Hostname: page-component-74656f9884-kv2lp Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2026-11-05T09:05:28.207Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The formation of the East Baltic stative verbs *stāw-ē-and *dēw-ē-

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 March 2026

Alfred Bammesberger*
Affiliation:
University of Freiburg im Breisgau

Abstract

The East Baltic stative verbs *stāw-ē- and *dēw-ē- do not derive from alleged Indo-European perfect forms in -w-. Their starting point must be seen in the otherwise well-known roots IE *stā- and *dhē-. The -w- is ultimately due to the active perfect participle, whose strong form IE *-wðs was abandoned in Baltic (and Slavic), but left its trace in a phonologic rule according to which vowel-initial suffixes were linked to roots ending in a long vowel by means of -w-.

Information

Type
Research Article
Information
Language , Volume 50 , Issue 4 , December 1974 , pp. 687 - 695
Copyright
Copyright © 1974 by Linguistic Society of America

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Article purchase

Temporarily unavailable