page 3 note 1 Ligatured ts and dz are not used, as a matter of typographical convenience.

page 3 note 2 Familiar Parisian.

page 3 note 3 With uvular vibration.

page 7 note 1 Ligatured ts and dz are not used, as a matter of typographical convenience.

page 7 note 2 Familiar Parisian.

page 7 note 3 With uvular vibration.

page 9 note 1 The first term in this column refers to a physiologic characteristic; others designate additional essential characteristics.

page 10 note 2 In releasing the position for this type of consonant, the tongue moves away from the palate along the median line, the sides of the tongue continuing contact with the palate.

page 16 note 1 Abbé J. Rousselot, Principes de phonétique expérimentale 1.591 (nouvelle éd., Paris, 1924).

page 16 note 2 Paul Passy, Petite Phonétique comparée ... 45 (Leipzig-Berlin, 1912). There is no mention made here of groups like [kr] and [gr], but see pp. 66–8 below.

page 17 note 3 For a definition of this term see note 12 of this Chapter.

page 18 note 4 R. H. Stetson, Motor Phonetics; in Archives néerlandaises de phonétique expérimentale, Vol. III (la Haye, 1928).

page 18 note 5 Ibid. 21.

page 18 note 6 Ibid. 29.

page 18 note 7 Ibid. 43.

page 19 note 8 Ibid. 27.

page 19 note 9 Cf. note 2 of this chapter.

page 20 note 10 Abbé G. Voile, Les Origines des complications orthographiques, in Le français moderne 2.1.58 (Jan. 1934); quoting from Th. Joran, Péril de la syntaxe et la crise de l'orthographe 138 (Paris: A. Savaète): ‘Faites sonner let final dans fait (substantif); fait prononcé fai, représente le participe passé du verbe faire. ...‘ This is, of course, an artificial rule, just as [f εt] is an artificial pronunciation.

page 20 note 11 The pronunciation of r in all positions is [r], which seems to have arisen in Paris, because of social rather than physiologic circumstances, and is spreading throughout the whole of France. It is curious to find that in other Romance territory (Spanish-speaking Puerto Rico, parts of Portugal) there is a tendency to make the same substitution of [r] for [r] as took place in France.

page 22 note 12 J. R. Aiken, Why English Sounds Change 22–3 (New York, 1929): 'Accord in speech may be defined briefly as that principle whereby a speaker tends to harmonize speech sounds. In another aspect, it may be termed the tendency of spoken language to become progressively more simplified, hence more efficient (not always more “easy”) in its sound patterns. More specifically, accord is that principle in language by whose operation sounds tend to repeat or to approach in manner or place of production, other sounds, whether immediately contiguous in utterance or more remote.“

page 22 note 13 Stetson, op. cit. 65, 119 ff. Rousselot-Laclotte, Précis de prononciation française 81 (Paris, 1927): ‘Si deux consonnes s'appuient sur une seule voyelle (psaume, p'tit, ou apt'), leur union est plus étroite que si elles s'appuyaient sur deux (aptitude).’ Ps of psaume is a releasing group, comparable to [kj].

page 25 note 1 C. E. Parmenter, S. N. Treviño, and C. A. Bevans, A Technique for Radiographing the Organs of Speech during Articulation, in Zeitschrift für Experimental-Phonetik, Vol. I, Heft 2 (July 1931).

page 26 note 2 For details, see Parmenter and Bevans, Analysis of Speech Radiographs, in American Speech 8.3.44–56 (1933).

page 28 note 3 Principes de Phonétique expérimentale 2.910 (Paris, 1925).

page 29 note 4 E. Emmett, Phonetic Studies with the Artificial Palate (unpublished master's dissertation, University of Chicago, 1931).

page 32 note 5 A similar attempt at showing depth in connection with palatograms had occurred in Mme. Varney's Etudes sur l'L américain (Paris: Presses universitaires, 1933).

page 38 note 1 Subject X is the author of this study. He began to learn French at the age of eight. He lived in Neuchâtel, Switzerland, for some eight years, and went through public and secondary school there.

page 40 note 2 See Kr. Nyrop, Grammaire historique de la langue française³ 1.188–9 (Copenhague, 1914).

page 41 note 3 The fact that this sound is heard only preceding an arresting [r] and in stressed syllable, in other words when it is prolonged, offers a fair analogy with Latin stressed, unchecked [a:].

page 41 note 4 Fig. 21 shows the steps in the chronological sequence of articulations.

page 42 note 5 H. Bauche, op. cit. 51: (t) tombe dans certaines finales en tion: sujession (‘suggestion’), congession (‘congestion’).

page 43 note 6 The tracing for [j] is not taken from a radiograph but from a palatogram.

page 44 note 7 C. H. Grandgent, Introduction to Vulgar Latin 110 (New York, 1907).

page 68 note 8 The instances of Latin -cn- [-kn-] coming down into French are rare, and not absolutely clear. This consonant group is shown here for the sake of completeness.

page 69 note 9 Cf. the palatogram for Spanish ñ in T. Navarro Tomás, Manual de Pronunciación española⁴ 132 (Madrid, 1932).

page 72 note 10 A variant simplification took place in Middle French: [-ŋn-] > [-n-], agneau [ano], signet [sinε] through the 17th century (see Bourciez, Précis historique de phonétique française⁶ 179 [Paris, 1926]).

page 72 note 11 A number of instances of Latin cl- becoming gl- in French remain unexplained: glaire < claria, glas < classicum? O. Bloch and W. von Wartburg, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue française 1.337 (Paris: Presses universitaires, 1932).

page 72 note 12 The combination -sc'l- seems to have been simplified early to -s'l-: masculu [masklo] > [maslo] > [ma:l] (cf. [-stj-] > [-sj-] p. 42 above).

page 73 note 13 Cf. T. Navarro Tomás, op. cit. 133.

page 73 note 14 Op. cit. 63, 92.

page 75 note 1 In a study of Franco-Canadian articulation which the author is preparing, this evidence will appear.

page 75 note 2 E. Bourciez, Précis historique de phonétique française⁶ 246–7 (Paris: Klincksieck, 1926): La réduction de l à y (provenant de ce que la langue au lieu d'adhérer au milieu du palais s'en est peu à peu détachée) est au contraire d'origine toute moderne. On la rencontre d'abord, vers le milieu du XVII^e siècle, dans les Mazarinades de 1648, où une prononciation cayou, fiye (pour caillou, fille) semble venue des patois de l'Ile-de-France.

page 75 note 3 Kr. Nyrop, op. cit. 1.323–34, 339.

page 97 note 1 M. K. Pope, From Latin to Modern French 135 (Manchester University Press, 1934): ‘... before the end of the sixth century’.

page 102 note 2 Cf. Appendix Probi 4.197–9 Keil: avus non aus, ... rivus non rius, pavor non paor.

page 103 note 3 Pope, op. cit. 140.

page 107 note 4 In the reading of sentence No. 6, Subject B placed a secondary stress upon the syllable donne.

page 107 note 5 Pope, op. cit. 205–7.