Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2026
The grammatical gender of a noun can be sensitive to a number of different factors, including the noun's lexical semantics, nominalizing morphology, or arbitrary requirements imposed by particular roots (e.g. Corbett 1991, Kramer 2020), though the limits on possible factors are not currently understood, with some work proposing that a noun's gender can even be valued ‘at a distance’ via agreement with other nominals. The current study explores the understudied phenomenon of gender-possession interactions (Evans 1994), investigating whether being possessed, or being possessable, can have an impact on which gender a noun is assigned. Evidence is provided from four unrelated languages supporting the existence of such interactions. Strikingly, however, these interactions are restricted to inalienable possession; no such interactions have been identified for alienable possession. I propose that this falls out from a general gender locality hypothesis (GLH), which restricts the domain of gender assignment within a phrase nP. The GLH captures the gender asymmetry between ‘local’, inalienable possessors introduced within nP and ‘nonlocal’, alienable possessors introduced outside of nP, for example, in a phrase PossP (Alexiadou 2003, Myler 2016). The GLH also makes further predictions for other features with respect to what may or may not factor into gender assignment, severely restricting or outright prohibiting gender-assignment effects from number, definiteness, and case. Broadly, the work expands our understanding of which types of elements can be relevant to gender assignment and sheds light on underexplored gender-, possession-, and agreement-related phenomena.
I would like to thank Elena Anagnostopoulou, Jonathan Bobaljik, Christos Christopoulous, Kajsa Djärv, Michael Everdell, Zuzanna Fuchs, Ruth Kramer, Naomi Lee, Neil Myler, Phoevos Panagiotidis, and Omer Preminger, as well as audiences at MIT, WCCFL 39, WCCFL 41, Rutgers, and Leibniz-ZAS for discussion of and feedback on this work. The present work greatly expands on Adamson 2023 and is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation SBE Postdoctoral Research Fellowship under Grant No. 1911708.