¹ Cf. K. Nyrop, Grammaire historique de la langue française l.§251 (Copenhague, 1914).

² Cf. ‘A Note on Bound Forms’, JEGP 45.450 (1946).

³ In a transcription closely approximating that of the IPA, and differing from it only in the non-essential substitution of the symbols š and ž for ∫ and 5, and in the re-interpretation of the symbol : (§1.31) and its omission when not phonemically significant. In other words, for slow colloquial French, the IPA alphabet is an almost wholly phonemic transcription, as far as it goes.

⁴ Cf. Nyrop, Grammaire historique 1.§130.1, remarque.

⁵ That is, these effects, when involving phonemically significant alternations, may be interpreted as simultaneous components of close juncture or of phrase-final disjuncture; cf. Z. S. Harris, ‘Simultaneous Components in Phonology’, Language 20.181–205 (1944).

⁶ Passy, Les sons du français §219; Nyrop, Manuel phonétique du francais parlé §85, remarque 2; E. B. Davis, ‘Voiced Détentes’, French Review 17.36–39 (1943).

⁷ Passy, Les sons du français §§73–79; Nyrop, Manuel phonétique §107, remarque.

⁸ P. Delattre, ‘Le mot est-il une entité phonétique en français?‘, Le Français Moderne 8.47–56 (1940); G. L. Trager, Language 20.132 (1944).

⁹ For detailed enumeration, discussion and exemplification of intonation and stress patterns, cf. H. Coustenoble and L. Armstrong, Studies in French Intonation (Cambridge [Eng.], 1934), from which most of the following material has been abstracted and a number of the examples taken.

¹⁰ Variants 1 and 3 normally occur only before following elements in the same phrase, and hence, when cited separately, will be written followed by_╻.

¹¹ For instance, sandhi-variant 1 of nouns is normally used only in fixed locutions such as pjetatεr pied-à-terre, dətᾶzᾶtᾶ from time to time, etc., or as a base in word-formation, e.g. šᾶpwin⁺ shampoo in the verb šᾶpwin- to shampoo, or fεrblᾶt⁺ tin in fεrblᾶtje tin-smith; in ordinary syntactic combinations, variant 3 (pje, tᾶ, šᾶpwɛ̃, fεrblᾶ for the words just cited) is used even in pre-vocalic position. Likewise, sandhi-variant 1 of form Z of the plural suffix, /z/ (§2.13), is used in set phrases, such as šᾶzelize Champs-Élysées, etazyni United States, and in a few other instances.

On the other hand in some words sandhi-variant 1 may on occasion be used in word-formation even before a consonant, as in diznœf nineteen.

The use of different sandhi-variants in certain phrase-types (e.g. æ̃savᾶtetrᾶže a learned stranger ~ æ̃savᾶetrᾶže a foreign scholar) is a matter of syntactic combination and will be treated under phrase-structure (§4).

¹² This adjective may also be inflected as one of type B², with sandhi-alternation type IIIa; see below.

¹³ If one of these words is used with /o/ in m¹, e.g. œsotami a foolish friend, the adjective belongs under B².

¹⁴ This adjective may also be inflected as one of type A², with sandhi-alternation thpe IIIb (cf. above).

¹⁵ Masculine sandhi-variant 1 of adjectives in /an/ seems to be avoided in normal speech; Damourette and Pichon (Des mots à la pensée 1.306) give the artificially constructed phrase peizᾶnakutrəmᾶ (a) peasant get-up, with alternative pronunciation peizαnakutrəmᾶ. Both of these pronunciations, and the phrase itself, seem unnatural to a speaker of modern colloquial French.

The final /ɛ̃n/ in m¹ of adjectives having /in/, /iɲ/ in the feminine is normally not de-nasalized. But fin fine and divin divine occur as m¹ forms in a few set phrases: e.g. lədivinᾶfᾶ the divine Child. Forms like ynɔm a man are now archaic or dialectal.

¹⁶ In this class come, in ‘uneducated’ speech, a number of words which end in two consonants and have in upper-class speech sandhi-alternation of type I: e.g. ark m. arch, sandhi-variant 3 ark_╻ in careful speech but arkə_╻ in vulgar speech, as in the phrase arkəttriə̃f Arc de Triomphe.

¹⁷ Langlard (La liaison dans le français 41) gives the example εlzetεtutsafεre they were all busy. But this example seems unnatural to speakers of current French; Prof. P. Delattre writes: ‘Langlard is badly mistaken. First, that liaison would hardly ever be heard even with emphasis on the word toutes (never in colloquial speech). Secondly, when it is heard it can only be with z (not s) and d (or more exactly voiced t).‘

¹⁸ Since, therefore, these prefixes never occur before a pause, they have only sandhi-variants 1 (pre-vocalic) and 3 (pre-consonantal).

¹⁹ The form lœr their (A¹/I/Z¹), usually treated under possessive adjectives, is not a true possessive prefix, as it can be used apart from a substantive; it is a possessive quasi-pronoun (§2.241), which can also be used in certain phrase-combinations in prefixal function.

