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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2026
The ‘laryngeal’ hypothesis poses a problem concerning the Indo-European ā-stem nouns and verbs, for IE ā may result from the loss either of a following x or of a following;. In the present state of our knowledge a decision between the two possibilities can be reached only on the basis of Hittite evidence; IH x appears in Hittite as ḫ, usually written double between vowels, while IH; is lost, or at least not written in Hittite. In the case before us the Hittite evidence makes it necessary to assume IH x in some words and; in others. The Indo-European ā-stems must therefore be divided into two originally distinct classes.
1 The abbreviations used in this paper are those listed in my Hittite Grammar and in the second edition of my Hittite Glossary.
2 Symb. Gramm. 102 (1927).
3 Sturtevant, Lang. 7.121.
4 Goetze will treat this word in his forthcoming monograph on the ritual of Tunnawi.
5 Cf. HG 158 f., 231 f., 243.
6 For the supplement, cf. KBo. 4.2.1.39, 3.33; where it appears that karsani-wood is used for making soap.
7 So far the only known stem in -h- is iskaruh (nom.-acc. iš-qa-ru-uḫ, iš-ga-ru-uḫ, dat. iš-qa-ru-ḫi, iš-ga-ru-ḫi, inst. iš-qa-ru-ḫi-it, iš-ga-ru-ḫi-it), a vessel into which wine is poured. It may possibly be a vessel with a pointed bottom, to be thrust into the ground, and, if so, it may be derived from iskar- 'insert, stick in', on which see Güterbock, ZA NF 10.61. Both the intervening u and the. consistent writing with single ḫ in more than thirty intervocalic occurrences are against finding our suffix -hh- in it.
8 See Friedrich, ZA NF 5.43 fn. 3; Götze, NBr. 77 fn. 3; Güterbock, ZA NF 10.81 fn. 3; Cf. also Goetze, Tunnawi.
9 Mélanges Boisacq, vol. 2, to appear soon.
10 Goetze, Mél. Pedersen 488-95.
11 With the ending -ai from -ei on account of the preceding x.
11a Since I wrote the above it has occurred to me that maḫḫan ‘when, as, in the neantime’ is perhaps the accusative of a noun with suffix -ḫḫ- from the stem that occurs in man ‘how? (see Sommer, Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Ḫat-ušili I 75f.), how, when, as’ and in masis, masiwanza, masiyanza 'quantus?, quantus'. Hittite clearly had a second interrogative-indefinite-relative stem,
. If we may identify man with the o-grade form of Gk.
and maḫḫan with
. μήν, we have at least a reasonable explanation of the vocalism of Dor. μᾱν. H me- with noun suffix -x- would yield an accusative máxṃ (Hitt. maḫḫan), and we may assume that before an initial vowel this would take the form máxm, whence Gk.
. If this etymology is correct, the transfer from neuter to personal render belongs to Indo-Hittite. Compare now Pedersen, Hittitisch und die anderen indo-europäischen Sprachen 67-72.
12 On the latter see HG 166 and references. Götze, AOr. 2.160 f., has called attention to an adjective of this origin. Cf. also Sturtevant, HG 153.
13 Sturtevant, Lang. 14.107 f.
14 Just as Hittite -ahhas corresponds with IE -ā- < IH -ax-, Hitt. -uhhas implied IE -ū- from IH -ux-, and it is noteworthy that Skt. tanūṣ ‘body’ is readily derived from IH tъnu- ‘thin’ with suffixal -x-. The gen. sg. tanuvas comes quite regularly from IH tъnu-xos. It is not necessary however, to ascribe all IE ū-stems and ī-stems to the suffix -x-; any ‘laryngeal’ would yield the recorded forms, and Hitt. iskaruh (see above p. 240, fn. 7) may indicate a suffix -γ-. I no longer interpret a single intervocalic h as', as I did in Lang. 12.186 f., 14.109 f.
15 This word occurs only in KUB 7.53.3.10. In his forthcoming Tunnawi Goetze reads: pa-ap-ra<-ta>.
16 Sanskrit Grammar p. 388 §1059 b.
17 Götze, Madd. 81-100; Sturtevant, Lang. 5.8-14, HG 226-8. W. Petersen, Lang. 9.291-7, maintained that these verbs correspond with the Indo-European ā-verbs (type Aeol. τίμαμι). A sufficient answer is contained in the first part of this paper.
18 Since there are no separate signs for ez and et it is usually necessary to write -ai- or to insert a pleonastic e (mu-ka-e-it-te-en—KBo.3.43.2.9). In the pret. 2 sg. we read ḫa-at-ra-a-eš (14.1.1.76) and ták-šu-la-a-eš (14.1.1.75) beside píd-da-iš (14.1.1.3). This 2 sg. form is used as a 3 sg. in ḫa-at-ra-a-eš (KBo. 3.4.3.79; KUB 6.41.3.50). It is impossible to decide whether we have the same transfer or a heteroclitic form of the hi-conjugation in 3 sg. ḫa-at-ra-iš (KBo. 4.4.2.34) and píd-da-a-iš (KUB 6.41.1.41, 49). In the imper. 2 sg. we find consistently ḫa-at-ra-a-i, tar-kum-ma-i, etc.; but in view of the constant writing of final -i for inherited -e in this form of all thematic verbs except those in -ya/e-, and also in the pres. 3 sg. of consonant stems of the ḫi-conjugation, it seems likely that final -e regularly became -i. Cf. Sturtevant, Lang. 14.15.
19 Examples in HG 226 f. In line 15 on p. 227 read: 'provide a witness', instead of: 'make one a witness'.
20 I have recently discussed this etymology in Lang. 14.71. In HG 226 I also identified tarma(e)- with Lat. termino, but, since we have learned that the Hittite word means ‘blockade’, that seems less plausible. The proposed connection of mita(e)- ‘fix, determine’ with Lat. mētor ‘measure’ must be given up.
21 Sturtevant, HG 177 f., Lang. 14.75. The ‘laryngeal’ theory requires some correction of the former passage; if ; survived in Indo-Hittite, the -a in Hittite cannot come from IH ∂, but only from -a; or -ъ;.
22 For Hittite, see Sturtevant, HG 225-8. The second sentence in §309 should read: A common meaning is 'be that which the primitive noun or adjective denotes'.