¹ The sources of this study are listed in the last footnote.

For further bibliographic data see fn. 9 for ancient dictionaries consulted, fn. 341 for dialectal glossaries used.

² S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana² (Madrid, 1674). According to J. M. Hill, Index verborum de Covarrubias (Indiana Univ. Studies 8; Bloomington, 1921), the only derivatives mentioned by the ancient lexicographer are quexa, quexarse, quexoso, and aquexar. Covarrubias' etymology was accepted by Roque Barcia.

³ In the unpublished Origen e etimología de todos los vocablos originales de la lengua castellana. The writer owes knowledge of this theory to Monlau.

⁴ R. Percival and J. Minsheu, A Dictionary in Spanish and English² (London, 1623).

⁵ [A. de] Nebrija, Gramática de la lengua castellana [Salamanca, 1492], ed. I. Gonzalez Llubera, p. 243 (Oxford University Press, 1926).

⁶ Juan de Valdés, Diálogo de la lengua, ed. J. F. Montesinos, pp. 39, 86 (Clásicos castellanos 86; Madrid, 1928).

⁷ P. Pineda, Nuevo diccionario español e ingles e ingles y español (London, 1740).

⁸ M. de Larramendi, Diccionario trilingüe del castellano, bascuence y latin 1.91, 2.213 (San Sebastian, 1745).

⁹ E. de Terreros y Pando, Diccionario castellano con las voces de ciencias y artes (Madrid, 1786–93). Here is a list of other ancient dictionaries referred to throughout the essay: A. de Nebrija, Diccionario de romance en latin (1492; an 18th-century reprint was available); C. de las Casas, Vocabulario de las dos lenguas toscana y castellana (Seville, 1570); A. Sánchez de la Ballesta, Dictionario de vocablos castellanos aplicados a la propiedad latina (Salamanca, 1587); H. Vittori, Tesoro de las tres lenguas francesa, italiana y española (Geneva, 1606); C. Oudin, Tesoro de las dos lenguas francesa y española (Paris, 1607); idem, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1616); L. Franciosini, Vocabolario italiano e spagnolo (1636); Le grand dictionnaire et trésor de trois langues: françois, flameng et espaignol (Antwerp, 1640); A. de La Porte, Den Nieuwen Dictionarius in Duytsche en Spaensche Talen (Antwerp, 1659); J. Howell, Lexicon Tetraglotton, an English-French-Italian-Spanish Dictionary (London, 1660); F. Sobrino, Diccionario nuevo de las lenguas española y francesa² (Brussels, 1721); idem, 4th ed. (Brussels, 1744); Diccionario de Autoridades; Diccionario de la R. Academia Española² (Madrid, 1770); F. Cormon, Sobrino aumentado o nuevo diccionario de las lenguas española, francesa y latina (Antwerp, 1776); Fr. Francisco Canes, Diccionario españollatino-árabe (Madrid, 1787); M. de Valbuena, Diccionario universal latino-español (Madrid, 1793); J. D. Wagener, Diccionario de faltriquera o sea portátil español-alemán y alemánespañol (Berlin, 1808–9); M. de Valbuena, Diccionario universal español-latino (Madrid, 1822); Núñez de Taboada, Dictionnaire espagnol-français et français-espagnol¹¹ (Paris, 1842); Roque Barcia, Primer diccionario general etimológico de la lengua española (Barcelona, 1879–94); J. Caballero, Diccionario general de la lengua castellana⁶ (Madrid, 1882). Of the editions of the Academy Dictionary, the latest (17th) is not accessible.

¹⁰ J. Cejador y Frauca, La lengua de Cervantes 2.916–7 (Madrid, 1905–6).

¹¹ B. Aldrete, Del origen y principio de la lengua castellana² (Madrid, 1674).

¹² G. Mayans i Siscar, Orígenes de la lengua española 2.124–58 (Madrid, 1737).

¹³ R. Cabrera, Diccionario de etimología de la lengua española 2.558 (Madrid, 1837). There is a reference to the old graph quesarse as found in Gonzalo de Berceo; it was not yet known at that time that in pre-Alphonsine orthography s and ss could stand for [š], especially in the transcription of older paleographers; see Berceo, Milagros, ed. A. G. Solalinde xxxi.

¹⁴ R. Lanchetas, Gramática y vocabulario de Gonzalo de Berceo (Madrid, 1900). A. de Pages also adhered to this theory, see Gran diccionario s.v.

¹⁵ F. Diez, Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen 1.260 (Bonn, 1836–44).

¹⁶ See Etymol. Wtb. d. roman. Spr. 524 (Bonn, 1853).

¹⁷ Diez-Scheler; EWRS⁵ 479 (Bonn, 1887).

¹⁸ C. von Reinhardstoettner, Grammatik der portugiesischen Sprache 91 (Strasbourg, 1878).

¹⁹ F. A. Coelho, Dicionário manual etimológico da lingua portuguesa. I owe knowledge of Coelho's opinion to Nascentes.

²⁰ V. Fernandez Llera, Gramática y vocabulario del Fuero Juzgo (Madrid, 1929 [composed 1900]). An earlier glossary by the same author to the works of Gonzalo de Berceo has remained unpublished.

²¹ See ZRPh. 5.248.

²² Both because of its somewhat obscure phrasing and of the significance attached to it by subsequent explorers the passage deserves quotation: ‘Quexarse könnte quassare sein; der Begriffsübergang ware dann genau derselbe wie bei plangere. Cansar ware dann eine populäre Schreibform, cfr. auch caxida S. Millán 230c neben quessarse. Am besten wird man aber an der Herleitung von questus festhalten; nur muss questiare eingeschoben werden, da st spanisch nicht zu x wird.‘

²³ G. Körting, Lateinisch-Romanisches Wörterbuch (Paderborn, 1891); 2nd ed. (Paderborn, 1901); 3rd ed. (Paderborn, 1907) s.vv. coaxō and questiō.

²⁴ A. A. Cortesão, Subsídio para um dicionário completo (histórico-etimológico) da língua portuguesa (Coimbra, 1900–1). I owe knowledge of Cortesāo's opinion to Nascentes.

²⁵ E. Gorra, Lingua e letteratura spagnuola delle origini 62 (Milan, 1898).

²⁶ A. Gassner, Die Sprache des Königs Denis von Portugal §88 (Erlangen, 1906).

²⁷ J. D. M. Ford, The Old Spanish Sibilants, [Harvard] Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature 7.120 (Boston, 1900). Repeated in the etymological vocabulary (s.v.) appended to the same author's Old Spanish Readings (1911 and subsequent reprints).

²⁸ See Homenaje ofrecido a R. Menéndez Pidal 2.25–6 (Madrid, 1925).