²⁰ The so-called ‘present’ is really a ‘non-past’, as it refers to time not exclusively limited to the past. The tense traditionally classified as ‘subjunctive’ contrasts with the past and present tenses by absence of any reference to time; cf. such sentences in modern colloquial speech as žəvulεkilvjεn I wanted him to come (lit. that he come). It is better, in general, to avoid this and other traditional names (e.g. ‘future’, ‘conditional’ and especially ‘mood‘), as they are misleading and bear little or no relation to the structural features of the tenses.

²¹ The Past and Timeless tenses formed on Stem C belong at present only to litérary usage; Timeless C, especially, has gone entirely out of spoken use. These tenses have been included here for the sake of completeness, and because at some points their evidence is relevant to the analysis; for instance, such forms as nu_╻dɔna-m we gave show us that the form for we are is to be analyzed as nu_╻sɔ-m and not as nu_╻s-ɔm.

²² There is no Past C or Timeless C built on pεs- graze.

^12a /i/ does not normally replace phrases containing personal pronouns, or substantives which could be replaced by personal pronouns; thus, in žpᾶs amɔnoto I'm thinking of my auto, the phrase amɔnoto to my auto can be replaced by /i/, giving žipᾶs I'm thinking of it; but in žpᾶs amezami I'm thinking of my friends or žpᾶs aø I'm thinking of them, the phrases amezami to my friends and aø to them are not thus replaced.

²³ Normally to the first two syllables of the base: e.g. aky battery : akymylatœr id.

²⁴ Of ten added to a base formed by ↓↓ or by abbreviation (cf. fn. 23), e.g. anaršo anarchist: anaršist id.; prɔlo proletarian : prɔletεr id.

²⁵ On Non-Finite A of verbs, e.g. ɛ̃trᾶsižᾶs intransigence : ɛ̃trᾶsižᾶt intransigent.

²⁶ In bə̃te goodness and bote beauty, added to m³ of the adjective (bə̃ good; bo beautiful).

²⁷ In a few instances, preceded by ⁺ər⁺, e.g. sεšrεs drought : ✓seš dry.

²⁸ This and other suffixes shown as having (i) lose the /i/ after a base ending in /i/, e.g. in dᾶdism dandyism :dᾶdi dandy.

²⁹ On bases ending in vowels or /l r š ž j/, but not in /waj εj/, e.g. rəkœj collection : rəkœj-collect.

³⁰ Including formation on bases ending in /waj εj/, e.g. ᾶvwa dispatch : ᾶvwaj- send.

³¹ On Stem C of verbs, as in kə̃kɔrda concordat, kə̃kɔrdatεr party to a concordat : kə̃kɔrd-agree.

³² On Italian place-names, e.g. komask Comasco : kom Como.

³³ On idol idol : idɔlαtr idolater, and on extended bases in ⁺ɔl⁺, e.g. ‘ygɔlαtr Hugolater, worshipper of V. Hugo : ‘ygo Hugo.

³⁴ In many, but not all, instances, this suffix has m.pl. Z² with /a/ > /o/ (§2.13) : e.g. manjakal maniacal, m.pl. manjako : manjak maniac.

³⁵ This suffix has pl. Z² in ajœl grandparent, m.pl. ajø; cf. §2.13.

³⁶ In pətiɔt wee, tiny, the base is the m³ pati little.

³⁷ With ⁺t⁺ after Stem C of many verbs, e.g. akə̃paɲatris accompanist : akə̃paɲ- accompany.

³⁸ Alone, forming nouns (m or f) of agent or means on verb roots, e.g. amyzwar toy f : amyz- amuse; razwar razor m : raz- shave. Preceded by ⁺t⁺, forming adjectives with meaning -tory on Stem C of verbs, e.g. akyzatwar accusatory : akyz- accuse.

³⁹ With verb bases, only in parεs- appear : obsolete par- IIIc/Irr/W appear. With substantive bases, occurs only in Non-Finite A, cf. example given.

⁴⁰ In form arš⁺ before ⁺əvεk bishop and ⁺əvεše bishopric; arši⁺ elsewhere.

⁴¹ In form ᾶbi⁺ before consonants, ᾶb⁺ before vowels.

⁴² εg⁺ before lenis consonants which afe paired with fortes, εk⁺ elsewhere: e.g. egzema eczema, but εklᾶpsi eclampsia.

⁴³ In form ep⁺ before ⁺ɔnim -onym(ous), epi⁺ elsewhere.

⁴⁴ In εne first-born : ne born.

⁴⁵ With sandhi-alternation V, e.g. kateretik catheretic : eretik heretic.

⁴⁶ With sandhi-alternation IIIb, e.g. panatenaik pan-Athenaic : atenaik Athenaic, but pᾶženεz pangenesis : ženεz genesis.

