(With a Note on Indo-European)
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2026
It is well known that a very large number of American Indian languages number among their phonemes glottalized stops and affricates (e.g. p̓, t̓, k̓, q̓, k̓w, q̓w, c̓, č̓). Examples of such languages or groups of languages are Dakota, Winnebago, Ponca and other Siouan languages; Tonkawa; Chitimacha; Kootenay; Salish languages; Sahaptin languages; Chinookan; Tlingit; Haida; Tsimshian; Kwakiutl and Nootka; Chimakuan; Athapaskan languages (e.g. Navaho;) Alsea; Siuslaw; Coos; Takelma; Karok; Shasta; Achumawi and Atsugewi; Porno; Chimariko; Yana; Klamath and Modoc; Kalapuya; Yana; Yurok; Yuki; Wintun; Yokuts; Washo; Keres; Tanoan languages; Kiowa; Mayan languages; Quechua. In most of these languages the glottalized consonants are fortes, as in Chinookan and Athapaskan; in others, as in Chitimacha and Taos (Tanoan), they are lenes. In the overwhelming majority of cases the glottal release is posterior to the oral release, precisely as in Georgian and other Caucasic languages. These glottalized consonants are sometimes known as ‘ejectives’. In some languages, however, the oral and glottal releases are synchronous. An example of a language having glottalized consonants of this type is Southern Paiute (Shoshonean), where they are not true phonemes, however, as they may always be analyzed into stop (or affricate) +?.
1 The Navaho forms cited in this paper are from the author's field notes. The Nootka forms are quoted from Sapir and Swadesh, Nootka Texts (William Dwight Whitney Linguistic Series, Yale University, 1938). The Kwakiutl forms are quoted from F. Boas' writings on Kwakiutl, particularly: Kwakiutl (Handbook of American Indian Languages, 1.423-557, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40, 1910); Ethnology of the Kwakiutl, Part 2 (35th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1921), Vocabulary (pp. 1389-1466); A Revised List of Kwakiutl Suffixes (International Journal of American Linguistics 3.117-131 [1924]); Notes on the Kwakiutl Vocabulary (ibid. 6.163-78 [1931]).
1a Fide Morris Swadesh and George L. Trager respectively.
2
, high tone;
, low tone.
3 I owe these forms of the verb ‘to get round’ to Father Berard Haile, O.F.M.
3a The degree of genetic relationship of Nootka and Kwakiutl is hardly greater than that of, say, Russian and German.
4 Wakashan is the term employed by Americanists for a linguistic group which includes two main branches: Kwakiutl, consisting of Kwakiutl proper, Bella Bella, and Kitamat; and Nootka, consisting of Nootka proper (also known as Aht), Nitinat, and Makah. This synthesis was first established by Boas.
5 '- is a symbol to indicate the ‘hardening’ effect of a suffix. r indicates that the suffix causes reduplication of stem; l, that the suffix causes lengthening of stem vowel.
6 '- indicates ‘softening’.
7 That -?- of
is is merely analogical seems also to be indicated by the fact that a number of smooth-vowel suffixes, which neither ‘harden’ nor 'soften’ preceding consonants, also insert -?- after a final vowel of the syllable. Thus, ča- ‘island’, c̓a- ‘stream’, and c̓a- ‘water’ form absolutive (or durative) ča? ak, c̓a? ak, c̓a? ak (cf. indifferent effect of -ak in such words as kimt-ak 'long pole extending from end to end', k̓was-ak 'dead limb, twig') distributive čačak̓, c̓ac̓ak̓, c̓ac̓ak̓. On the other hand, the ‘softening’, as well as ‘hardening’, in Kwakiutl of original -y-, -w-, -n-, -m-, -l- to -y̓-, -w̓-, -n̓-, -m̓-, -l̓- (e.g. han- ‘hollow vessel is somewhere’ + '-i̓l̓s yields han̓il̓s ‘kettle on floor'; see Boas, Kwakiutl, Handbook of American Indian Languages 1.430, 473) might be interpreted to mean that 'softening’ too is the result of an old absorption of a glottal stop, though it seems much simpler to assume that in Kwakiutl types -n? h- and -nh- leveled to -n̓-. Possible confirmation of this will be pointed out below, when Kwakiutl initial glottalized voiced continuants are discussed.
7a There is a survival of -nkw- ‘at the hand’ [r] i̓n Kwakiutl c̓∂nc̓∂nkw-a 'to wash the hands', with secondary stem c̓∂nkw-; cf. Kw. c̓oxw- 'to wash', N. c̓o-. This seems to imply that the Nootka alternation of glottalized and non-glottalized n is of Wakashan age.
8 Boas writes -aanō (op. cit. 511) but all cases of Kwakiutl v- and -vv1- are to be interpreted as ?v- and -v?V1-. Smooth vowel initials and combinations of vowel and smooth vowel are impossible in Kwakiutl and Nootka.
9 Such primary reduplications occur with other Kwakiutl nouns for paired body-parts, e.g. eye, ear, foot, kidney.
10 Which we take as our basic Nootka dialect.
11 There is no properly phonemic l in Nootka. Wakashan l almost certainly developed to Nootka y; cf. ‘hardening’ of Nootka ł to y̓ (
), ‘softening’ to y (w), as against Kwakiutl l̓ and l respectively.
12 In Nootka too various types of songs are named with -y̓ak, -c̓ak 'instrument of . . .'.
13 We use 'A' to indicate any one of the four laryngeal consonants when it is desired to speak in general terms or when we have reason to suspect a laryngeal consonant (in this case chiefly because of the ‘Stosston’ of Lithuanian mélžu) but have not enough evidence to determine which one is involved. Similarly, it is convenient often to use ‘Ạ’ for a laryngeal which must have been either ? or x, say because of the a-timbre of the following vowel, but between which we cannot decide. This is, as a matter of fact, a frequent contingency.
14 '∂' should be used by those who hold to the laryngeal hypothesis only for a real schwa, a simple murmur vowel reduced from a full grade short vowel. The so-called ‘schwa indogermanicum', for which '∂’ is in general use, will have to yield to the series ∂', ∂;, ∂x, ∂γ.