²⁹ M. A. Luria, A Study of the Monastir Dialect of Judeo-Spanish Based on Oral Material Collected in Monastir, Yugoslavia, RH 79.437.

³⁰ A. Castro, More on quejarse, HR 7.169–70. See also Kuhn, RLiR 11.46.

³¹ M. Singleton, Spanish Etymologies: quexar, HR 6.206–10. Jud, whom the author quotes as his authority, did not work with two unknowns. Under the influence of Gilliéron's theory of conflicting homonyms, he surmised that the danger of confusion between quero(r) and quaerō (through loss of deponential inflectional endings and simplification of the diphthong) may have led to the coinage of *querio beside quaerō. The assumption of the survival of the quer- stem in Spanish and Portuguese would fit into Jud's theory that a number of originally juridical terms have persisted in Ibero-Romance, among them autumāre, which he regards (rightly or wrongly) as the base of tomar.

³² An excellent summary of the present state of research is found in Ernout-Meillet, Diet. étym. de la langue latine² 830–1 (Paris, 1939); further information is supplied by F. Sommer, Handbuch der lat. Laut- und Formenlehre² 502, 567, 569, 585–7, 597, 609 (Heidelberg, 1914) and Kritische Erläuterungen zur lat. Laut- und Formenlehre 175 (Heidelberg, 1914). The points of interest for the Romanicist are: confusion in Plautus and Ennius between quaerō and the corresponding desiderative quaesō (quaeso, quaesumus, precor quaesoque, oro quaesoque, and similar formulaic sequences occur, according to Georges, also in Lucretius, Terence, Cicero, Livy, Curtius Rufus, and as late as Claudianus Mamertus); progressive prevalence, especially in the compounds, of the analogical participle quaesltus (patterned after quaesïuï or in imitation of cupere ~ cupïtus) over the ancient partiiplec quaestus, which survived as a verbal noun. There exist old doublets with semantic differentiation like quaestor versus quaesltor, but in Imperial Latin only the quaesït- stem was productive, as shown by the coinage of quaesïtiō. Surely, there is no way of arriving at *quaestiāre from quaestiōne and its derivatives. All this tends to show that the Latin evidence does not support the *quaestiāre base.

³³ The data assembled by Du Cange 6.588–91 and by Baxter-Johnson, Medieval Latin Word-List (Oxford University Press, 1934), show a very lively development of the quaerere family in Church-Latin. Of immediate concern to us is the coinage of quaesta ‘inquiry, quest, search, taxation’ with the variant forms quaestia, found precisely on Aragonese and Catalan soil, and quista, documented from Spanish and French texts of the 12th and 13th centuries. Even more significant at first sight appears questialis beside questalis, questabilis ‘liable to pay the tax, serf’; there exists also a verb quaestare (variant quaestuare) ‘tributum exigere’, and quaestores, quaestiarii, quaestuarii, quaestionarii ‘alms-collectors, expecially in churches’. Precisely the wide range of competing varieties makes us suspicious that these Middle Latin words may represent merely attempts to Latinize words coined in the vernacular, specifically in Galio-Romance. Comparison with the material offered by Godefroy, Dict. de l'anc. frç. 6.505–7, and by Levy, Provenz. Supplementwtb. 6.618–20, immediately confirms this suspicion: questa, questia are reflexes in Middle Latin of OFr. queste, OPrv. questa, quista (showing the well-known spread to the participial stem of the vowel characteristic of the preterit); Levy quotes even quistal beside questal. Quaestia or questia is, then, a spurious Latin word (comparable to quaessia ‘capsa’ Du Cange 6.558c, extracted from OFr. caisse) and does not help us in tracing the genealogy of que(i)xar.

³⁴ See Gröber's Grundriss¹ 1.705 (ca. 1888) and Gr.² 1.901 (ca. 1904).

³⁵ See W. Meyer-Lübke, Romanische Grammatik 1.429, where the etymon is implicit in the mention of the cluster [stj].

³⁶ Ibid. 2.606; the etymology is stated explicitly, without an asterisk (notice the same carelessness in the above-quoted text of Baist).

³⁷ LGRPh 22.298 (the page reference in REW¹ and REW³ is incorrect).

³⁸ Cantar de Mio Cid 187.

³⁹ Ibid. 815.

⁴⁰ Romania 9.136.

⁴¹ There is no mention of quejar in the 1st, 4th, and 6th editions of Manual de gram. hist. esp. (of the years 1904, 1918, and 1941 respectively), nor in the chapters of Orígenes del español dealing with the development of the sequences [stj] and [aks].

⁴² In a review of Körting's LRW¹ in Vollmöller's Krit. Jb. 4.341: 'Das richtige Grundwört für queixar ist nicht quaestiare; das hätte im Altport. queschar ergeben, wie bestia > bescha, christianus > chrischão u.a.m. Zur Zeit als man bestscha, christschão sprach, schrieb man bereits queixar, das nur caxare für coaxare sein kann.'

⁴³ Glossário do Cancioneiro da Ajuda, Rev. Lus. 23.1–95. True, this glossary had been compiled many years before its publication.

⁴⁴ Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie 5.128.

⁴⁵ Ernout-Meillet, Dict. étym.² s.vv. On expressions for ‘croaking’ in Romance see H. Schuchardt, Die lateinischen Wörter im Berberischen 28–31 (Sitzungsber. Wien 188, No. 4). Spanish applies graznar to frogs and ravens alike, French distinguishes between coasser and croasser, as does German between quaken and krächzen and Russian between kvakat‘ and karkat‘, the [r] being used to characterize the cry of the bird. Unsolved is the etymological problem raised by A. Thomas, Crassantus ou craxantus, nom du crapaud chez Eucheria et ailleurs, ALMA 3.49–58. On gaznar, -ido see BRAE 10.31.

⁴⁶ See LGRPh. 29.409.

⁴⁷ J. Huber, Altptg. Elementarbuch 61, 108 (Heidelberg, 1933).

⁴⁸ Nascentes quotes him from Rev. d. Fil. Port. 2.104.

⁴⁹ Dicionário Etimológico da Língua Portuguesa (Rio de Janeiro, 1932).

⁵⁰ J. Alemany Bolufer, Diccionario de la lengua española (Barcelona, 1917) qualifies this interpretation as possible. There is no reference to quejar in the body of the text of Estudio elemental de gram. hist. de la lengua esp. (Madrid, 1911).

⁵¹ See An Etym. Vocab. to the Libro de Buen Amor.

⁵² V. García de Diego, Elementos de gramática histórica gallega 49 (Burgos, [1909]). The question is not taken up in Elementos de gram. hist. cast. 45 (Burgos, 1914). There may be implicit approval of his previous opinion in his failure to include quejar in the list of words reflecting [stj], see Homen.Menéndez Pidal 2.16–8.

