¹ Pedregal is listed in ancient dictionaries; cf. A. Castro, Glosarios latino-españoles de la Edad Media (Madrid, 1936): subura ‘pedregal o arenal’ (E 1841); Minsheu (1599): ‘stonie place’. For the dialectal use, see A. Rato y Hevia, Vocabulario de las palabras y frases babies 94 (Madrid, 1891).

² There exist countless ranchos, rancherías, aldeas, parajes poblados, caseríos, lugares, haciendas, congregaciones, puntos, and fundos (but few towns and no cities) called Pedregal: in Northern and Northwestern Spain (provinces of Pontevedra, La Coruña, León, Oviedo, and Guadalajara), in Mexico, Central America (Santo Domingo, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama), Colombia (Cauca Valley), Venezuela, Peru, Chile, and Northern (especially Northwestern) Argentina (provinces of Mendoza, Salta, and Jujuy). Pedregal is also the name of a mountain-chain at the southern tip of Brazil (state of Rio Grande do Sul, originally a Spanish-speaking territory), of a river in Venezuela, of several brooks in Uruguay, and of a lagoon in Honduras. El Pedregalejo is the name of a barriada in Málaga. Pedregales (beside Los Pedregales) is common in Andalusia (provinces of Almería and Málaga), but notice its equivalent Pedregais as far north in Portugal as Minho; Pedregales is infrequent in the New World: one place in Venezuela and several small rivers in Uruguay bear this name. Pedregalito is the name of two villages in Spanish America (Honduras and Western Argentina).

³ V. R. B. Oelschläger, A Medieval Spanish Word-List 153 (Madison, 1940). Also found in medieval literature (María Magdalena, fol. 2ro). Pedregoso is widely used in toponymy, denoting mountains, rivers, brooks, and settlements, especially in Mexico and Panama, to a smaller extent in Galicia (Lugo) and in Chile. Pedregosa is the name of a caserío in Colombia and of two ranches in Mexico. A place in Panama is called Pedregosito. Pedregoso ‘suffering from (gall)stones’, although listed by the Academy Dictionary, is quite unusual; for one example, see D. Sánchez de Badajoz, Recopilación en metro 2.29 (Madrid, 1882).

⁴ J. de Lamano y Beneite, El dialecto vulgar salmantino 567 (Salamanca, 1915). Pedregón is sporadically found in the New World, too (‘pedrusco, piedra sin labrar‘).

⁵ J. Alemany [Bolufer], El castellano en la Argentina, según la novela de Carlos Quiroga titulada “La raza sufrida”, BRAE 17.337 (1930). Pedregullo is the name of an island in the Atlantic Ocean under the control of Uruguay; it is also known as Isla Seca.

⁶ J. Corominas, Indianoromanica 86 (Buenos Aires, 1944; reprinted from RFH, Vol. 6).

⁷ See L. Rouanet, Colección de autos, farsas y coloqu os del siglo XVI 4.88 (Barcelona–Madrid, 1901).

⁸ F. Krüger, Die Gegenstandskultur Sanabrias und seiner Nachbargebiete 41 (Hamburg, 1925). Related expressions for ‘stony ground’ are Mont. pedrisquera (see J. González Campuzano's glossary, BBMP 2.122), Leon. pedragalera (V. García Rey, Vocabulario del Bierzo 124 [Madrid, 1934]), and Centr. Arg. pedrerío, recently recorded by B. E. Vidal de Battini, El habla rural de San Luis 1.254 (Buenos Aires, 1949). In contrast, OSp. pedrera (much like algeçar < gypsu) signified ‘stone-pit, quarry’; see G. Tilander, Fueros aragoneses de 1348, RFE 22.115–6 (1935).

⁹ A. Castro, Sobre -tr- y -dr- en español, RFE 7.57–60 (1920). I have not yet had access to the note of P. Aebischer, La forme métathétique pretra < petra en Italie, ZRPh. 63.403–5 (1943). Of this metathesized variant traced to the tenth century in the Apennine Peninsula there seems to be no trace in Spain.

¹⁰ An outgrowth of -ĭneu; see AJPh. 65.372–81 (1944). Cf. Spitzer, Ital. 11.158 (1944).

¹¹ A product of -ŭculu; see RPh. 1.212–3 (1947–8).

¹² F. Hanssen, Gramática histórica de la lengua castellana 148 (Halle, 1913). The adjectival derivative petrēnsis ‘stony’ (Caelius Aurelianus) left a trace in Spanish in the technical term sal pedrés and did survive in Old Leonese, Galician, and Portuguese; see G. Sachs, El libro de los caballos: tratado de albeitería del siglo XIII 141 (Madrid, 1936); it means ‘speckled’ (applied to feathers) in La Montaña (González Campuzano, BBMP 2.122), whereas in El Bierzo pedroso is used in this sense (García Rey, op. cit. 124). The rare and late rival word petrĭnus (which Tertullian is said to have imitated from πέτριρος) had an appreciable success in Spanish, which makes its omission from Meyer-Lübke's REW³ especially regrettable: pedernal ‘flint’ (R. Cota, in Foulché-Delbosc's Canc. cast. 2.581a; Sánchez de Badajoz, Recopilación en metro 2.256) was preceded by pedrenal (for an example from an ancient farce, see RH 72.78). The corresponding adjectives were pedernalino and apedernalado, the latter used by Cervantes in Don Quixote. Cognate empedernido ‘hardened’, known from figurative use in the present literary idiom, continues to refer to the soil in some dialects (García Rey, op. cit. 83–4).

