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Direct Optimality Theory: Representation as Pure Markedness

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 February 2026

Chris Golston
Chris Golston*
Affiliation:
California State University Fresno
*
Department of Linguistics, California State University Fresno, Fresno, CA 93740 [chrisg@csufresno.edu]
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Abstract

I present a model of phonological representation which represents morphemes in terms of constraint violations rather than strings of segments or root nodes. The formalism allows representation to be uniform throughout the phonology, mandates permanent underspecification of unmarked structure, derives the linear order of segments within a morpheme, and allows representation and evaluation to be conflated. Marked types of morphology (infixes, circumfixes, zero affixes; subtractive, reduplicative and templatic morphology) are represented in exactly the same way as roots. The markedness of such morphology is argued to follow from the high ranking of the violated constraints in question.

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Type
Research Article
Information
Language , Volume 72 , Issue 4 , December 1996 , pp. 713 - 748
Copyright
Copyright © 1996 Linguistic Society of America

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