¹ (1) W. M. Austin, Spoken Rumanian (unpublished): reproduced, by permission of the author and the American Council of Learned Societies, for the School of Language Training, Foreign Service Institute, Department of State. A revision of the text by native speakers has been utilized in the present connection. (2) Mircea Eliade, Ifigenia (Valle Hermoso, Argentina, 1951), a play in three acts.

² The bulk of the work was done with two well-educated informants who had spent most of their adult years in Bucharest: Iulian Prundeanu, who was born near Bucharest, and Iris Barbura, a native of Arad, Transylvania. Consulted to a lesser extent was Constantin Athanasiu, a native of Oltenia. The author's informal observation of the speech of numerous other users of the standard language, of various ages and from several different areas, has revealed no important structural deviations from the dialect of the three regular informants.

³ Grigore Nandriş, Colloquial Rumanian (London, 1945); and Alain Guillermou, Manuel de langue roumaine (Paris, 1953).

⁴ Marcel Schönkron, Rumanian-English and English-Rumanian Dictionary (New York, 1952).

¹ In phonetic transcription, boundaries between syllables are indicated by ['] where there is onset of stress, and elsewhere by hyphens.

² For example, [/ ‘with care, carefully’ is not a phonological word because the first syllable [ku] may be meaningfully isolated as ['ku] /kú/ 'with', while the meaning of /gríž/ remains constant. The final syllable [ž] is not similarly free, so that ['gri-ž] /gríž/ 'care' does constitute a phonological word. On the other hand [kuprin-de] /kuprínde/ ‘comprise’ is a phonological word as well as ['prin-de] /prínde/ 'catch', because in this case [ku] cannot meaningfully be isolated nor does the meaning of /prínde/ remain constant.

³ A vowel phoneme cited without stress-mark, e.g. /i/, means stressed or unstressed. Only where it is necessary to differentiate between the two will we cite specifically /í/, stressed only, or /ǐ/, unstressed only.

^3a Other phonemicizations of the Rumanian vowel and consonant systems are possible and have been proposed by European linguists. One analysis posits phonemic palatalization of consonants (C : Ç), in which case there are five vowels instead of seven: high /i u/, mid /e o/, low /a/; [i e] and [ï ] are then allophones of the high and mid front vowels respectively. An additional possibility is the phonemic labialization of consonants, yielding a four-way opposition (C : Ç : C° : Ç°), with the same five-vowel system or even with a three-vowel system /i e a/ in which [u o] may be taken as allophones of the high and mid vowels respectively after labialized consonants. For a detailed discussion of this indeterminacy and its implications for the description of Rumanian phonological structure and morphophonemics, see F. B. Agard and G. H. Fairbanks, review of E. Petrovici, Kann das Phonemsystem einer Sprache durch fremden Einfluss umgestaltet werden? in Language 34.297-303.

⁴ /ăj/ does not occur word-final.

⁵ Many non-Bucharest speakers lack the contrast between /ja/ and /ea/, having only /ja/. Some also lack that between /jé/ and /é/, having only /jé/, and at the same time replace /ó/ with /wó/.

⁶ Occurs stressed only.

⁷ Occurs only after another syllable.

⁸ Some speakers lack the contrasts between /ki gi/ and /kji gji/, having only the latter series.

⁹ Some speakers lack also word-initial /i e/, having only /ji je/ in this position. They may also replace word-initial /u o/ with /wu wo/.

¹⁰ There being no voiced phonemic correlate of /c/, a voiced allophone [] of this affricate is produced in /bc⁺máre/ when joined as /bcmáre/ ‘big stick’.

¹¹ Final /ŭl/ at the end of an utterance is likewise usually reduced to /ŭ/ except in careful speech, e.g. /ját+hotélul/ > /játhotélu/ ‘here's the hotel’.

¹² If the final syllable to be joined is itself closed by a cluster which cannot occur as C₁ (e.g. /nt/), a different shift produces NC₂C₁N, with the first member of the closing cluster becoming C₂ and the second member becoming C₁, e.g. /un⁺ált⁺óm/ > /unáltóm/ [u'nȧl'tom] ‘another man’.