¹³ W. Meyer-Lübke, Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen: Formenlehre §351, §353 (Leipzig, 1894). Cases of dual development of a Latin voiceless velar according to the character of the following vowel (perdiz ‘partridge’ ~ perdigón ‘young partridge’; nariz ‘nose’ ~ narigudo ‘nosy‘) are adduced as alleged parallels.

¹⁴ A. Horning, Zur Wortgeschichte, ZRPh. 21.458 (1897); idem, Glossare der romanischen Mundarten von Zell (La Baroche) und Schönenberg im Breuschtal (Belmont) in den Vogesen 189 (Halle, 1916; ZRPh., Beiheft 65).

¹⁵ E. Seifert, Die Proparoxytona im Galloromanischen 51 (Halle, 1923; ZRPh., Beiheft 74).

¹⁶ REW³ No. 6447 (Heidelberg, 1930–5). J. M. Piel, Biblos 22.374 (1946), follows Meyer-Lübke in tracing pedregal and pedregullo to *petrica.

¹⁷ J. Vannérus, Les appellations régionales pige et pire ‘chemin empierré’ en Belgique et en France; see Actes et mémoires du premier congrès international de toponymie et d'anthroponymie 56–64 (1938), known to me through the review by W. von Wartburg, ZRPh. 61.159 (1941). Vannérus returned to this subject-matter in his monograph La Reine Brunehaut dans la toponymie et dans la légende, Acad. Belge, Bull. classe des lettres 24.301–420 (1938), esp. 381–2, and particularly in the article Les termes pire et pige en Belgique et dans les pays voisins, BCRTD 17.19–65 (1943), again known to me only through a review (M. Hélin, ALMA 18.383–4). His derivation was impugned by M. Wilmotte and A. Carnoy, who thought of pēs, pĕdis ‘foot’ and its assumed derivative *pedicus (only pĕdica ‘snare’ is attested; but the reconstructions *pedicus, *pedicellus, and *pedicullus mutually support each other, see REW³ Nos. 6347–6352) as plausible bases. Advocates of Vannérus' hypothesis include J. Haust and especially L. Roger, who in his note Chaussées Brunehaut, Pires, Piges, Equoranda, ou questions se rattachant à la voirie gallo-romaine, ZFSL 63.166–9 (1939–40), used three major arguments against Wilmotte and Carnoy: the existence of roads named after the Dutch and Flemish equivalents of ‘stone’; the record of pergus (a Latinized vernacular formation) as early as 920 in Du Cange; and the usefulness of the broad paved highways so designated for carters, drivers, and horsemen rather than for pedestrians. Anciently highways were often named after the material used in their construction; cf. Walloon tige < terreu (Vannérus, Bull. classe des lettres 24.394) and Fr. chaussée < *calciāta, so called both on account of the chalk used as an ingredient of mortar and on account of calcarious stones, employed as raw material; see A. Dauzat, FM 9.41–5 (1941), and the comments on his note by J. Vannérus, calciāta et calcipetra, ALMA 18.5–24 (1945).

The type *petrica lives on in Friul. pedreade ‘pavement’, Cors. petricaghja ‘pile of stones’, petrichetu ‘stony terrain’, petricoso ‘stony’, West. It. top. Perearia < *via petricāria; see G. Serra, Tracce di un' antica voce peregál ‘mora di sassi’ lungo le antiche vie romane e romee dell' Italia occidentale, VR 4.102–22 (1939), with reference to earlier publications. Serra's article contains exceptionally valuable relics, extracted from medieval maps, itineraries, and similar documents, of the counterparts to Sp. pedregal in Lombardy (Peregallo, Paragalla, Peregalos), Liguria (Perogallo, Peroallo, Perualla, Paragallo), Toscana (Pelagallo), and Piedmont (Prigallum, Peregallo, Peregal, Pelegallo), with accurate dating and localization and competent linguistic analysis. Serra convincingly associates these words with OFr. perdriel, pl. perdriaux ‘witness’ (< *'border-stone’). Yet not once does he raise the question how *petrica may have come into existence; there is no hint in his article of the conceivable existence of an earlier verb. Conversely, the suspicion that Fr. chaussée goes back ultimately to *calciāre (from calx, calcis ‘chalk’), a verb doomed to perish under the pressure of its homonym ‘to shoe’ (cf. Fr. chausser) was pointedly voiced by E. Gamillscheg, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der französischen Sprache 213b (Heidelberg, 1928).

It is methodologically significant that only the comparative approach allows the reconstruction of the state of affairs in early colloquial Latin with a reasonable degree of security. The priority of *petricāre over *petrica, assumed in this article, derives its measure of conviction from previous studies on the vocabulary of Roman road builders from Western Italy down to Belgium and Spain's Ebro Valley.

^17a As is shown in n. 17, the type *petrica once did extend over Northern and Central Italy, where it left traces in toponymy, and is vestigially represented in Corsica, whose close ties with Sardinia are thus confirmed.