⁵³ J. M. Aguado, Glosario sobre Juan Ruiz (Madrid, 1929).

⁵⁴ F. Krüger, Einführung ins Neuspanische (Leipzig, 1924), section on etymology and word-formation (not at present accessible to me), and El dialecto de San Cìprián de Sanabria: monografía leonesa 81 (Madrid, 1923).

⁵⁵ E. H. Tuttle, Spanish caja, quejar, quijada, HR 5.349.

⁵⁶ See the 14th, 15th, and 16th editions, of the years 1914, 1925, and 1939 [1936] respectively; the 13th ed. is not accessible. Pages also gives this etymology. Compare the similarly cautious judgment of Alemany, who may be responsible for the entry in the Acad. Dict.

⁵⁷ Gröber's Grundriss¹ 1.718. On escarçar < *excarptiāre, see RL 3.143.

⁵⁸ Gröber's Grundriss² 1.975.

⁵⁹ True, the consultation of the unusually condensed Portugiesische Grammatik is made difficult through the absence of an index; yet Nascentes' dictionary may to some extent serve as a key to Cornu.

⁶⁰ According to information provided by Nascentes.

⁶¹ G. G. Nicholson, L'évolution du groupe ps en provençal, Rom. 58.483–504.

⁶² G. G. Nicholson, Spanish caja, quejar, quijada, HR 7.72–5.

⁶³ See RFE 24.30–3. In favor of this etymon would speak the fact that the primary meaning of the word was ‘to pursue, to oppress’. Spitzer recognizes the phonological difficulties presented by this etymology and somewhat reluctantly abandons it.

⁶⁴ Ibid. The author admits the incompatibility of *quassiare > quejar and *bassiare > bajar. He tries to eliminate the difficulty by tracing bajar to bajo, which Millardet, Rom. 41.247–59, connected directly with bassus, cf. passer > pájaro. Is Spitzer aware of the added complication presented by Ptg. baixo, baixar?

⁶⁵ See Orígenes del español² 93–5 (Madrid, 1929).

⁶⁶ C. C. Rice, Sp. quejarse ‘complain’, OSp. quexar ‘constrain’, HR 9.309–10.

⁶⁷ L. Poston Jr., quexar, HR 7.75–6. The opinion of this author as presumably expressed in his thesis (An Etymological Vocabulary to the Celestina, A-E, Univ. of Chicago, 1938) s.v. aquexar is unknown to me; the published abstract (1940) contains no reference to it.

⁶⁸ F. Hanssen, Spanische Grammatik auf historischer Grundlage 56 (Halle, 1910), only states that quejar cannot reflect *questiare. There is no reference to quejar in Gramática histórica de la lengua castellana (Halle, 1913).

⁶⁹ P. F. Monlau, Diccionario etimológico de la lengua castellana (reprinted Buenos Aires, 1941).

⁷⁰ A. Zauner, Altspanisches Elementarbuch 39 (Heidelberg, 1908). In the 2nd ed. (Heidelberg, 1921) the word has been altogether omitted and so, too, in Romanische Sprachwissenschaft³ 1.98–107 (Berlin-Leipzig, 1914). Uncertainty pervades also the note of Castro, HR 7.169–70, who questions the wisdom of tracing rigid dialectal boundaries in medieval Spain and assumes that quexar < *questiāre may well have originated in the central, not only in the peripheral dialects, conceivably side by side with *queçar.

⁷¹ O. J. Tallgren, Estudios sobre la Gaya de Segovia 49–52 (Helsinki, 1907).

⁷² M. Krepinski and V. Garcia de Diego, Inflexion de las vocales en español 40 (RFE Anejo 3; Madrid, 1923).

⁷³ E. Bourciez, Éléments de linguistique romane² 400–78 (Paris, 1910); the 3rd ed. (1930) was not available for consultation.

⁷⁴ P. E. Guarnerio, Fonologia romanza 420, 515 (Milan, 1918).

⁷⁵ J. J. Nunes, Compêndio de Gram. Hist. Port. (Coimbra, 1919; the 2nd ed. of 1930 was not available) and Crestomatia Arcaica² lxxviii, lxxxii (Lisbon, [1921]).

⁷⁶ E. B. Williams, From Latin to Portuguese (Philadelphia, 1938).

⁷⁷ P. Förster, Spanische Sprachlehre 17 (Berlin, 1880); A. Koch, Sibilanten und Palatale im Altspanischen nach den beiden Handschriften der altcast. Übersetzung des Codi 26–7 (Univ. of Halle diss., 1910); W. J. Entwistle, The Spanish Language together with Portuguese, Catalan, and Basque (New York, 1938); J. Oliver Asín, Historia de la lengua española⁴ (Madrid, 1940); V. šišmarev, Očerki po istorii äzykov Ispanii (Moscow-Leningrad, 1941); R. K. Spaulding, How Spanish Grew (University of California Press, 1943). R. Lapesa, Historia de la lengua española (Madrid, 1942) was not available for consultation.

⁷⁸ Credit is given here once and for all to Dr. Singleton for his excerpts from the Primera Crónica General and the General Estoria; this material has been freely used by the present writer. The collation with the originals revealed but few misprints. Open to criticism, however, are (1) his method of semantic analysis: the enumeration of twenty-odd meanings of quexar without reference to specific passages is of little use; (2) his misrepresentation of Jud's theory; (3) his failure to distinguish between adjectival (a) quexado and (a) quexado with verbal force as used in compound tenses of aquexar; (4) his reliance, in justifying a reconstruction, on Alphonsine material, anonymous and standardized. Such material, while valuable, must be supplemented by excerpts from sources susceptible of more accurate localization.

⁷⁹ This danger was clearly sensed by Meyer-Lübke twenty years ago (RLiR 1.21): ‘Allzu sehr gilt etymologie als ein rätselraten, wird das wort nicht in seiner ganzen umgebung keprüft, allzu wenig auch untersucht, was schon früher darüber gesagt worden ist, und der versuch gemacht, alte erklärungen zu widerlegen, die neue zu begründen. Gilt auch hier die sog, intuition mehr als beweisführung, so wird, da die intuition ja nicht bei allen gleich ist, namentlich eine intuition nicht so einfach nachempfunden und übernommen werden kann, allmählich ein vollständiges chaos eintreten oder ein wüster dilettantismus, der uns in die zeit vor Diez zurückwirft.‘ Unfortunately, much of the research done in Hispanic etymology is still amateurish.