¹³ Including that produced from NC₂⁺N.

¹⁴ Although /ja/ can occur, the boundary cannot be before that sequence in /múncijačéštia/ because /ǐ/ does not occur word-final. On the other hand since /í/ does occur word-final, the criterion is missing for locating the boundary exactly in /pwátefíjón/ ‘it may be John’; although we know there is a boundary, its location can be either before or after the /j/.

¹ Exception is made, however, in the case of stem-final -e or -ea which remain present before inflection-initial -a and yield the phonemic nucleus /ea/. So for example bere ‘beer’ and bere-a /bérea/ ‘the beer’.

² As contrasted with ∅ ~ /u/, subsumed under “elsewhere”.

³ The notation wá could be used as well as oá, but the latter is chosen for its patterning with eá. The letters oa serve in Rumanian orthography to represent phonemic /wá/.

⁴ It could appear as ∅, particularly after /í/ (cf. the word /zí/ 'day'), but words ending in /é ó/ are of very low frequency and are not inflected. It actually does appear as ∅ in the u-stem /skí/ 'ski' (definite /skíul/).

⁵ -stems marked with an appended (-łi) constitute a very small subclass in which the allomorph of D in SPD is, irregularly, -łi as against the regular -łe.

⁶ e-stems marked with an appended (-łu) constitute a sizeable subclass in which the allomorph of D in SD is, irregularly, -łu as against the regular -ła.

⁷ The morphophonemic symbol æ is explained in 4.23.2a.

⁸ The morphophonemic symbol 1 is explained in 4.23.2c.

⁹ The case of tætru ‘theater’ is unique in that the nucleus remains /eá/ before P -e: /teátru teátrul : teátre teátrele/. It is perhaps best classed as analogous to its careful speech variant te⁺atru with its phonologically normal SP form /te⁺átre/.

¹⁰ In u[ur]-stems, internal of course appears as non-alternating /eá/ throughout the paradigm, e.g. dælu[ur] ‘hill’ /deál deálul : deálurj deálurile/; væku[ur] ‘century’ /veák veákul : veákurj veákurile/.

¹¹ The stem kapu[et] ‘head’ may be classed as morphemically distinct from the stems kapu 'chief and kapu[ur] 'cape'; synchronically it is mere coincidence that all three have the same paradigm in the singular, i.e. /káp kápul kápuluj/. Other examples of u-stems or -stems with intersecting paradigms: koatu ‘elbow’, kotu ‘nudge’, kotu[ur] ‘bend’; okju ‘eye’, okju[ur] ‘fried egg’; bukat ‘dish, serving’, bukt ‘piece’. (In -stems, only S SD intersect, e.g. /bukát bukáta/ but SDO /bukátej/ as against /bukcij/.)

¹² This last is merely a non-contrastive alternant of oaspete(-łi) /wáspetele wáspecij/.

¹³ In the above-mentioned article “Noun morphology in Romanian”, the author proposed an analysis whereby the morpheme D had the uniform basic allomorph -ł-, and the vowels -u -a -i -e occurring after it were shards of discontinuous morphs: -a and -u of the noun “base” (i.e. stem), -i and -e of the plural inflection. Although no subsequent findings have rendered that analysis invalid, it has proved somewhat unwieldy and is here dropped in favor of continuous S and P morphs and the four allomorphs for D.

It should also be pointed out that in the article cited, the author's establishment of a stem-final morphophoneme N was unjustified, being due to an error in his data regarding the SP form of plmynu ‘lung’, there given as */plmýj/. An /n ~ ∅/ alternation occurs in verb stems only, where it is wholly complementary with non-alternating /n/ and may therefore be subsumed under the morphophoneme n (see 4.53.1b).

¹⁴ The postvocalic alternant is /w/ in the unique case of the u-stem ou ‘egg’ /ów : ów/.

¹⁵ Vowel not morphophonemically present.