¹⁸ For some succinct indications, see Lg. 21.155 (1945). Other verbs derived from petra in Ibero-Romance pertain to a distinctly later stratum. Apedrar ‘to throw stones’ (Siete partidas 7.24.6) may have become extinct six hundred years ago; its synonym apedrear (Primera crónica general 258, 536; Libro de buen amor, quatr. 134) has developed vigorously, producing several offshoots: apedreador ‘stoner’ (Castillo y Bobadilla), apedreo ‘stoning’ (Suárez de Figueroa), apedrea ‘idem’ (Ledesma), and dialect formations like apedreadero ‘place of stoning’ (Aragonese, see Dicc. Autor.) and Centr. Arg. apedreada, apedreadura ‘stone throw’ (B. E. Vidal de Battini, op.cit.1.19, 234). Empedrar developed a meaning ('to pave’) closer to that of *petricāre; it seems to have drifted away from its primitive, to judge by the absence of diphthongized forms from some dialects (B. E. Vidal de Battini, op. cit. 1.125). The opposite of empedrar is desempedrar ‘to tear out the pavement'; the variant desempedreyar (reminiscent of Ptg. apedrejar) has been observed by G. M^a. Vergara Martín, Vocabulario de palabras usadas en Segovia y su comarca 34 (Madrid, 1921). The figurative meaning of ‘hailing’ cuts across the different derivational patterns, from Portugal as far east as Catalonia; but the use of cielo empedrado for ‘sky covered with small clouds close together’ seems to be restricted to Segovia (Vergara Martín, op.cit. 36).

¹⁹ See R. Menéndez Pidal, Notas para el léxico romano, RFE 7.16–9 (1920); D. Alonso, Representantes no sincopados de *rotulāre, RFE 27.153–80 (1943); and my Three Hispanic Word-Studies, UCPL 1.227–43, 269–82 (1947), also the article on the etymology of Sp. Ptg. terco ‘stubborn’, to appear in PMLA (June 1949).

²⁰ R. Menéndez Pidal, Manual de gramática histórica española⁶ 75 (Madrid, 1941), formulates the situation thus: ‘En pedregoso < [*]petricōsu se conserva la ĭ = ẹ, aunque no se halla en el simple piedra, para mantener el grupo dr y la semejanza de ambas palabras, que a no ser eso se hubiera dicho *pergoso.’ Notice that, in contrast to the descendants of *petricāre and of *petrica, the adjective pedregoso is restricted to Ibero-Romance. Pedregoso is likely to represent a relatively late formation; one may class it as a product of petrōsus ‘stony’ (preserved in Fr. pierreux and, as a proper-name, in Sp. Pedroso) modified under the influence of *petricāre. Meyer-Lübke has unfortunately misrepresented the entire history of petra by omitting petrōsus along with petrēnsis (Ptg. pedrês, misspelled pedrez, is listed under petra) and petrĭnus (Ptg. pederneira, Sp. pedernal ‘flint’ are unjustifiably listed under petra and no mention is made of pedrenal) and by confusing the Romance derivatives in -ōne and -īceu (REW³ No. 6445). Pederneira is used also as a family-name.

Further research carried out after the completion of the present study led to the discovery of yet other congeners or of noteworthy variations of form, meaning, and areal extension which can be indicated here with the utmost brevity. In addition to pedregal, there exist Leon. pedragal (S. Alonso Garrote's vocabulary for Astorga and Maragatería) and Arag. espedragal, recorded by Pardo Asso (Saragossa, 1938) and, on the basis of independent field-work, by M. Alvar, El habla del campo de Jaca 88 (Salamanca, 1948); to judge by the prefix, the latter form is quite likely to go back to an earlier verb *espedregar. This assumption finds support in the listing by B. Coll y Altabás (p. xviii of the word-list for La Litera prepared about 1902 and appended to the 2d ed. of J. Borao's Diccionario de voces aragonesas [Saragossa, 1908]) of apedregar and empedregar, which are said to correspond to Sp. apedrear and empedrar respectively. Pedregada is not restricted to Catalan, as Meyer-Lübke asserts (REW³ No. 6447), but extends to Aragonese; see Borao (283) and Coll y Altabás (iv). It is clear, then, that Aragon was the part of the Peninsula where the verbal formations (pedregar, apedregar, empedregar, *espedregar) have entrenched themselves most tenaciously, extending further to near-by Catalonia: (a)pedrigar ‘to throw stones’, and to contiguous Occitania: peiregá ‘to gravel.’ There is a good historical reason for this areal distribution: the Romans are known to have stationed their legions and to have built fortresses and military roads most consistently and intensively in this strategically important part of the Peninsula which linked it with Gaul and Italy: they started at the coast of the Tyrrhenian Sea and inched their way forward along the Ebro valley. Still another nominal Aragonese derivative identified by M. Alvar (218) is pedreguilla ‘place where waste is dumped'. The spread of the infix can be neatly followed in some botanic names recently produced from Mozarabic sources: peṭraira beside peṭrecaira ‘roqueta salvaje’, peṭraš beside peṭrecal ‘abrótano’; see M. Asín Palacios, Glosario de voces romances registradas por un botánico anónimo hispano-musulmán (siglos XI–XII) 227–8 (Madrid and Granada, 1943). Finally, M. C. Casado Lobato, El habla de la Cabrera Alta: contribución al estudio del dialecto leonés 69 (Madrid, 1948) offers the variant pedracal, previously identified by Krüger in Sanabria (see note 8). Unless one wishes to think of the perpetuation of Mozarabic usage on Leonese soil by some of the nuclei of settlers wrested from Muslim bondage, one must resort to the assumption of alternation of morphemes (-ac- ~ -ag- like -ec- ~ -(i)eg-; for details, see my forthcoming monograph on the suffix -iego). Notice that these new data in part support and in no case invalidate the assumption here formulated that the starting-point for the propagation of infix -ec-, -eg- was the verb *petricāre (rather than the noun *petrica), coined during the early phase of Roman domination.

