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The Extension of Dependency Beyond the Sentence

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 February 2026

Marianne Mithun
Marianne Mithun*
Affiliation:
University of California, Santa Barbara, Department of Linguistics UCSB, University of California, South Hall 3607, Santa Barbara, CA 93106-3100
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Abstract

This article examines several grammatical developments that have received relatively little attention, but that may be more pervasive than previously recognized. They involve the functional extension of markers of grammatical dependency from sentence-level syntax into larger discourse and pragmatic domains. Such developments are first illustrated with material from Navajo and Central Alaskan Yup'ik, then surveyed more briefly in several other unrelated languages. In some cases, secondary effects of such changes can reshape basic clause structure. An awareness of these processes can accordingly aid in understanding certain recurring but hitherto unexplained arrays of basic morphological and syntactic patterns, exemplified here with cases of homophonous grammatical markers and of ergative/accusative splits. Like developments described by Gildea (1997, 1998) and Evans (2007), they involve the use of dependent clauses as independent sentences, but the processes described here differ from those in both the mechanisms at work and their results.

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Type
Research Article
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Language , Volume 84 , Issue 1 , March 2008, pp. 69 - 119
Copyright
Copyright © 2008 by the Linguistic Society of America

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Footnotes

*

I am grateful to speakers Dolly Soulé, Jalon Begay, and Marilyn Notah for their help in the process of transcribing and translating the Navajo material, to speakers Elizabeth Ali and George Charles for their help in transcribing and translating the Yup'ik material, and to speakers Erdenebaatar Erdene-Ochir and Altanzaya Batchuluun for their help with the Khalkha Mongolian. Work with Monica I. Brown, a Sasketchewan Plains Cree speaker, first showed me the use of conjunct forms as independent sentences in conversation and narrative. All have also generously shared their expertise in discussions about the structures described here. I especially appreciate useful discussion with Wally Chafe. Language editor Brian Joseph, associate editors Norma Mendoza-Denton and William Davies, and two extraordinarily knowledgeable and generous referees, Leslie Saxon and Willem de Reuse, have contributed greatly to the quality of this article. The time and care they took with earlier versions of the manuscript are appreciated. Mira Ariel, Isabelle Bril, François Jacquesson, Jon Landaburu, Ron Scollon, Nicolas Tournadre, and Martine Vanhove have also provided interesting and useful comments, as have other members of the audiences where earlier versions of this work were presented, at the Oxford-Kobe Seminar on Language Change and Historical Linguistics in Kobe, Japan, in 2002, and at the CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique) Lacito in Paris in 2003.

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