⁸⁰ It will be observed that most of the hypothetical bases end in -iāre. There has been a real epidemic of questionable reconstructions of -iāre verbs. The reason for this vogue is transparent: our knowledge of palatalization in Romance is still inadequate. The dispensability of *pulsiāre has been admitted by Zauner, RFE 16.154–60, and Brüch, RFE 17.1; both of them inclined to trace Sp. pujar to pulsare. For the latest summary of the state of research on palatalization in Ibero-Romance, see Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 44–50; a penetrating but hardly definitive analysis of the phenomenon in the Pan-Romanic perspective has been offered by E. Gamillscheg, Zur Palatalisierung im Romanischen, in Studies for W. A. Read 183–200 (Louisiana Univ. Press, 1940).

⁸¹ Not only because the phonological shifts are less numerous and complicated than, for instance, in French and in Roumanian, but also because the Ibero-Romance lexicon largely reflects the not yet conventionalized Republican Latinity. Gröber's theory has been revived in recent years, explicitly by J. Bonfante, L'origine des langues romanes, Renaissance 1.573–88 (New York, 1943) and implicitly by J. Corominas, Espigueo de latin vulgar, AIL 2.

⁸² R. M. de Azkue, Diccionario vasco-español-francés (Bilbao, 1905–6) lists keis͂adura, heis͂amendu ‘inquietud’, keis͂arazi ‘molestar’, keis͂atu ‘lamentarse, apresurarse’, keis͂u ‘apuro, inquietud; violento; queja, lamento’, with pertinent quotations from texts and references to modern dialects. These formations and especially some of their meanings seem to reflect 12th- and 13th-century Castilian rather than Modern Spanish. A wider variety of less accurately classified offshoots of the Romanic quex- is offered by I. F. de Aizkibel, Diccionario basco-español s.v. keja (Toulouse, 1884), including some figurative uses unknown to Spanish. How Romance words were bound to experience considerable semantic modifications by slowly penetrating into Basque over a period of centuries, has been discussed by H. Schuchardt, Baskisch und Romanisch: Zu De Azkue's baskischem Wörterbuch, I. Band 45–58 (ZRPh. Beiheft 6; Halle, 1906). Notice the contrast to the more recent and more rapid penetration of Castilianisms into Valencian and Catalan.

⁸³ Aqueixar ‘pain, ache’ penetrated around the year 1500 into Valencian, see the quotation from Cançoner satìrich Valencia dels segles 15 y 16, ed. R. Miquel y Planas, p. 311 (Barcelona, 1911), in A. M. Alcover and Fr. de B. Moll, Dicc. cat.-val.-bal. 1.765; no further data are supplied by Dicc. Aguiló and Dicc. Balarí. From E. Julia Martinez, Problemas lingüísticos en el reino de Valencia, BRAE 8.322–36, we gather that the first official document issued in Castilian in the city of Valencia dates from 1416. On queixa, queixarse, queixit < quexido, queixó < quexón, queixós < quexoso in Modern Valencian, see J. Escrig y Martinez and C. Llombart, Dicc. valenc.-cast.³ (Valencia, 1887).

There exist various phonetic, phonological, and morphological studies of Valencian, e.g. by J. Hadwiger (ZRPh. 29.702–31), J. Saroïhandy (BHi. 8.297–303), A. Griera (BDC 9.4–32), and T. Navarro Tomás (RFE 21.113–41); the material that they contain on lexical relations between Valencian and Catalan is small. Standard Catalan includes a variety of formations based on the queix- stem, all of them borrowed from Castilian (whether directly or through the agency of Valencian, is a matter of controversy). Thus P. Fabra, Diccionari Ortogràfic² (Barcelona, 1923) list queixa, queixar-se, queixós, queixosament; these words reappear in Dicc. encicl. de la llengua cat. (Salvat). But there are on traces of the stem in Old Catalan, see Dicc. Aguiló. On the other hand, plangere > plànyer was firmly established in Old Catalan (as it was, indeed, in Gallo-Romance and elsewhere) and also in Old Aragonese, see Borao, s.v. plañir; in each language it experienced an extension of meaning showing how deeply rooted it was in the East of the Peninsula, see L. Spitzer, Lexikalisches aus dem Katalanischen und den übrigen iberoromanischen Sprachen 103 (Bibl. dell' ‘Arch. Rom.‘ 2.1; Geneva, 1921). Borrowings from Spanish failed to develop peculiar meanings in Catalan, but influenced native formations in their semantic development, see Meyer-Lübke, RLiR 1.30–1.

⁸⁴ See Cancioneiro da Ajuda, line 3400; Docum. de Pendurada (a.d. 1312), Elucid. 2.171.

⁸⁵ See Côrte Imperial 5.

⁸⁶ See Crest. Arc.,² glossary. Nunes retraced queixoo to *capsulu, presumably on the analogy of cases like diabolu > diaboo (Barlan fol. 13vo, S. Bento fol. 15), perïculum > perigoo (Graall fols. 17, 30; S. Bento fol. 104) beside prigoo (Barlam fol. 12vo; Cod. Alc. 200 fols. 204vo, 206vo). However, the graph emmiigoo < inimïcus (Antioco 72) tends to prove that -oo can be interpreted as a reverse spelling, especially in a transitional period like the late 14th and the 15th centuries. Latin has only capsula, capsella (ThLL 3.363); capsellum is recorded once (CGL 5.354) and is, according to Goetz, in need of emendation. On cases like parvoo < parvulo, musgoo < mūsculo, triboo < thuribulo, estimoo < stimulo, diagoo < diacono in Old Portuguese, see C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 3.179; on the outgrowths of archidiacono, baculo, *be8tïculo, capüulo, diabolo, perïculo, populo, rotulo in Old Galician, see R. Rübecamp, A Linguagem das Cantigas de Santa Maria, de Afonso X, o Sábio, BF 1.339–41.

⁸⁷ See Cantigas d'amigo No. 462 (i.e. Cancioneiro da Vaticana Nos. 855, 1250) and Cancioneiro da Ajuda fol. 150b, line 17; C. Michaëlis in her glossary supplies the translation ‘mandíbula’.

⁸⁸ A. Zauner, Die romanischen Namen der Körperteile, RF 14.339–530, especially 398–409.

⁸⁹ W. von Wartburg, Die Ausdrücke für die Fehler des Gesichtsorgans in den romanischen Sprachen und Dialekten 2 (Univ. of Zurich diss., 1912).

⁹⁰ H. R. Kahane, Bezeichnungen der Kinnbacke im Galloromanischen (BBRPh. 2.2; Jena-Leipzig, 1932); Designations of the Cheek in the Italian Dialects, Lang. 17.212–22.