²¹ Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 194.

²² See A. Castro, RFE 1.409 (1914) and 5.39 (1918), with a reference to the studies by J. Jud; REW³ No. 4941.

²³ Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 76, 155; REW³ Nos. 6941, 7074. Notice the divergent explanation of rasgar, resgar ‘to tear’ by the two scholars.

²⁴ Menéndez Pidal, Notas para el léxico romano, RFE 7.26–7 (1920); F. Krüger, VKR 16.252 (1944); differently (and, probably, wrongly) interpreted in REW³ No. 1585.

²⁵ Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 51, with a discussion of J. Cornu's view.

²⁶ Menéndez Pidal, Etimologías españolas, Rom. 29.356 (1899), and Manual⁶ 28; see REW³ No. 3177.

²⁷ Manual⁶ 118; REW³ No. 3660.

²⁸ See the sources listed in note 22. There exists the competing type going back to *laurīca: Cabr. llorigo, San. llourigas, llourigos, llurigues, llurigo, llourigal. See F. Krüger, Die Gegenstandskultur Sanabrias und seiner Nachbargebiete 139 (Hamburg, 1925);M.C. Casado Lobato, op.cit. 114–5; J. Hubschmied, Bezeichnungen für ‘Kaninchen’, ‘Höhle’, ‘Steinplatte’, in Sache, Ort, und Wort: Festschrift für Jakob Jud 258–64 (Zurich, 1943). The tendency of -ĭcu to yield to -īcu is comparable to the alternation between -ĭcu and -aecu in Ibero-Romance (persicu > pésego, piescu, prisco beside Arag. persiego ‘Persian apple, peach‘).

²⁹ Manual⁶ 52; REW³ No. 5226.

³⁰ Manual⁶ 76; REW³ No. 5300.

³¹ Manual ⁶ 163; REW³ No. 5455 (where Ptg. melga has been omitted); the quality of the vowel has been changed (influence of mĕdicus?). In Mozarabic mēdica yielded milca (see M. Asín Palacios' Glosario, §353).

³² Manual⁶ 163; REW³ No. 5848. Nazga, the normal outcome in Castilian, is not wholly absent from ancient texts; for one example, see the Libro de la miseria de omne (late 14th century), quatr. 101d.

³³ Manual⁶ 118: REW³ No. 6352; notice that Sp. apesgar, Ptg. empelgar have recently been traced to impedicāre, see my notes in MLQ 6.149–60 (1945) and IJAL 14.74–6 (1948) and the severe review by F. Lecoy, Rom. 70.138–40 (1948). OSp. pesgo was used by R. Cota, Canc, cast. 2.587a. Counterparts to apesgar are Bourg. piger ‘piétiner’, empiger ‘empêtrer’ Gaum. apidji ‘entraver’ and dèpidji ‘dépêtrer’; see L. Roger, ZFSL 63.166–9 (1939–40).

³⁴ Manual⁶ 157; REW³ No. 6816 s.v. pūlex, pūlicis (to which *pūlica relates as does *laurĭca to laurex, lauricis).

³⁵ Manual⁶ 197: REW³ No. 7848. The derivative jilguero designates a bird with silky plumage; variant forms include Cabr. xilgueiro (Casado Lobato, op.cit. §27), Centr. Arg. silguero (Vidal de Battini, op. cit. 44); especially archaic is the form serguerito found in the Tragicomedia de Lisandro y Roselia 104 (ed. 1872).

³⁶ Manual⁶ 183, with a bibliographic reference; REW³ No. 8924.

³⁷ Manual⁶ 157; REW³ No. 8985.

³⁸ REW³ No. 9153 (vāricāre) does not include any reference to C. Michaëlis' tentative derivation of Ptg. vaugo ‘bow-legged’ from *vāricu; in all probability Meyer-Lübke's caution was justified. But he was guilty of a serious oversight in classing Gal. abarcar as a product of vāricāre, yet listing Sp. abarcar separately as the outgrowth of the entirely superfluous base *abbrachicāre (No. 13), whose reconstruction goes back to Diez. The older examples of Sp. abarcar (see the Dicc. Hist. s.v.) clearly show that the image of ‘arm’ (present in Sp. abrazar, Fr. embrasser) is not involved in this case. Vaugo < valgu is a possibility worthy of further inquiry.

³⁹ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 3.140; Menéndez Pidal, RFE 7.32 (1920); REW³ No. 9243a. Notice Berc. bisgo (García Rey, op.cit. 54). Spitzer's rejection of OSp. visco < versicu in favor of an onomatopoeic base (MLN 53.142) seems unjustified.

⁴⁰ See Lg. 22.300 (1946).