¹⁶ With this stem the allomorphs -e and -łe are, by exception, in morphemic contrast: /dwámne/ ‘Lord’ (said in prayer) as against /dómnule/ ‘Sir’.

¹⁷ In Sf the phonemic shapes /e/ and /w/ of/ - are of course conditioned by the limitations on /V/.

¹⁸ For the gender-classes of substantives see below, 6.21.1.

¹⁹ Uniquely with the suffix - toaru, which serves to derive adjective stems from verbs, the concord morpheme f is excluded, and pf signals concord with any singular or plural feminine, e.g. urmtoaru ‘following’ /urmtór urmtórj urmtwáre/.

²⁰ In adjectives ending in -šiu, e.g. róšiu ‘red’, the pre-final i appears as phonemic zero in S only: /róšu róšij róšie/.

²¹ With a number of adjectives ending in -ku -gu, only p and f occur. This feature is indicated morphophonemically by the symbol after the stem, as in miku ‘small’ or adynku ‘deep’, or lungu ‘long’ or dragu ‘dear’.

²² In these adjective stems internal appears as // rather than the expected /é/ before -i.

²³ The internal alternation ~ eá is unique in this adjective.

²⁴ Or, replacing -a, an allomorph of D.

²⁵ This distribution contrasts with that in noun inflection, where -j and -or are merely allomorphs of the one oblique morpheme O.

²⁶ The stem vowel -u as well as the anaphoric f - appear as phonemic zero before this suffix, yet are present morphophonemically because each conditions the stem alternants in its own regular way while -a does not condition them at all.

^26a Marginal to the finite system of the dialect here described is a set of forms embodying a third tense-aspect which might be labeled the preterite. These forms are illustrated in the standard grammars, but do not occur elsewhere in the corpus, i.e. in the running texts or in utterances elicited from the informants (see Introduction). There is no identifiable preterite morph of overt shape; for all verbs the forms seem best analyzed as special arrangements of stem and actor allomorphs which are not in contrast elsewhere in the system.

²⁷ Conversely -e appears as conditioned // after /w/ in the unique case of plowa ‘rain’ /plów : s plów/.

²⁸ The morphophonemic symbol â is explained in 4.53.2b.

²⁹ The morphophonemic symbol ôa is explained in 4.53.2c.

³⁰ In i-stems final -s appears as /s/ instead of the expected /š/ before the stem vowel i, e.g. S /mirosí/, SG /mirosínd/, SP /mirosít/, SA₄ /mirosím/, SA₅ /mirosícj/, SP_P /mirosíse-/.

³¹ The alternations of are different, yet in complementation stem-wise, in that in i-stems it appears as /ĕ/ rather than the expected // before A₃ -.

³² See above, 4.26, Note 14.

³³ It is to be observed that the SA₁ alternant with ∅ affords an overt contrast with the SA₆ form occurring in the absence of s, e.g. vǐni SA₁ /víw/ : SA₆ /vín/.

³⁴ Phonological limitations condition - to appear as /e/ after /í/, and as /je/ after /ú/ or /ý/. (The morphophonemic symbols ǐ and are explained in (d) and (h) below.)

³⁵ The unstressed alternation // is the same as that of in syllables following the basic stress, cf. 4.52.2.

³⁶ The SP form of this verb is irregular: /vyndút/ instead of the expected */výns/.

³⁷ Identical with da is sta ‘stand’ except for SI /stáj/, cf. 4.56.1.

³⁸ Like vrea is bea ‘drink’, except that the latter has an added before the stem vowel u in SP /bút/ and SP_P /búse-/; compare the retention of i in the corresponding stem al-lomorphs of šti SP /štiút/, SP_P /štiúse-/. It is further to be noted that in šti the stem vowel i does not alternate to e in SPi /štiá-/.

³⁹ The appearance of eá as /eá/ or (after palatal) /à/ rather than the expected /è/ before -u in /vreáw beáw jáw/ is limited to these three cases.