⁹¹ See Dicc. Aguiló 6.273 and, especially for the figurative sense, Escrig-Llombart, Dicc. val.-cast.³ s.v. On capsu > queix, see W. Meyer-Lübke, Das Katalanische, seine Stellung zum Spanischen und Provenzalischen 37–9 (Heidelberg, 1925).

⁹² See M. Bartoli, Per la storia del latino volgare, AGI 21.1–58, especially 9–32; idem, Introduzione alla neolinguistica: principi, scopi, metodi 6–9 (Florence, 1925); G. Bertoni and M. G. Bartoli, Breviario di neolinguistica 68–70 (Modena, 1928); A. Dauzat, La geographie linguistique 38–41 (Paris, 1922); E. Gamillscheg, Die Sprachgeographie und ihre Ergebnisse für die allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft 29–33 (Bielefeld-Leipzig, 1928); and the various studies by Gilliéron.

⁹³ Livro de Citraria, lines 706, 724, 743; Tratado de Cetraria do Rei Dancus, chapter 5, line 5; Livro de Falcoaria 44, 65, 66; Livro de Marco Paulo fol. 73vo; Coudel Moor, Canc. Ger. 1.176; Nuno Pereyra, Canc. Ger. 1.299. Mod. Leon. [kejšaða] in San Ciprián, see Krüger's study 86.

⁹⁴ An example from the Prim. Crón. Gen. is offered by Ford, Old Spanish Readings 42. See also Alex. O, quatrain 741c; Conf. del Amante, fols. 56ro, 321ro, 407ro.

⁹⁵ D. Juan Manuel, Libro de la Caza 9, 11, 12, 57; Rey Guillelme, fol. 36ro; Maynete, chapter 3; Castigos e documentos, BAE 51.131a; Evangelista, ZRPh 1.230; El Corbacho 98, 213, 274; A. de Palencia, Dos tratados 1.96; Cancionero de Baena 80, 106, 132. Quixada stands for ‘gena, mandibula, mala’ in Glosarios latino-españoles, ed. Castro, T745, P131; T843, P132; E1478.

⁹⁶ See Le développement de sens du suffixe -ata 199.

⁹⁷ See Canc. Geral 1.298.

⁹⁸ Libro de Alex. P, quatrain 2379b (O 2237b has yiar), O 980b; Libro de Buen Amor, quatrain 1416c. Old Leon. quixar, quexar, quixada are found in the Libro de los Caballos, ed. G. Sachs, p. 23, line 16 (Madrid, 1936). Sp. quixalero is documented in Rodríguez Marín, Dos mil quinientas voces.

⁹⁹ The use of -al, -ar to designate a location has been discussed by J. Alemany Bolufer, Tratado de la formación de palabras en la lengua castellana 13–5 (Madrid, 1920; reprinted from BRAE) and by M. L. Wagner, Zum spanisch-portugiesischen Suffix -al, VKR 3.87–92. On Sp. cachalote < quixal(ote), see Gonçalves Viana, Apostilas 1.188.

¹⁰⁰ V. Garcia de Diego, Contribución al diccionario hispánico etimológico 43 (RFE Anejo 2; Madrid, 1923). Of especial interest are desquijerar ‘romper las quijadas’, quijera ‘correa de la cabezada del caballo’, quijero ‘lado en declive de la acequia o brazal’. The latter formation will be remembered in discussing the occurrence of the que(i)x- stem in toponymy.

¹⁰¹ Thus the Dicc. encicl. de la ll. cat. 4.144 lists queixal ‘diente, muela’; queixalada ‘mordisco, bocado’; queixalar ‘mossegar’; queixalejar ‘donar queixalades’; queixaler ‘rel. als queixals’; queixalera ‘part de la barra on hi ha els queixals’; queixera ‘barbuquejo, carrillera’; queixut ‘quijarudo’ (some words are identified by Castilian, others by Catalan equivalents). Most of these formations are accepted by P. Fabra, Diccionari ortogràfic² (Barcelona, 1923).

¹⁰² A. Griera, La frontera del Catalán occidental, BDC 6.17–37, 7.69–79 (especially 7.77).

¹⁰³ Quatrain 103ab: Quando viene el evierno que faze malas eladas / A priémelo el grand frío e fiere grandes quexaradas ‘when winter comes bringing with it bitter frost, the severe cold tortures him and his teeth chatter’. Quexarada [cf. caxarada Alex. P, quatrain 768c] is completely misunderstood by the editor, whose philological training is so inadequate as not to permit him to localize his unmistakably Aragonese text in spite of the preservation of pl- and other equally characteristic features. It is a rare but perfectly normal derivative, with the suffix -ada, appended to the name of a limb, serving to express the performance of a single movement.

¹⁰⁴ For an example from Francisco Truchado, Honesto y agradable entretenimiento de damas y galanes fol. 87 (Granada, 1582), see Rodriguez Marin, Dos mil quinientas voces s.v.

¹⁰⁵ See the note by Garcia de Diego in RFE 7.147–8. The etymon suggested is *barbacapsu. This note throws light on word composition in Old Spanish, debated years ago by Munthe and Baist. Of especial interest is the mention of a variant form barbicacho, presumably replacing *barbicajo and arrived at through the agency of the suffix -acho, of uncertain origin and widely debated in connection with the etymologies of borracho ‘drunk’ and muchacho ‘boy’. Cf. the Dicc. Hist. s. vv. barbicacho, barbiquejo, barboquejo, barbuquejo.

¹⁰⁶ See L. Spitzer, Esp. carrillo, ptg. carrilho ‘joue’, esp. carrillera ‘mâchoire’, RFE 11.316. Cf. Leomarte, Sumas 115, 144.

¹⁰⁷ Compare Sp. faz, haz with Ptg. feixe (beside faxina, faxinar). In Old Leonese feixe is recorded with the meaning of ‘burden; unborn child’. On this word family, see Apostilas aos Dicion. Port. 1.442.

¹⁰⁸ The ancient standard form appears in El Cavallero Zifar 201, 206; for Old Aragonese maxilla, see El Libro de la Miseria, quatrain 11b.

¹⁰⁹ On Sp. tasugo, Ptg. teixugo (according to some, a cross of VLat. *taxōne and Visigothic *þahsuks), see the controversy between Brüch and Gamillscheg, summarized ZFSL 59.97–9. OPtg. texugo is found Canc. Ger. 1.182. Cf. Kuhn, RLiR 11.54.

¹¹⁰ The connection between quijada and capsu was guessed by Covarrubias over three centuries ago; it was known to Cabrera, Diez (Gramm. d. rom. Spr.¹ 1.259), Monlau (‘quijada es, de consiguiente, el hueso que tiene los encajes, las cajas o alvéolos para recibir los dientes‘), and has been reaffirmed by the majority of modern scholars, including Coelho, Michaëlis, Cornu, Meyer-Lübke, Hanssen, Garcia de Diego, Nascentes, Williams. Capsa occurs Gen. Est. 1.359b; for capseta, see Berceo, Signos 22.