⁴⁷ In form sin⁺ before vowels and /n/, si⁺ before /m/, sɛ̃⁺ before other consonants: e.g. sinarši synarchy, simetri symmetry, sɛ̃bjoz symbiosis.

⁴⁸ In form siz⁺ before vowels, sis⁺ before consonants.

⁴⁹ In form biz⁺ before altεrn, ajœl, anqεl; bin⁺ before ⁺ɔkl, ɔkylεr; bis⁺ before kɥi, trεt-treat; bi⁺ elsewhere.

⁵⁰ With sandhi-alternation IIIa (but de⁺ before ᾶbyl- ambulate) : e.g. dezaprən- unlearn, defəz- undo.

⁵¹ kɔ^(x) before nasal, /l/ or /r/; kə̃ before other consonants: e.g. kɔmεt- commit, kɔriž-correct, kə̃prən- understand.

⁵² syp⁺ before fortis, syb⁺ elsewhere: e.g. sypsekᾶt subsequent, sybdivizjə̃ subdivision.

⁵³ syg⁺ before /ž/, syk⁺ before /s/, sy⁺ before /k f p/: e.g. sygžer- suggest, syksed- succeed, sypɔrt- support.

⁵⁴ trᾶz⁺ before vowels, trᾶs⁺ before consonants: e.g. trᾶzalpin transalpine, trᾶssiberjεn trans-Siberian.

⁵⁵ With sandhi-alternation IIIa: e.g. anarmɔnik anharmonic, amoral amoral.

⁵⁶ ᾶfiz⁺ before ⁺bεn, ᾶfi⁺ elsewhere: e.g. ᾶfizbεn amphisbaena, ᾶfiteαtr amphitheater.

⁵⁷ ᾶt⁺ before ⁺ɔnim -onym(ous) and ᾶ year, and ᾶti⁺ elsewhere: e.g. ᾶtɔnim antonym(ous), ᾶtᾶ yester-year, ᾶtikatɔd anti-cathode.

⁵⁸ mɔn⁺ before /a ᾶ o/, mɔnɔ⁺ elsewhere: e.g. mɔnᾶdr monandrous, mɔnɔsefal monocephalous.

⁵⁹ pɛ̃t⁺ before /a/, pɛ̃ta⁺ elsewhere: e.g. pɛ̃tarši pentarchy, pɛ̃tavalᾶt pentavalent.

⁶⁰ tetr⁺ before /a ɔ/, tetra⁺ elsewhere: e.g. tetratɔmik tetratomic, tetraεdr tetrahedron.

⁶¹ i^x+before /l/ (except in las- weary) and /m n r/, in⁺ IIIb elsewhere: e.g. illymin- illuminate, immεrž- immerge, ɛ̃poz- impose.

⁶² ap⁺ before /s/, aps⁺ before /t/, ab⁺ elsewhere: e.g. apsed- form an abscess, apstən- hold away, abdik- abdicate.

⁶³ εz⁺ before lenis, εs⁺ before fortis: e.g. εzbruf- impress by one's bounce; εskə̃t- discount.

⁶⁴ diz⁺ before lenis contrasting consonant, dis⁺ elsewhere: e.g. dizžwaɲ- disjoin, distɛ̃g- distinguish.

⁶⁵ εk⁺ before /s/, εks⁺ before other consonants, εgz⁺ before vowels: e.g. εkspir- expire, εkspoz- expose, εgzos- grant (prayer).

⁶⁶ ɔ⁺ before /k f p/, ɔk⁺ before some /s/, ɔps⁺ before tin- I/Reg/W, ɔp⁺ before other fortis, ɔb⁺ elsewhere: e.g. ɔpoz- oppose, ɔpsεrv- observe, ɔpstin- make obstinate, ɔbžεkt- object.

⁶⁷ ɔme⁺ before /ɔ/, ɔmeɔ⁺ elsewhere.

⁶⁸ Such compounds differ from phrases of the same structure in that the construction is closed, i.e. no further modifying elements may be added to the components.

⁶⁹ The term liaison, according to this definition, includes, therefore, both ‘liaison’ and ‘elision’ as customarily defined in terms of conventional orthography, e.g. les hommes and j'étudie, and also the use of ‘special’ pre-vocalic forms such as bel in un bel homme.

⁷⁰ Cf. §5.12 for the agreement of predicates with phrases of this type used as subjects.

⁷¹ And the compounds dəvən- become, ɛ̃tεrvən- intervene, parvən- attain, prɔvən- proceed, rəvən- come back, syrvən- supervene.

⁷² This agreement with a preceding direct object is often not observed in fast, unreflecting speech; I recently heard a woman informant remark žənməsɥipαmi ᾶkɔlεr I didn't get angry (lit. put myself in anger).

⁷³ Inversion is not made with the l.sg. Present A of Conjugation I verbs; an expression which would involve such an inversion is replaced by a different phrasing, e.g. one begining with εskə ... is it that ...? in a question: e.g. εskəžveavεkvu? Is it that I'm going with you?.