⁴⁰ For the appearance of the internal vowel as // rather than the expected /a/ under the stress, cf. da ‘give’ SI /d/ (Table 16).

⁴¹ Colloquially very often synte-.

⁴² Internal eá and appear as /é/ and // before this alternant just as they do before -u as regular /u/, rather than alternating to /eá/ and /á/ as they do before f -.

⁴³ Syntactic alternants containing the cross-reference morphemes p -i /j/ and pf -e /w/ respectively.

⁴⁴ Our criterion for separate words would lead us to expect */čéštj lálcj/ or possibly */čéstj álcj/, which in joined transition would be */čéžlálcj/ or */čéštálcj/.

⁴⁵ Replacement of root-final t by c even before suffix-initial e, ea or æ.

⁴⁶ Whether these and similar pairs are morphemically distinct or are merely allomorphs in complementation root-wise cannot be determined short of an exhaustive study of all derivational data.

⁴⁷ Appearance of root-internal á as // when stress shifts to suffix, analogous to the morphophoneme â in verbs.

⁴⁸ This suffix does not occur with P and is often replaced in the presence of that inflection by the suffix -ičeał, which in turn rarely occurs without it.

⁴⁹ Appearance of root-internal í as /ĕ/ when stress shifts to suffix, analogous to the morphophoneme ǐ in verbs.

⁵⁰ Replacement of root-final ǧ by g before suffix-initial a.

⁵¹ Although consonant-initial, -k^v is analogous to vowel-initial suffixes in canceling the root-final vowel.

⁵² -oajk^v and -k^v appear to be in root-wise complementation and are therefore seemingly allomorphs. It does not seem useful to analyze -oajk^v as a composite of the diminutive suffixes -oaj and -k^v, even though historically it seems to be the result of their coalescence.

⁵³ Appearance of root-internal oá as /ŭ/ when stress shifts to suffix, analogous to the morphophoneme ôa in verbs.

⁵⁴ Replacement of root vowel -u by - before consonant-initial suffix.

⁵⁵ Replacement of root-final -su by -zi before consonant-initial suffix.

⁵⁶ Diminution of verb root through loss of -eaz-, -eask-, or -sk- before suffix.

⁵⁷ The suffixes -cǐ and -ciune frequently occur after the same root with little or no meaning contrast, e.g. konversáci and konversaciune ‘conversation’. Doublets having similar contrasts in final shape but none in meaning are found among non-derived nouns, e.g. náci and naciune ‘nation’; compare also divízi and diviziune ‘division’, relíǧi and reliǧiune ‘religion’, and the like.

⁵⁸ Replacement of root vowel -a by - before consonant-initial suffix.

⁵⁹ After /k g/ the morphophoneme regularly appears as //, e.g. /strígt/ ‘shout’ from the verb striga. Cf. also /konduktór/ ‘leader’ from konduke.

⁶⁰ Replacement of root vowel -a by -e before consonant-initial suffix.

⁶¹ Replacement of root vowel -e by -i before consonant-initial suffix.

⁶² Replacement of root vowel -a by - before suffix with P -i.

⁶³ Replacement of root vowel -a by - as conditioned /e/ before suffix.

⁶⁴ Loss of root-final consonant and vowel before s-initial suffix, in verbs having analogous replacement by s before the P and P_p inflections.

⁶⁵ Loss of root vowel even before consonant-initial suffix.

⁶⁶ The morphophoneme č is conditioned to appear as /š/ before the suffix because of the phonological limitation on /č/ plus consonant. Note also that root-internal is replaced by á.

⁶⁷ Augment present before suffix; cf. also /frigurós/ ‘cold’ from frigu[ur].

⁶⁸ Replacement of root-final c by č before suffix.

⁶⁹ When concord-morpheme f - is present, the suffix allomorph of -elu is -ik-.

⁷⁰ Replacement of root-final s by š before suffix-initial e.

⁷¹ Replacement of root-final d by z before suffix-initial u or ea.

⁷² Replacement of root-final consonant and vowel by -si before consonant-initial suffix, in verbs having analogous replacement by s before the P and P_p inflections.