⁴¹ Manual⁶ 122. It should be noted that the suffix -āticu yielded -adgo in Old Spanish (> -azgo), -algo in Leonese, and -ádego beside -ádigo in Galician-Portuguese. Most formations are etymologically transparent (West. Ast. ayalga left unexplained by B. Acevedo y Huelves and M. Fernández y Fernandez, Vocabulario del bable de occidente 27 [Madrid, 1932] is surely a cognate of Sp. hallazgo) and hardly go back to the Latin period. The situation is quite different with the numerous assumed verbal bases in -icāre which are in urgent need of revision. Ptg. remusgar, resmugar, re(s)mungar, traced by C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos (RL 3.184) and by Meyer-Lübke (REW³ No. 7205) to *remussicāre, actually perpetuates morsicāre ‘to bite’, see PhQ 24.233–54 (1945). The long accepted reconstruction *sessicāre (REW³ No. 7879) has been eliminated in favor of recorded subsecāre, see PhQ 23.297–306 (1944). Berc. endilgar (García Rey, op.cit. 86), Ast. endilgar, and Gal. indilgar may be offshoots of dēlicāre (REW³ No. 2536), but the semantic development of this word-family is in need of clarification. Meyer-Lübke, following A. Castro, assumes a type *rēnicus (REW³ No. 7209a), from rēn ‘kidney’ (REW³ No. 7206), to which he traces Sp. renco, Ptg. rengo ‘lame in the hip’; moreover, he posits *dērēnāre ‘to make lame in the hip’ (REW³ No. 2581) on the basis of Rumanian and Italian formations and connects it with Sp. derrengar. Surely, this procedure is unjustified; Sp. derrengar requires as base *dē-rēnicāre; cf. Mont. arri(e)ngarse ‘to slip, to slide’ in G. A. García-Lomas y García-Lomas, Estudio del dialecto popular montañés 71 (San Sebastián, 1922); renco and rengo are postverbal adjectives, comparable to terco (traceable to internecāre ‘to kill, *to make rigid’), lerdo (OSp. enlerdar points to *in-glīritāre, *in-glēritāre ‘to behave like a dormouse, to be lazy', see PhQ 25.289–302 [1946]), yerto (OSp. enertar can be linked to iners, inertis), and many related cases. The explanation of nesga ‘gusset’ offered by M. Regula (ZRPh. 43.131) and, after him, by Meyer-Lübke (REW³ No. 7878) is unconvincing; notice Berc. anesgao, nesgar (García Rey, op.cit. 45). The interpretations of Sp. sesgo ‘slant’ by C. C. Rice and L. Spitzer (see REW³ No. 7878) are dubious; in addition to the verb sesgar, notice Mont. sesgada (González Campuzano, BBMP 2.259). In spite of Schuchardt's and García de Diego's researches, insufficient light has been cast on *fīxicāre (REW³ No. 3336); notice the differentiation, in the dialect of El Bierzo, between fisga ‘rama delgada de la mata de la escoba’ and frisga ‘artificio de pesca’ (García Rey, op.cit. 95, 96). To account for Arag. Nav. trasca, Leon. trazga ‘barzón’ and congeners, Corominas had to assume the contamination of *tē(n)sica with trans- (BDC 23.314, 24.283); notice Meyer-Lübke's skepticism (REW³ No. 8649b, with a reference to an earlier study by J. Jud.) Most of these etymological problems would have been simplified, if scholars had agreed to devote time to the systematic study of early Romance word-formation.

⁴² Manual⁶ 154, 183. One may add the place-name Ptg. Baselgas < Basilicas. Notice that in this group the consonant combinations that have come into existence as a result of the syncope are predominantly -lg- and -ng-. There can be no doubt that the development of -īcus in regard to syncope of the posttonic vowel and sonorization of the velar depended to a large extent on the final consonant of the stem.

⁴³ Manual⁶142; REW³ No. 272; R. de Sá Nogueira, LP 2.33–8; see El Purgatorio de San Patricio, ed. Solalinde, HMP 2.230 (1925). Cf. Mont. ábrego, Ast. ábrigu (García-Lomas y García-Lomas, op.cit. 55). In setting off the ranges of -ego, -igo, -ago and of -ega, -iga, -aga in formations stressed on the antepenultimate, I have tried to contrast different morphemes, disregarding phonetic nuances. Alternate use of distinct morphemes seems to be involved in cases such as Ast. buétago, güétago ‘lung’ (from bofe < onomat. buff, see REW³ No. 1373) beside Alav. abotigado (appropriately explained as ‘abotagado’ by F. Baráibar y Zumárraga, Vocabulario de las palabras usadas en Álava 15–6 [Madrid, 1903]); Mont. cuérrago (González Campuzano, BBMP 2.63, and García-Lomas y García-Lomas, op.cit. 125) ‘brook, feeder’ beside approximately synonymous Ptg. córrego and Extr. córrigo (A. Cabrera, Voces extremeñas recogidas del habla vulgar de Alburquerque y su comarca, BRAE 3.664 [1916]; OSp. huélfago ‘breath’ (R. Cota, Canc. cast. 2.587a) beside Ptg. fôlego, from follicāre ‘to move like a pair of bellows’ (REW³ No. 3417); Sp. vástago beside Berc. bástiga ‘offshoot’ (García Rey, op.cit. 53); Mont. muétaga beside nuétiga and nétigua (the latter form with displaced [w]) ‘owl’, indubitably related to noctua (González Campuzano, BBMP 2.120–1); Sp. (al)muérdago ‘mistletoe’ and Mont. mordeguero, -a (BBMP 2.120), both remotely akin to the ancient adverb mordicus (REW³ No. 5680a; PhQ 24.233–54, where Mont. mordagueru ‘thrush’ is documented). There are cases, however, where one may entertain legitimate doubts whether putative variants in -ego and -igo do not represent two approximate spellings, by means of the traditional alphabet, of the same regionalism which may include a shading of the posttonic vowel absent from the standard language, or else two slightly different pronunciations, in contiguous zones, of essentially the same morpheme: ábrego ~ ábrigu and Cabr. salamántiga, Salam. sal(a)mántiga, Alg. salamântega, salamântiga ‘salamander’ (Casado Lobato, op.cit. §47) would be cases in point. Serious efforts have been made to use as few of the dubious variants as possible in the present studies; a rigorous distinction can be made only in dealing with first-hand material.

