. 11, VIII. 12. 8, and Dion. Hal. A.R. 161 and the discussion by N. Jokl, s.v. ‘Illyrier’ in Ebert's, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte VI, 34 ff.Google Scholar)

¹²⁹ See Schol. Lycophr. 806 ending (ὑπαὐτῶν deleted by Scheer). Lycophron himself makes Odysseus die by Neriton on Ithaca at Telegonus' hands so that only his ashes reach Etruria (795 and 807). Thus Theopompus stands in contrast and not in support in spite of his mentioning Gortynaea. See Jacoby, FGH Thopompos frag. 354 for the latest text. Müller, , FHG I, 296Google Scholar, omits μεγάλως τιμώμενος.

¹³⁰ 640 Rose. 12 and 13.

¹³¹ De audiendis poetis VIII. Altheim, Hist. Rom. Rel. 299Google Scholar regards this as a trait of a night-wanderer, behaving evidently like a sleepy cat. Ptolemy Chennus relates two odd stories. Odysseus won a competition in flute-playing among the Etruscans, his piece being Demodocus' poem on the Fall of Troy (Westermann, , Myth. Graec. 197. 20Google Scholar). He ended his life in the keeping of Hals, an Etruscan sorceress once in Circe's service, who changed him into a horse and cared for him until he died in old age, thus fulfilling the prophecy θάνατος ἐξ ἁλός and providing an αἴτιον for the place name Halos Pyrgos in Etruria (ibid.).

¹³² See RE and Roscher s.v. ‘Odysseus’ for the various forms Ὀλυττεύ or Ὀλυττεύ, especially in inscriptions and on vases from Attica, Boeotia, and Corinth. The Illyrian origin of Ulixes if favoured by Kretschmer, , Einleitung, 280 ff.Google Scholar, and Altheim, op. cit. 139 and 216. Kretschmer points out that Illyrian has a spirant reproduced in Latin sometimes by x and sometimes by ss, in Greek by Ʒ or σ but never by ξ; it may have been š (sh).

¹³³ See Whatmough, J., The Foundations of Roman Italy, 308–9.Google Scholar For theories of an Illyrian element among the founders of Rome see, most recently, Krappe, H., ‘Doriens et romains’, R.E.A. XLI (1939), 113–20Google Scholar, and Altheim, F. and Trautmann, E., Italien und die dorische Wanderung (1940).Google Scholar

¹³⁴ The Taphians and their neighbours or precursors the Teleboans, who appear in legend as familiar with Italy before the Greeks, are reckoned in ancient sources to be not Illyrians but Leleges, possibly driven from the Cyclades by the Minoan navy (which others of them apparently manned) and settling north of the Corinthian gulf to continue their piracy there. If so, their knowledge of Italy would date from Minoan times. See Apollod. Epit II. 4. 5–6; Strabo 459, 461; Et Magn 748. 40, and the discussion in Thomson, G., Studies in Ancient Greek Society: the Prehistoric Aegean, 426–7.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ For the Ithacan cult see Aristotle Ἰθ. πολ frag. 507 Rose. Excavation has revealed a cult of Odysseus in the Luisu cave (see Karo, G., AA 1931, 266Google Scholar, and Benton, S., BSA XXXV, 54Google Scholar, also Heurtley, W. A., BSA XL, 11–13Google Scholar). For the Tarentine see Ps-Aristotle, De Mir Auce 106.Google Scholar Other Adriatic traces of Odysseus are given in Ps-Scylax, Periplus XIIIGoogle Scholar and Pliny, NH III 96Google Scholar on the island of Calypso near the Lacinian promontory and in Servius (interpol) on Aen III 553 on his landing at Scylletion, an αἴτιον for the cult of Athena there.

¹³⁶ See Whatmough, , Foundations, 311Google Scholar, and Pais, L., ‘I Dauni e gli Umbri della Campania’ in Italica Antica II, 277–94.Google Scholar Daunians near Nola: Polybius III 915; at Ardea: Virgil, Aen X 615, 688.Google Scholar On Metabus see Altheim, , ‘Messapus’, Archiv. f. Religionswiss. XXIX (1931), 23–32.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ Hist. Rom. Rel. 297–9.

¹³⁸ Ap. Dion. Hal. AR I. 72. 5, cf. Steph Byz sv Ἄντεια.

¹³⁹ See Wikén, , Die Kunde der Hellenen, 180Google Scholar, and Hoffmann, W., Rom und die griechische Welt in 4 Jahrhundert (Philol. Supplbd XXVII Heft I) 110.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Romulus II.

¹⁴¹ Ad Aen I 273.

¹⁴² Livy I. 49. 9, Dion. Hal. AR IV. 45, Festus 116 (Lindsay), Horace, Ep I. 30Google Scholar, Odes III. 29. 8. Propertius III. 32. 4, Ovid, Fast IV 71 ff.Google Scholar Coins: Babelon, , Monnaies de la république romaine II, 170 ff.Google Scholar, Eckhel, , DN V, 242 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Plutarch, Parallel, min. 41Google Scholar from Aristotle's Ἰταλικά Steph Byz sv Festus 269 (Lindsay) Hyginus, Fab 127Google Scholar Solinus II 9.

¹⁴⁴ Servius, ad Aen. X 167.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ See Malten ‘Aineias’ 77.

¹⁴⁶ Op. cit. 77. Schur, ‘Die griech Trad’, 151, considers that Syracusan co-operation with the Romans against the Etruscans was reflected on the Greek side in assigning a Trojan origin to Rome.

¹⁴⁷ By Malten, op. cit. 50. But Aeneas in South Etruria is as old as the fifth century B.C., the date of the terracotta group mentioned at note 41.

¹⁴⁸ Bellum Punicum fr. 17 and 18 in Warmington Remains of Old Latin (Loeb) Vol. II from Lactantius, Div Inst I. 6. 7Google Scholar, who quotes Varro for the Cimmerian Sibyl of Italy as the fourth of her kind (cf. De Orig. Gent. Rom. 10). Naevius may have been the first to combine the Cumaean Sibyl with any kind of heroic Nekyia, his aim being to introduce a Nekyia into the legend of Aeneas and to dignify this with her name in the face of Roman prejudice (see Perret, , Les origines de la légende troyenne de Rome, 102–3Google Scholar).

¹⁴⁹ 1277–80.