¹¹¹ Zauner, Altspan. Elementarbuch¹ 39–40 retraced caja to *capsea. Acceptance of *capsea and capsu as etyma of Sp. caja, Ptg. caixa and Sp. quij-ada, Ptg. queixo respectively, was advocated by Tuttle, HR 5.349. Nicholson, by way of contrast, claims that *capsea in native development would have yielded *queja. Wartburg's derivation of Sp. caja < *capsea (FEW 2.314–5) was criticized by Rohlfs, ASNSL 173.283.

¹¹² This is the viewpoint of Zauner in Altspan. Elementarbuch² 43, and of Nicholson, who does not hesitate to label bajo and bajar also as Provençalisms. A convincing refutation of this theory by Garcia de Diego is found Homen. Men. Pidal 2.18–9.

¹¹³ Ibid. Analyzing the products of bases like capsa, gypsu, ipse, the author distinguishes between (1) cases of early confusion between -ps- and -cs-, permitting capsa to be mispronounced *cacsa; and (2) cases of a more faithful preservation of the original consonant cluster, with ultimate assimilation of the p to the following s. *Cacsa yielded *caisa [kajsa]. According as the [s], palatalized by the preceding [j], absorbed the latter more or less rapidly, this [j] could exert its influence on the preceding vowel; hence caja beside quijada and Gal. barbiqueijo. Cacharita ‘vaina de las alubias’ (Santander) and barbicacho are explained as due to a ‘refuerzo de palatalización’; for a different interpretation by the same author at an earlier date, see footnote 105. The [č] may also represent an attempt to imitate, in borrowing from peripheral dialects, the sounds lž] and [ǧ], lost in the center.

¹¹⁴ Dialectal reflexes of capsa, fascis, lacte in Catalan are studied in A. Griera i Gaja, La frontera catalano-aragonesa: Estudi geogràfico-lingüístic 58–60 (Barcelona, 1914). In the West of this territory [aj] prevails, in the East [ej], but it is impossible to draw neat boundaries.

¹¹⁵ On capsa consult ThLL 3.361–2, where four connotations are distinguished: (1) ‘instrumentum ad libros condendos’ (Cicero, Horace, Juvenal, Statius, I. Paulus iurisconsultus, Passio Martyrum Scillitanorum ca. 180 a.d., P. Porphyrio [4th cent.], Gregory of Tours); (2) ‘receptaculum variarum rerum’ (Pliny, Martial, Querolus [5th cent.], Marcellus medicus [after 400], Ennodius [died 521], Pseudo-Prosperus [ca. 415], Dracontius [end of 6th cent.]); (3) ‘pars carpenti, ploxenum, capsus’ (Paulus Diaconus); (4) 'ima navis pars (Passio Felicis episcopi). The second meaning survives in Romance. Capsārius and capsilāgo are recorded Latin formations.

¹¹⁶ On capsus see ThLL 3.363. The redactor of the article was Probst, but Meyer-Lubke supplied the Romance material; at that time (ca. 1906) the Italian and the Old French reflexes were known to him, but not the Ibero-Romance. Four connotations are distinguished: (1) ‘ploxenum’: Vitruvius, Glosses, Isidor, and Paulus Diaconus: (2) ‘cavea’: Velleius Paterculus, Anthologiae Lat. carmen No. 235; (3) ‘vesica ad aliquid includendum’: C. Apicius; (4) ‘pars ecclesiae’: Gregory of Tours. The second and third meanings seem to underlie the Hispanic word. In REW³ there is surprisingly enough an attempt to separate capsum (§1660) from *capseum (§1659c); equally inconvincing is the treatment of capsa (§1658) beside *capsea (§1659a); the scientific integrity of Meyer-Lübke compelled him to admit his own doubts of the correctness of his view.

¹¹⁷ A. Carnoy, Le latin d'Espagne d'après les inscriptions: etude linguistique² 71 (Brussels, 1906). Cf. OSp. quisto ‘wanted, loved’.

¹¹⁸ F. J. Simonet, Glosario de voces ibéricas y latinas usadas entre los mozárabes 472 (Madrid, 1888). The author unnecessarily posits the base *questare, produced from queri on the analogy of [*]quaestare ~ quaerere. The termination -xdar is quite unusual in Romance words, but may have found a favorable environment in the Arabic world of Southern Spain. A. R. Nykl, A Compendium of Aljamiado Literature (reprint from RH 77) quotes (183) açajdar, açejdar ‘to worship, to do homage’ < Ar. saǧǧada. Compare the development of *amïcitāte > Ptg. amizade, recitāre > rez(d)ar, placitu > plaz(d)o, *accipitāre > aç(t)or.

¹¹⁹ See Menéndez Pidal, Orígenes del español² 434–61.

¹²⁰ On -itāre in Ibero-Romance see Meyer-Lübke, Rom. Gr. 2.612–3; Hanssen, Gram. hist. 158.

¹²¹ See Forcellini and De Vit 5.16.

¹²² See the abundant illustrations in K. E. Georges, Ausführliches Lateinisch-Deutsches Handwörterbuch⁸ (Hannover-Leipzig, 1918). The recorded meanings are 'to look for, to procure, to inquire, to earn'; the word occurs in Plautus, Terence, Catullus, and likewise in authors of the imperial era. If quexdar actually reflects quaesitāre, of which there is only vestigial evidence, we would have to surmise the semantic development ‘to ask insistently’ (cf. quaesō 'I pray') > 'to complain'.

¹²³ Sp. alentar, dial. alendar ‘breathe, revive, encourage’, has been retraced to *anhēlitāre through *(h)ālēnitāre; see A. Gassner, Das altspanische Verbum 11 (Halle, 1897); A. Castro, RFE 6.340; Garcia de Diego, Contribución 23, 94; REW³ §473a. (D)espertar ‘to awake’ used to be derived from *ex-pergitāre (e.g. Gassner 10); but Jud, RLiR 1.186, posits *expertāre instead. The etymon repēditāre of Sp. reventar ‘to burst’, suggested by Cornu, has been mostly rejected, see REW³ §7221. *Vīlitāre (Contribución 175) is not necessary to account for aviliar ‘to vilify’ in view of viltad ‘meanness’. Gal. sandar ‘to heal’ has been connected with sānitāre, see RL 3.155; cf. Gal. amandar < mānitāre, RL 3.155. *Aequālitāre is not needed to explain igualdar ‘to make even’ on account of igualdad < aequālitāte, ibid. Of greater interest is the derivation Gal. achandar ‘to flatten’ < plānitāre, ibid. Cat. esquerdar ‘to split’ may represent crepitāre, see Contrib. 57, REW³ §7979. Cf. REW³ §§62, 63, 87, 111a, 1635, 1793, 7185, 7726, 9191, 9446, 9452. The reflexes of ambitāre, cōgitāre, and *recapitāre are well known. As will be shown in a forthcoming essay, Sp. lerdo, enlerdar contain the same suffix.