⁷³ Appearance of internal I as /y/ even before suffix-initial ea.

⁷⁴ This verb is itself derived from the adjective feriče ‘happy’.

¹ Or with satu ‘village’ or loku[ur] ‘place’ or flúviu ‘river’.

² Or with nume(-łu) ‘name’.

³ Or with loku[ur] ‘thing’ or flúviu ‘river’.

⁴ In the case of three lexically related phrases, the adjective bunu ‘good’ precedes H + D : /bún dimineáca/ ‘good morning’, /bún zíwa/ ‘good afternoon, good day’, /bún seára/ ‘good evening’. H is never plural or oblique, and the phrases neither have further attributes nor are constituents of larger constructions.

⁵ Some, lexically determined, do not have this property; others lack the first, but either is enough to place them in the qualifying subclass.

⁶ Occurs only with the secondary inflection.

⁷ V -e appears as conditioned // after stem-final g as /g/ in the one case of dragu.

⁸ In augmented stems like treab[ur] ‘task’ or vreme[ur] ‘time’, the stem does not carry -ur- before the concord morph; thus for example while the SP form of treab[ur] is /tréburj/, the concord allolog is /trébj/ as in /prímej trébj/ ‘of the first task’.

⁹ /máma sá/ = /máma lúj/ or /máma jéj/; /pisíčilor sále/ = /pisíčilor lúj/ or /pisíčilor jéj/, etc.

¹⁰ After an adjective secondarily inflected with D -ła, the possessive adjectives in their forms /meá tá sá/ are sometimes replaced colloquially by the respective pro-obliques (y)mi (y)ci (y)ši joined to the adjective as /-mj -cj -š/ (see 10.211.3), e.g. /própria meá kopíl/ ≁ /própriamj kopíl/ ‘my own child’.

¹¹ Singular heads are those which might be called ‘mass nouns’, i.e. nouns which in their central meaning do not take the indefinite article and do not pluralize. Plural heads are those which might be called ‘count nouns’, i.e. those which do take the indefinite article and do pluralize.

¹² Matching examples with obliqued heads are obvious : dómnuluj prundeánu, dóktoruluj manwíl, etc.

¹³ Matching obliques: kasiéruluj hotéluluj, biróuluj dómnuluj popésku, etc.

¹⁴ For the last three examples see 6.23.

¹⁵ The secondary inflection of concord is carried by any head which follows a pronoun in the form SpfO₁. The construction is analogous to that described above (6.21.1a) in connection with qualifying adjectives as anterior attributes.

¹⁶ Except in the joined phrase /uneórj/ ‘sometimes’.

¹⁷ Cf. grynárul jewrópej ‘the granary of Europe’, etc.

¹⁸ The form /a/ is normally joined to, and thus phonemically coalesced with, the final /-a/ of the definitized noun, e.g. /eskádradówa/ for /eskádra a dówa/ ‘the second squadron’.

¹⁹ The obliqued personal pronouns /míe cíe nów vów/, which have only dative meaning, are of course excluded and replaced by the corresponding possessive adjectives; see above, 6.21.1b.

²⁰ In the case of pronouns belonging to either gender, feminine singular-oblique concord never occurs—e.g. feminine singular /jéw síngur/ obliqued is simply /míe síngur/; similarly /já síngur/ obliqued is /jéj síngur/.

²¹ When these phrases are obliqued, however, toatu may only follow the head: lór tócj, lór twáte ‘of them all’.

²² Does not occur as attribute in a nominal phrase.

²³ Occurs only as attribute in a nominal phrase.

²⁴ An approximate synonym of /číne vá/, this occurs only in S and SO forms.

²⁵ Structurally parallel, though normally joined, is the phrase /kýte o dát/ ‘sometimes, at times’, which uniquely lacks the distributive meaning.

²⁶ Adjectival phrases as attributes in larger substantival phrases normally follow the substantival head and therefore cannot occur with the secondary inflection D ± O (see 6.21.1a).

