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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 March 2026
This paper maintains that some of the historical rules of consonant deletion, vowel deletion, nasalization, and initial h-deletion—all recapitulated synchronically within the transformational generative accounts of French linking—have undergone morphologization in the form of inversion, and that h-aspiré words have been assigned the feature [– vowel]. This revision is supported by substantive evidence from colloquial trends, which can only be explained by the loss of consonantal epenthesis, vocalic epenthesis, denasalization, and the integration of h-words into the vowel-initial category. It is demonstrated that the extant analysis fails in dealing with the dynamics of change for two reasons: (1) all rules are phonological, with no expectation of loss; and (2) even if rules are lost, incorrect predictions would be made.