Lat. -itāre as a rule yielded -dar, occasionally -tar; the exact conditions of the syncope remain to be studied. More material is available on -icāre, where a similar situation prevails, with cabalgar, folgar, madrugar, otorgar, saborgar, salgar, tragar on the one hand and cascar, mascar, triscar on the other hand, see Hanssen 157, Alemany Bolufer, Tratado 143. Fur further orientation the following list of recorded and reconstructed bases may be of service (mention of hypothetical bases in this connection must not be construed as implying their acceptance in each case; reff. to §§ are to REW³): *abbrachicāre §13, *adünicāre Contrib. 15, albicāre §321, amāricāre §401, *annōdicāre §428 (as against *innōdicāre Contrib. 100 and Spitzer's *inossicāre RFH 3.271–2, *appressicāre Contrib. 24–5 and §554a, auctōricāre §775, bullicāre Contrib. 39–40, caballicāre §2439, *clausicāre RL 3.139, commūnicāre §2090, dēfricāre §2520a, dēlicāre §2536, *dērādïcāre §2577, *ēbullicāre Contrib. 67, ēmollicāre RL 3.132, ēmorsicāre Contrib. 69, ērādīcāre §2887, *exalbicāre Contrib. 74–7, expūlicāre RL 3.132, *extussicāre Contrib. 77, extericāre RL 11.51–2 (C. Michaëlis rejects this etymon, proposed by Parodi and Gonçalves Viana), *fīxicāre §3336, follicāre §3417, fullicāre Contrib. 86, *fūricāre Contrib. 87 and §3597, gemicāre Contrib. 88, *imbarricāre §4277, impedicāre Contrib. 96 (a blend of *impicāre ‘to pitch’ > a- em-pegar with pice > pez would better explain the formation in question), *impullicāre RL 3.132, *integricāre §4481a, iūdicāre §5431, mōlicāre Contrib. 122, *mollicare Contrib. 122, mordicāre §5680, morsicāre RL 3.186 and §5690, *pendicāre RL 3.168, Contrib. 129, and §6384, pūlicāre §6817, puticāre Contrib. 135, *putricāre Contrib. 136, *quassicāre §6941, *rāsicāre §7074, *remussicāre RL 3.168 and §7205, *reversicāre Contrib. 144–5, *revolvicāre §7285, *rosicāre Contrib. 146 and §7380, *salicāre §7528, *stanticāre §8228a, *tussicāre Contrib. 168, §9014, *vānicāre §9137a, *vïsicāre Contrib. 176, volvicāre Contrib. 178. On the close relation between -itāre and -icāre cf.§§9451, 9452 (*vomicāre, vomitāre ‘to vomit‘). A definitive study on either suffix must be paralleled by an investigation of the syncope of the intertonic syllable in Ibero-Romance, comparable to Miss Seifert's monograph on proparoxytones in French. For further data, see the essay Hispanic Reflexes of Latin morsicāre, to appear in PhilQ.

¹²⁴ A. R. Gonçalves Viana, Apostilas aos Dicionários Portugueses 2.322–3 (Lisbon, 1906); he interprets quixote as ‘mentonnière’.

¹²⁵ See Obras completas, ed. Schevill-Bonilla, 15.50, 55; cf. the edition of Don Quijote by Rodriguez Marin 1.97–8 (Madrid, 1916–7). Quexada as a family name occurs in Poema de Alfonso XI, quatrain 2182a.

¹²⁶ It is absent from the oldest texts; see W. Giese, Waffen nach der spanischen Literatur des 12. und 13. Jh. (Hamburg, 1925). Quiçote ‘superfemorale’ occurs in Esc. 1859, Glosarios latino-españoles, ed. A. Castro.

¹²⁷ See Godefroy 2.399a.

¹²⁸ Cf. coyxa Graall, fols. 24, 32; coxa Canc. Ger. 1.200; coija RL 12.7.

¹²⁹ W. Giese, Waffen nach den katalanischen Chroniken des 13. Jh., VKR 1.140–82, especially 153.

¹³⁰ Idem, Waffengeschichtliche und -terminologische Aufschlüsse aus katalanischen literarischen Denkmälern des 14. und 15. Jh., Homen. Rubió i Lluch 1.33–67.

¹³¹ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, Miscellanea de filologia e linguistica in memoria di Caix-Canello 147 (Florence, 1886), suggested derivation from *quessiculu < *querciculu ‘little oak’ through Portuguese, without justifying the migration of the word.

¹³² V. Garcia de Diego, Contribución al diccionario etimológico español 10–1 (included, with separate pagination, in the author's Miscelánea filológica [Madrid, n.d.]). According to this somewhat confused essay, quejigo is a cognate of Fr. chêne ‘oak-tree’; it is classed as an outgrowth of *cassicu < *caxicu, a variant of *caxinu, which in turn is said to be patterned after fraxinus ‘ash-tree’.

¹³³ This author occupied himself twice with the expressions for ‘oak-tree’ in Ibero-Romance. In La forme dissimilée *cerquus < quercus dans le latin d'Espagne et d'Italie, RFE 21.337–60, he regards *querquus as the intermediate form, points to Central and Southern Italy as the radiation centers, concludes that the word was transplanted to Spain by maritime routes and through African Latin, and explains the preservation of *cerquus in Italian and its elimination from Ibero-Romance, except for vestigial remnants, as due to the conflict on Spanish soil with homonymous circus ‘circle’. In Deux noms de lieu Catalans d'origine religieuse Madremanya et Marquixanes, Aebischer traces quejigo to *caxu (BDC 22.49), thus opposing the view of V. Bertoldi, Problèmes de substrat, BSL 32.93–175, who was inclined to revive Schuchardt's theory of close relationship between quejigo and Basque gastigar, Srd. costighe ‘maple-tree’ (131). Bertoldi's interpretation was subsequently taken up by A. Kuhn, Zur Gruppe Sp. quejigo, dial. cajigo ‘Eichenart’, ASNSL 174.198–203, who concentrated on the phonological analysis of the -ej- group. Rohlfs, in his editorial comment on Kuhn's note, posited the base *caxu and, in an effort to explain the pre-Latin suffix, drew attention to Southern French (and Old Aragonese) garric(o) ‘species of oaktree’ (classed as Gallic in REW³ §3690c).