²⁷ Without implied comparison, a plural form with maj can mean 'several.

²⁸ In the meaning ‘than’, ka and dekyt are allologs in non-contrastive alternation.

²⁹ When a head is followed by this particular type of attribute—de plus a verb partis ciple—it carries no morpheme of concord, as may be observed in the nominal phrasee /portréte fwárte gréw de gsít/ ‘portraits [that are] very hard to find’ or /awtórj ušór d-yncelés/ ‘authors easy to understand’.

³⁰ Sporadically, this type of adjectival precedes its head, e.g. o atýt de lúng kltoríe ‘such a long trip’.

³¹ With one exception: see below, 10.213.

³² When joined, not infrequently /mi a/ becomes /mja/ while /mi je/ becomes /mie/ or /mje/.

³³ The allomorphs mi ci ji and ne te le, when joined to the A₂ auxiliary /aj/, yield in combination with it the vocalic sequences /iej/ or /jej/ and /ej/ respectively, e.g. /mi aj spús/ ≁ /miejspús/ or /mjejspús/ ‘you have told me’, /ji aj dát/ ≁ /jejdát/ ‘you have given him’, /ne aj vazút/ ≁ /nejvezút/ ‘you have seen us’, /te aj dúče/ ≁ /tejdúče/ ‘you would go‘

³⁴ The obliqued pronoun lor is not replaceable by li when one of these P-As is present : so for example /yj d lór/ ‘he gives them to them’, etc.

³⁵ prea may also occur directly after nu, e.g. nú preá ymj pláče ≁ nú ymj preá pláče ‘I don't like it very much’.

³⁶ Cf. the contrasting C₁ ymj spúnecj ‘you tell me’, o lsácj ‘you leave her’, etc. Sporadically one of the other A morphemes may appear in a C₂ center, in stylized expressions such as /rógute/ ‘I beg you’, but in such instances there is no positional contrast: the example cited expresses no different content from /te róg/; cf. also /kuvínese/ ≁ /se kuvíne/ ‘it is fitting’.

³⁷ It is clear, of course, that in the absence of a P-D or P-A to mark imperative meaning by position, only the irregular forms /f dû zí víno ájbj fíj/ are in morphological contrast with SA₃ forms. In the case of the verb fi, the SA₅ form /fícj/ in the absence of s has imperative meaning in morphological contrast with SA₅ /súntecj/, non-imperative.

³⁸ Or any plural pronoun with noj contained in its attribute, e.g. múlcj dintre nój ‘many of us’.

³⁹ Or any plural pronoun with voj or dumneavoastr contained in its attribute, e.g. kýcj dintre vój ‘how many of you’, álcij dintre dumneavwástro ‘others of you’.

⁴⁰ Substantivais containing more than one head coordinated by ši ‘and’, saw ‘or’, etc. belong in government classes with single heads as follows : jew or noj plus any other belong with noj (e.g. tú ši jéw štím 'you and I know'); any one of tu, matał, dumneatał, voj, dumneavoastr plus the same or any other head at all belong with voj and dumneavoastr (e.g. tú ši jél štícj 'you and he know'); any other coordinations than the above belong with plurals (e.g. jél ši já štíw 'he and she know').

⁴¹ In contrast with /jéste ~ je/ the SA₃ /fíe/, merely an allolog in the presence of s, can provide hortative meaning even in the absence of the particle, e.g. nú ycj fíe frík ‘don't be afraid’ as against nú ci je frik ‘you're not afraid’.

⁴² če with the meaning ‘how’ occurs as attribute of an adjective only when this is functioning as a complement.

⁴³ As in this example, a participial adjective functioning as subjective complement may have as attribute a substantival which itself in turn functions as an objective complement; cf. also bukuréštj jerá supranumít ši míkul parís al oriéntuluj ‘Bucharest was called also the little Paris of the East’, máj tyrzíw a fóst numít de túrč rumélia ‘later it was called Rumelia by the Turks’.

⁴⁴ Occasionally an attributive complement splits a center phrase.