J. M. Piel derives córrego from corrugu, see BF 8.341 (1947-8); cf. OGal. escorregar ‘escurrir, deslizar’ (Cantiga 369). This is the rare pattern of dissimilation of back vowels known from hortulānu > hortelano, nocturnu > nocherniego.

⁴⁴ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.393.

⁴⁵ Idem, RL 13.230–2.

⁴⁶ Manual⁶ 13; gállego designates a wind in Fray Luis de León. The history of Gallicus and Gallaecus in Ibero-Romance is traced in detail in my forthcoming monograph on the Hispanic suffix -(i)ego.

⁴⁷ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.230–2; REW³ No. 4091.

⁴⁸ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.393.

⁴⁹ Idem, RL 13.230–2; but Gal. entisgarse, see V. García de Diego, Contribución al diccionario hispánico etimológico §454 (Madrid, 1923), cf. REW³ No. 6472 (the base is misspelled by Meyer-Lübke).

⁵⁰ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.230–2; REW³ No. 6706 deals only with the substantive practica, omitting the equally noteworthy adjective.

⁵¹ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, loc.cit; cf. REW³ No. 7693 (schisma).

⁵² C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.354; Gal. aldrópego ‘weak, miserable’ is listed in REW³ No. 4249a.

⁵³ The word occurs in Alfonso the Learned's Cantigas de Santa Maria, Nos. 171, 195; see C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, HMP 3.453–4 (1925). *Avica might be a back-formation from avicula, avicella.

⁵⁴ Leon. perteguero ‘manufacturer of shafts’ (Docum. Salamanca, a.d. 1289; see RFE 21.62 [1934]), presupposes a primitive in -ega; but in near-by La Cabrera, the present-day forms are pértiga, piértiga, and piértigo, see Casado Lobato, op.cit. 134. For full details on the intricate development of pertica in Ibero-Romance, see my forthcoming monograph on the suffix -(i)ego. Fiésega occurs inan early farce edited by J. E. Gillet, see PMLA 52.57 (1937). Among the other sources of the termination, notice metathesis: Águeda > Ádega (RL 3.137) and transformation of Lat. -ag-: saxifraga > OPtg. seixébrega (C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.392–4), seixévrega (R. de Sá Nogueira, LP 2.33–8). While in Old Portuguese -ego was admittedly dominant, it was replaced occasionally by -go where one would least expect it; observe the contrast between OPtg. crelgo, Sayag. crego, and OSp. clerigo < clēricu; notice OGal. crérigo (Cantigas 151, 156).

⁵⁵ A. Castro, Glosarios latino-españoles de la Edad Media, p. xxxiii. Porticus (REW³ No. 6675) left traces in Italian, Provençal, and French, to the exclusion of Ibero-Romance; but notice portegado in Berceo, Milagros de Nuestra Señora, quatr. 338c; the word reappears in the Actas del Ayuntamiento de Vitoria (a.d. 1482) and has survived in Álava with the connotation of ‘tejavana, cobertizo’; see Baráibar y Zumárraga, op.cit. 209. I have no knowledge of the extension of the word to Castile and farther west.

⁵⁶ A. Cabrera, op.cit., BRAE 4.105 (1917); A. Zamora Vicente, El habla de Mérida y sus cercanías 139 (Madrid, 1943).

⁵⁷ Berceo, Milagros de Nuestra Señora, quatr. 840a; Docum. Salamanca, A. D. 1288, ed. García Blanco (RFE 21.61); Dança de la muerte, quatr. 43h; Oelschläger, A Medieval Spanish Word-List s.v., quotes a Mozarabic text of the 12th century. But in adjectival use: derecho canónico (Martínez de Toledo, El Corbacho, ed. Simpson, fols. 13ro, 16ro). A similar range of possibilities prevailed in Old Italian: calonaco ~ canonaco ~ canonico; indico ~ indigo ~ indaco, see H. Schuchhardt, Beiträge zur Geschichte der italienischen Scheidewörter 25 (BBRPh. 6.3 [1936]). The presence of this alternation in Italian shows that the unstressed termination -ago (indigenous to Spain, according to Menéndez Pidal) cannot possibly have provoked the confusion through contamination with Latin -ĭcu; however, it may well have given it added impetus.

⁵⁸ See Fray Juan de Pineda, Agricultura Christiana, dial. 25, §20.

⁵⁹ Quoted from El Corbacho by A. Steiger, BRAE 10.174 (1923).

⁶⁰ On the name of this hamlet in the province of Santander, see V. García de Diego, Dialectalismos, RFE 3.315–6 (1916), and R. Menéndez Pidal, Sobre las vocales ibéricas ę y ǫ en los nombres toponímicos, RFE 5.240 (1918); the latter carefully assembles the remnants of paternus in Hispanic toponymy: Villapadierna, Padierna, Padierno(s), Paderna, Paderne, and others. Notice Sanxo Patierni in an ancient charter from Huesca; see S. Gili Gaya, Manifestaciones del romance en documentos oscenses anteriores al siglo XIII, in HMP 2.106 (1925).

