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Deep-structure binding of pronouns and anaphoric bleeding

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 March 2026

Adrian Akmajian and
Chisato Kitagawa
Adrian Akmajian
Affiliation:
University of Arizona
Chisato Kitagawa
Affiliation:
University of Massachusetts
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Abstract

Two syntactic processes in Japanese and English which involve deep-structure binding of pronouns, namely relativization and thematization, can interfere with the operation of later cyclic or postcyclic rules of pronominalization in a relationship we refer to as ‘anaphoric bleeding’. This shows that the anaphoric relations which hold between NP's within a clause are not only a result of the internal syntactic structure of the clause, but also the result of the external grammatical function of the clause as a whole within the larger containing sentence. We show, furthermore, that some phenomena associated with deep-structure binding invalidate the approach to relativization inherent in Perlmutter's ‘shadow pronoun’ hypothesis and Schachter's ‘promotion’ theory.

Information

Type
Research Article
Information
Language , Volume 52 , Issue 1 , March 1976, pp. 61 - 77
Copyright
Copyright © 1976 by Linguistic Society of America

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