⁴⁵ The unique and somewhat ambiguous occurrence of the pronominal /ált čé vá/ in /ši čé am puteá fáče ált čé vá/ ‘and what else could we do’ is perhaps also to be classed as attributive in function, although it may be that /ált čé vá/ is a displaced attribute of the accusative /čé/ before the center.

⁴⁶ Or the exocentric of which it is a constituent.

⁴⁷ This example shows that the A-inflection of the verb (here A₆) is governed in such cases by the substantive head (here plural).

⁴⁸ Since kare in a pe-accusative precedes the center, this type of verbal includes a P-A which in this case duplicates the substantival head rather than the accusative itself.

⁴⁹ Normal position for a subject in this type of verbal.

⁵⁰ The s-finite is possible in this instance only because of the anterior attribute /atýt de/.

⁵¹ A sporadic case of A₄ in the s-finite as against A₁ in the embedding verbal.

⁵² In this objective complement the A₃ of the s-finite is determined by the P-A in the embedding verbal.

⁵³ The A₂ morpheme is often, as here, generalized to mean ‘you’ in the sense of ‘a person, one’; cf. also the next example.

⁵⁴ When trebuji follows a pre-auxiliary it has the stem allomorph trebujeaski.

⁵⁵ The subject of a subjective complement is occasionally displaced to opening position in the embedding verbal, e.g. /tú ar fí bíne s asíštj la yntruníre/ ‘it would be good if you were present at the meeting’, sándu trébuje s meárg la brbiér ‘Sandu has to go to the barber's’.

⁵⁶ če may have the all-inclusive attribute toatu, as here.

⁵⁷ The center-plus-accusative sequence /luá seám/ is probably best classed as a “transitive expression” capable of having a further accusative complement. Parallel cases are found, e.g. /fáče sémn/ ‘make a sign; signal’.

⁵⁸ /čé/ is accusative complement of /kúmperj/, but being interrogative it must take opening position in the embedding verbal.

⁵⁹ Here the “transitive expression” is the verb-plus-attributive /aveá de gýnd/.

⁶⁰ The s-finite is possible in this and the preceding example only because of the correlative nu ... dekyt.

⁶¹ This construction containing the verb pôatea alternates non -contrastively with the type of center phrase including pôatea plus bare stem, described above in 10.212.a. Thus: putécj s yl awzícj ≁ yl putécj awzí, etc.

⁶² In this and the preceding example the A₁ of the s-finite is determined by the P-D in the embedding verbal.

⁶³ In this expression kytu atypically lacks the attribute orj.

⁶⁴ Singular nouns which can take unu do not occur as axes of yntre because of its meaning ‘between, among’.

⁶⁵ Nominal axes of the preposition a are few, and almost none of them are plural.

⁶⁶ Although supra occurs only as axis of a and does not even have a bare-stem form (cf. /a súpra/ ‘thereon‘), its occurrence with an obliqued nominal attribute marks it as a noun.

⁶⁷ The axis has an attributive participle occurring uniquely in prepositionals with ku.

⁶⁸ Although ajinte occurs only as axis of yn, its behavior is clearly that of a noun, as evidenced by /yn ajíntea meá/ ‘before me’, /yn ajíntea últimuluj rzbój/ ‘before the last war’, etc. The word /apój/ occurs as an adverb, but the base form underlying the defini-tized axis /apója/, which may be followed by an obliqued substantival, must therefore be that of a noun apoj.

⁶⁹ According to the present analysis, numerous nominals have occurrence only as axes, e.g. those beginning with loku[ur] ‘place, stead’, which appears only after yn. A different analysis might be preferable for such cases, according to which the immediate constituents would be the prepositional /yn lók/ and some following constituent not here identified.

⁷⁰ As axes, the pronoun jew has the allomorph mine, tu has tine, and the reflexive pronoun sine '... self exists only as an axis.

⁷¹ Verbs are traditionally cited in a phrase of this sort in lexical lists or the like, e.g. a fi ‘to be’, a putea ‘to be able’, a deveni ‘to become’.

