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A Recessive Phoneme
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2026
This study is intended to illuminate the highly recessive nature of the ‘New England Short o.‘ The varying stability of the feature from word to word and from region to region and the extent of divided and unsettled usage from community to community and speaker to speaker provide an unusual glimpse of a linguistic phenomenon long recognized but never adequately documented.
1 See Charles H. Grandgent, From Franklin to Lowell: A century of New England pronunciation, PMLA 14.207–39 (1899).
2 Edited by Hans Kurath, Bernard Bloch, and others; 6 vols. (Providence, 1939).
3 Walter S. Avis, The mid-back vowels in the English of the eastern United States: A detailed investigation of regional and social differences in phonic characteristics and in phonemic organization (University of Michigan, 1955: unpublished doctoral dissertation, available in microfilm).
4 The area referred to is substantially that shown as Area 1 among the speech areas of the Atlantic States in Hans Kurath and Raven I. McDavid Jr., The pronunciation of English in the Atlantic States, Map 2 (Ann Arbor, 1961). See the line of demarcation drawn on Figure 1 below.
5 See Hans Kurath, Bernard Bloch, Marcus L. Hansen, and Julia Bloch, Handbook of the linguistic geography of New England 52–3 (Providence, 1939; second printing 1954).
6 See Avis 106 ff.
7 For a full description of the diaphones recorded, see Avis 81 ff. For a succinct discussion of free and checked vowels, see Kurath and McDavid 3–5.
8 See Avis 92 (Table 14) for a detailed listing of such contrasts.
9 The unitary interpretation of syllables adopted here has most recently been defended in Kurath and McDavid 3–5. See also Avis 7–8.
10 See Avis 94 (Table 15) for a statement of the proportional occurrences of these allophones in 32 words, including compounds.
11 Informant 160.2 in Billerica ‘uses [θ] at home in such words as coat, broken, but avoids it in public speaking’ (fieldworker's comment).
12 It appears that /gθnə/ in the context am I going to ... occurs surprisingly seldom among a wide variety of pronunciations.
13 The following maps in Kurath and McDavid illustrate other words discussed in this article: 20 ago; 30 coat, whole, and stone (wall); 121 ewe /jo/; 123 home; 124 loam; 125 won't; 126–8 yolk.
14 See E. Bagby Atwood, A survey of verb forms in the eastern United States Figure 20 (Ann Arbor, 1953).
15 Atwood 25.
16 Informants for the Linguistic atlas are identified by a decimal number, in which the part before the decimal point denotes the community and the part after it the individual informant. They are characterized as follows: Type 1, persons with little or no formal education, little reading, and restricted social contacts; Type 2, persons with better education (usually through high school), wider reading, and more varied contacts; Type 3, persons of cultivated background with superior education (usually through college), wide reading, and extensive contacts; Type A, old, or regarded by the fieldworker as relatively old-fashioned; Type B, young, or regarded as relatively modern. Thus the designation 1A refers to an old man with little or no formal schooling, 3B to a relatively young man with considerable education, and so on. See Kurath, Handbook 41–2.
17 See Kurath, Handbook, ch. 3, for an outline of New England settlement history; references to settlement history in this part of the discussion are based on that outline and on the detailed accounts of communities and informants in ch. 4.
18 Kurath, Handbook 34 (Chart 16).
19 See Avis 133–8 (Tables 20–3) for the data on the dissemination of /θ/ and /o/ by informant types in the northeastern region.
20 For a detailed treatment of the evidence for New England outside the Northeastern region, see Avis 142–66.
21 The maps referred to in fn. 13 above illustrate the dissemination of /θ/ in this settlement area. See also Avis, Figures 54–61 and Tables 33–5.
22 Area 4, Map 2 in Kurath and McDavid.
23 It must be remembered that the Atlas records here under examination were made almost thirty years ago; many of the informants are now dead. In view of the recessive character of /θ/ in the 1930's, it seems improbable that the feature is still common now. If someone were to record comparable data for /θ/ and /o/ today, the extent of drift in New England would almost certainly be even more remarkable than is shown by this study.