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The implications of Wichita phonology

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 March 2026

David S. Rood*
Affiliation:
University of Colorado

Abstract

Wichita phonology is unusual in several ways. The system contains no labials, no nasals, only front vowels, and a three-way length contrast in vowels. Examination of the system and of the morphophonemic rules leads to these observations, among others: coalescence is not deletion, and the rules should not imply that it is; the feature [delayed release] is incorrect (here) for distinguishing affricate /c/ from stop /t/; /t/ is palatalized but /k/ is not; Kiparsky's ‘elsewhere’ principle must be invoked; and the Chomsky–Halle phonetic features and marking conventions for glides are wrong, but a feature hierarchy [round, back, high, low] can be established. Finally, we discuss the psychology of speaking a language in which one perceptual/articulatory event frequently has a multitude of underlying phonological representations.

Information

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © 1975 by Linguistic Society of America

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