⁶¹ Discussed in Steiger's thesis on the language of El Corbacho, BRAE 10.174 (1923); see also Rouanet, Autos 4.480; recorded by J. Minsheu (1599) and used by J. de Jarava (1546), T. de Trujillo (1563), and B. Pérez del Castillo (1566), according to F. Rodríguez Marín, Dos mil quinientas voces castizas y bien autorizadas 171 (Madrid, 1922). Observe the alternate use of fantástico and fantástigo in Confisión del amante, fols. 199vo, 201vo.

⁶² The proper names Rústigo, Rústiga were used in Northern Castile as early as 1213 (Oelschläger); on róstigo in El Corbacho, see BRAE 10.174 (1923).

⁶³ Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 13.

⁶⁴ The dominant form throughout the Golden Age, recorded by Minsheu, Oudin, and Covarrubias, used by Quevedo in Zahurdas (pues se sabe que en las universidades estudian para tósigos ‘since it is known that they study toxicology in the universities’). Notice atosigar ‘to poison’ (at present used only figuratively). Other examples are alfónsigo (best known as the name of a plant) and arábigo, now applying to the Arabian culture rather than to the language or to the nation. R. Lapesa in a book-review (RFE 17.297 [1930]) quotes fésigo < physich from Alfonsine sources and católigo, apostóligo from manuscripts of the Fuergo Juzgo (middle of the 13th century). OGal. apostóligo ‘pope’: Cantiga 5.

⁶⁵ Plático ‘experienced’ was used as late as Fray Francisco de Osuna; plática ‘talk’: H. del Pulgar, Claros varones de Castilla 47 (Madrid, 1923); platicar ‘to converse’: ibid. 35, 48, 139. Notice in El Corbacho platicar (fol. 2ro) beside prática (fols. 2ro, 16vo) and praticar (fols. 2ro, 17vo). Plática ‘experience’: Dança de la muerte, line 25.

⁶⁶ Libro de los caballos 81; Barlan e Josapha, fol. 110ro; Confisión del amante, fols. 118ro, 380vo. Física ‘doctoress’: Crescentia, ch. 19, 24. Físico ‘physician’: Crescentia, ch. 19; Barlan e Josapha, fols. 102vo, 104ro, 156ro, 174vo; Castro, Glosarios, T 305, E 1416; Dança de la muerte, lines 360, 369; Confisión del amante, fols. 120vo, 216ro, 264ro; El Corbacho, fol. 34ro. Notice also the Latinism público, e.g. in Docum. Salamanca, a.d. 1288, ed. García Blanco, RFE 21.61 (1934).

^66a Notice also Moz. pértica beside Sp. pértiga, Ast. sopértiga ‘vara de madera muy dura que se entreteje debajo del pertegal’ (B. Vigón), Arag. piértiga (M. Alvar); Arag. rónego ‘descarnado’ (C. Torres Fornes' list of words recorded in Segorbe) beside Lit. rónico ‘viejo, raído’ (B. Coll y Altabás), connected with īrōnicus, see L. Spitzer, Notes étymologiques, RFE 16.153 (1929); Gal. méndego beside Leon. and Arg. méndigo, see P. Sánchez Sevilla, El habla de Cespedosa de Tormes, RFE 15.159 (1929), and B. E. Vidal de Battini, op.cit. 29, 32; mendīcus here has suffered a peculiar accent shift.

⁶⁷ A. Castro, RFE 6.340 (1919); REW³ No. 3450a. On And. hornaguear la salsa, see M. de Toro y Gisbert, RH 49.473 (1930). A Romance derivative from an Arabism is Alav. marraguero ‘colchonero’ (Baráibar y Zumárraga, op.cit. 167). Mont. muragal beside moradal ‘dungheap’ goes back to OSp. muradal, from which Mod. Sp. muladar has branched off (García-Lomas y García-Lomas, op.cit. 248); the confusion of [δ] and [γ] is as common in La Montaña as elsewhere in Hispanic territory (cf. alregueor ‘alrededor’, ibid. 63), yet the existence of the infix -ag- may have exercised concomitant influence, much as the use of -eg- helped to transform telaraña ‘cobweb’ into Mont. telegaña (ibid. 335).

⁶⁸ Menéndez Pidal, Sufijos átonos en español, in Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie: Festgabe für Adolfo Mussafia 386–400 (Halle, 1905); idem, Orígenes del español² §61 bis (Madrid, 1929); idem, Manual⁶ 228–9; C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, BH 7.194 (1905). Menéndez Pidal has promised an exhaustive monograph on this subject.

⁶⁹ J. Mir y Noguera, Rebusco de voces castizas 156 (Madrid, 1907); Mont. cervigón ‘cerviguillo’ is mentioned by González Campuzano, BBMP 2.61 (1920). Cf. the Libro de Alexandre, P, quatr. 516c.

⁷⁰ Notice that formīcāre persists in Portuguese as formigar, yet is transformed into formigu-ear, hormigu-ear in Spanish and into ahormiguear in Andalusian (Toro y Gisbert, RH 49.323 [1920]); cf. Extr. jormiguiyo ‘hormiguillo’ (Cabrera, BRAE 4.93 [1917]). What is true of -īcāre applies also to -īcāre, as will appear in the subsequent discussion of nigricāre > Ptg. negregar beside Sp. negreguear.