¹³⁴ Pertinent illustrations and references to older literature, along with a very original interpretation of the phenomenon, will be found in A. Alonso, Equivalencia acústica, BDHA 1.440–69.

¹³⁵ Cejador y Frauca, Vocabulario medieval castellano, gives references to the Academy edition.

¹³⁶ See Kuhn, op.cit., with references to his own field notes and to Krüger's Die Hochpyrenäen.

¹³⁷ For Galicia, see the dictionaries of Cuveiro Piñol and Lugris Freire; for Western Asturias, see B. Acevedo y Huelves and M. Fernandez y Fernandez, s.vv. queixo, queixeiro, requeixón. In Old Portuguese queijo (Canc. Ger. 1.31) is recorded beside requeixaria in 0 Livro Vermelho d'El Rei D. Afonso V, Eluc. 2.190. See also Apostilas 2.310.

¹³⁸ See L. Eguílaz y Yanguas, Glosario etimológico de palabras españolas de origen oriental (Granada, 1886).

¹³⁹ See R. J. Cuervo, Apuntaciones críticas sobre el lenguaje bogotano⁶ 553 (Paris, 1914); E. Köhler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen (GRL 27; Dresden, 1911), No. 6, line 111.

¹⁴⁰ Recorded by L. Besses, Diccionario de argot espanol (Barcelona, n.d.).

¹⁴¹ Notes linguistiques sur l'argot barcelonais (Bibl. Fil. 16; Barcelona, 1924); Sobre algunas palabras gitano-españolas y otras jergales, RFE 25.161–81. Nor was J. Givanel i Mas, Notes per a un vocabulari d'argot barceloní, BDC 7.11–68, of any help.

¹⁴² A. Steiger, Contribución a la fonética del hispano-árabe y de los arabismos en el iberoromanico y el siciliano 205 (RFE An. 17; Madrid, 1932). See Alex. O, quatrain 598c, P, 625. Of Hebrew provenience, according to Tilander, is OArag. casse(r), see Horn. Rubió i Lluch 1.331–42.

¹⁴³ See, among other sources, Menéndez Pidal, Rom. 29.336; idem, Cantar de Mio Cid 187; idem, Orígenes del español² 312–4; Baist, Gr. Gr.² 1.901; Meyer-Lübke, LGRPh. 22.298 and RLiR 1.15–6; Rohlfs, ZRPh. 41.351–5; Steiger, BRAE 10.178; Jud, HMP 2.25–6; Tallgren, Estudios sobre la Gaya de Segovia 80; Zauner, Altsp. Elem.² 47; Krepinski, Inflexión 40; García de Diego, HMP 2.16–8; Kuhn, RLiR 11.32–5, 46–50.

¹⁴⁴ Some of the latest opinions on that debated word are: F. Schürr, RF 53.27–41; C. C. Rice, HR 6.351–2; U. T. Holmes Jr., Lang. 17.69; M. L. Wagner, ZRPh. 62.70–6; Spitzer, AIL 2.13–6.

¹⁴⁵ On reflexive verbs used as intransitives, especially in non-finite forms, see H. Keniston, The Syntax of Castilian Prose: The Sixteenth Century 339 (Chicago University Press, 1937) Hallome quexando occurs in La Vida de Lazarillo de Tormes 161 (ed. J. Cejador y Frauca; Madrid, 1914). For older examples, see Poema de José, quatrain 30ab; Gonçalo Martinez de Medina, Cancionero de Baena 372; Canc. cast. 2.740a.

¹⁴⁶ Elena y María, lines 365–6; El Cavallero Zifar 392; Carlos Maynes, chapter 41; El Enperador Ottas, chapter 49; Villasandino, Canc. de Baena 61; Canc. cast. 2.650b, 680b, 742a. Constructions like començóse a quexar (S. Mar. Eg., fol. 11c) are different in nature, while fuése a quexar (Conf. Am., fol. 30ro), se fué quexar (Rim. Pal., quatrain 1594d) are not clear-cut cases.

¹⁴⁷ R. Páez de Ribera, Canc. de Baena 311: Oyendo tal coita e quexar doloroso ‘hearing such doleful complaint and lamentation’; cf. mi sospirar, su gemir, and similar Old Spanish constructions.

¹⁴⁸ See Libro de Buen Amor, quatrains 595a, 688a; Grail Fragments, fol. 280vo; Rim. de Pal., quatrains 705a, 865b (MS N); Barlan, fol. 187ro; cf. Hist. Troyana 101 (of the late 13th cent.).

¹⁴⁹ Aguado quotes from La Celestina 76 (ed. Vigo, 1899): quanto es dulce a los tristes quexar su passión ‘how sweet it is to the sad to wail over their passion’. A very late example of transitive quexar, presumably a mere literary reminiscence, is quoted by Keniston, Sixteenth Century Prose 338, from the Question de amor. See also Canc. cast. 2.676b, 677b, 678b, 681b, 684a, 714a, 750a. Sanchez de la Ballesta (1587) offers a wide variety of translations for quexarse (clamo, gemo, ingemisco, queror, conqueror, gemitus fit, deploro, expostulo, querelam vel querimoniam habeo, querela est, ingemo), but fails to include transitive quexar.

¹⁵⁰ The formula is estar quexado de penas (de cuytas, de cuydado) ‘to suffer pains, anguish’.

¹⁵¹ The documentation in the present essay has been largely limited by the end of the 15th century, because no major changes occurred after that date which could possibly help clarify the etymology of quexar. The two best glossaries of 17th-century Spanish, appended to B. Gracián, El Criticón, ed. M. Romera-Navarro (Philadelphia, 1938–40), and to F. Lopez de Ubeda, La Pícara Justina, ed. J. Puyol y Alonso (Madrid, 1912), respectively, fail to point out any peculiarities; material offered by glossaries to Cervantes and Gongora has been incorporated in the notes. C. Fontecha, Glosario de voces comentadas en ediciones de textos clásicos, was not yet available for consultation. Examples of the use of quejarse in refranes will be found in F. Rodriguez Marin's three collections (Madrid, 1926–34).

¹⁵² For statistical data on the frequency of MSp. quejarse and queja, see H. Keniston, A Standard List of Spanish Words and Idioms (Heath, 1941); the frequency and range of these two words and also of quejido, based on a different count, are given by M. A. Buchanan, A Graded Spanish Word Book (Toronto, 1927).

¹⁵³ Alex. O, quatrain 836d: El ardor del sol la quexa fieramente ‘the heat of the sun tortures her relentlessly’ may easily contain aquexar rather than quexar; cf. Alex. P, quatrain 864d: la aquexa.