⁷² lungu occurs as an adjective, but only in this environment as a noun, latu occurs only in this SD form and only in this environment.

⁷³ Many of the glosses for these expressions are inadequate. Numerous constructions of de plus a prepositional axis function as attributes in nominals, e.g. /restawrántul de lyng kazinów/ ‘the restaurant next to the casino’, in complementation with /ašteáptm lyng kazinów/ ‘wait for me by the casino’, where the prepositional is an attributive complement in a verbal.

⁷⁴ žumtte (colloquially often žumte) may function as attribute in a noun phrase, even while retaining its own indefinite article, e.g. o žumtáte kilográm de halvá ‘half a kilogram of halva’.

⁷⁵ The class of reciprocals should perhaps be expanded to include such uncommon constructions as /fác yn fác/ ‘opposite one another, face to face’, which also function solely as attributive complements.

⁷⁶ Very frequently the main verb is omitted before these subjectives, e.g. bíne kaj venít, sígur kaj urǧént.

⁷⁷ It is to be noted that the verb form in an axis, in this and numerous other examples in which the center of the embedding verbal contains one of the tense-aspect morphemes P_i or P_p, is the same SA form that would occur in the absence of that tense-aspect morpheme; cf., for example, /jéw kréd k je avokát/ ‘I think he's a lawyer’, or /nú kréd k le vor yntrebujincá/ ‘I don't think they'll use them’. On the other hand, when the center of the embedding verbal does not contain P_i or P_p, tense-aspect contrasts in an axis can occur. Guillermou (op. cit. 171, note) cites the following: /jam spús k áre dreptáte/ ‘I have told him he's right’ or 'I told him he was right (in general)' as against /jam spús k aveá dreptáte/ 'I (have) told him he was right (at an earlier moment)'.

⁷⁸ Even as subjects in centerless verbals, the personal pronouns have the same allo-morphs as they have as axes of prepositions.

⁷⁹ With non-verbal axes in this function, dekyt is essentially interchangeable with ka.

⁸⁰ aprwape is also an adverb, as for example in /víno máj aprwápe/ ‘come closer’. Such an expression as /aprwápe de gár/ ‘near the station’ is probably best classed as an adverbial phrase with head aprwape and prepositional attribute.

⁸¹ This is not demonstrable here, but can be understood by referring to Chapter IV, Tonology.

⁸² Here the universal splits the center.

⁸³ Before nič ‘either’, ši replaces coordinating nič ‘nor’.

⁸⁴ The form /tók/ occurs only in this expression. Given the two stresses, however, there is no criterion for classifying /tók máj/ ≁ /tógmáj/ and the similarly structured /nú máj/ ≁ /númáj/ as derived compounds (see 5.1) rather than as phrases.

⁸⁵ The concord-class is determined as masculine-plural when either of the coordinated heads is masculine plural.

⁸⁶ The coordinated heads /indústria/ and /a/ designate two separate industries and so provide a contrast with a hypothetical /indústria fjéruluj ši océluluj/, which would imply a single industry.

⁸⁷ In coordinating numerals to express sums, the second numeral is regularly the axis of ku: /tréj ši ku činč fák ópt/ ‘three and five are eight’, etc. It is also usual for the second of two substantivals designating persons to occur as the axis of ku when the coordinated phrase is subject in a verbal and the notion of joint activity is implicit, e.g. /rádu ši ku míne am mérs/ ‘Radu and I went’.

⁸⁸ Here, by contrast with initial ši ‘also’, the tonemic peak of the sentence is over the subsequent word.

⁸⁹ Compare /avém ši kárne ši kartófj/ ‘we also have meat and potatoes’, with unstressed ši.

⁹⁰ Parataxis expressing ‘or’ is apparently restricted to numerals.

⁹¹ Occurs only as attribute of maj (see 8.21.3).

¹ Of the nine arrangements theoretically possible, only *13 is lacking.

² Although the use of saw to express mutual exclusion precludes the interrogative toneme, the sentence is nevertheless understood as a question.