⁷¹ Lechiga occurs in Berceo's Vida de Santa Oria, quatr. 127a; lechigal in Martirio de San Laurencio, quatr. 101a; (a)lechigado in Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos, quatr. 492b, 549c, and in Vida de San Millán, quatr. 132d; lechigada in Cavallero del Cisne 26. It is surprising that Meyer-Lübke should have classed Ptg. leitiga ‘litter of pigs’ with lac, lacte ‘milk’ (REW³ No. 4817) rather than with lectīca; a cross of leite, leche ‘milk’ with leitiga, lechiga ‘bed, lodging’ may easily have suggested itself (cf. Sp. alechigar ‘to sweeten’, pointed out by G. Baist, KJbFRPh. 6.1.384), but the element -ig- is most likely to reflect -ïca, not -īcāre. In this case, as in many others, -ig- and -eg- were ultimately confused; notice in Francisco de Madrid's eclogue: De una lechegada son, todos a una (J. E. Gillet's edition, HR 11.286, 298 [1943]), while Quevedo wrote in his Zahurdas: Fue de ver el cruel resvalón que una lechigada de taberneros dió en las lágrimas. Ptg. jazigo ‘deposit of ore’ (as against Sp. yacimiento) is in need of further study; C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 3.150, explained OPtg. jazigoo, tapigoo as patterned on pacigoo < *pasc(u)iloco.

^71a One example from Fray Antonio Álvarez is supplied by Mir y Noguera, Rebusco de voces castizas 538. One may add the word-family of castigar < castīgāre (REW³ No. 1746; the word shows a distinctly less lively sense-development in Spain than in France and in Italy); derivatives from the Germanic proper name Rodrigo (Alav. rodrigón ‘juego del calderón’, Baráibar y Zumárraga, op.cit. 225); derivatives from urtīca ‘nettle’ like Berc. ortigar ‘to rub with nettles’ (García Rey); offshoots of *nārīx or of nārīcae (narigudo, narigón, Arg. narigueta ‘nosy’, the latter recorded by B. E. Vidal de Battini, op.cit. 358) and of perdīx, perdīcis ‘partridge’ (perdigar, perdigana, perdigón, perdiguero, perdiguete); OSp. vexiga ‘bladder’ < vessīca; and the widespread word-family of boñiga, moñiga, Centr. Arg. muñinga ‘cow-dung’, with corresponding verbs like Alav. boñigar, which Menéndez Pidal (RFE 7.35 [1920]) and, after him, García de Diego have proposed to trace to *bovīnīca, a reconstruction rejected by Meyer-Lübke (REW³ No. 1247) on phonological and semantic grounds. As for fūstigāre ‘to cudgel, to cane’, it was exposed to the most unexpected influences in Romance (REW³ No. 3617): in Italy it was attracted at different points and periods of time by descendants of fūricāre, burdicāre, and even futuere; in Spain, it experienced attraction by castigar ‘to chastise’, judging from its ending (hostigar), yet the meaning ‘hastiar, empalagar’ recorded in Anadalusia, Venezuela, and Peru (Toro y Gisbert, RH 49.474 [1920]) seems to suggest contamination by fastidiāre, a hypothesis strengthened by the discovery of Prov. fastigar (see REW³ No. 3215).

Similarly, the infix -eg- can be traced to the terminations -(i)ego, -(i)ega, whether morphemic or not; e.g. West. Ast. bodegueiro ‘poor’ goes back to bodega < apothēca, which in the north of the Peninsula has developed a peculiar meaning: ‘pieza baja que sirve de habitación en las casas de vecindad de los barrios pobres’. Many comparable derivatives are discussed in my monograph on the suffix -(i)ego.

^71b Notice also West. Ast. pedigueiro, pedigañeiro, pedigañón (B. Acevedo y Huelves and M. Fernández y Fernández), comparable to And. pedigueñear (Toro y Gibert, RH 49.536 [1920]; Ptg. pedigullo contains the derogatory suffix -ullo < -uculu.

⁷² R. Menéndez Pidal, Elena y María, RFE 1.86 (1914), identifies the preceding variants.

⁷³ These latter variants are found in Extremadura; see A. Zamora Vicente, El habla de Mérida y sus cercanías 81–2.

⁷⁴ J. C. Dávalos, BAAL 2.8 (1934).

⁷⁵ Claros varones de Castilla 147 (ed. cit.). It. madrigale (which gave rise to Engl. madrigal as the designation of a literary genre) has been the object of controversy between etymologists; see L. Spitzer, ZRPh. 55.168–70 (1935); R. A. Hall Jr., Lg. 16.342–3 (1940), ZRPh. 61.46–7, 348 (1941); G. Rohlfs, ASNSL 183.38–44 (1943). Cf. also Gal. madrigueira ‘fox-hole’, Berc. madrigón ‘furrow of a bean field’ (García Rey), and OLeon. toro madrigado toro padre' (Libro de Alexandre, P, quatr. 690c). The Toledo glossary (1158) contains the entry madrigal, which A. Castro tentatively relates either to ‘madriz’ or to ‘madriguera’.

⁷⁶ See J. Storm, Mélanges étymologiques, Rom. 5.178 (1876); REW³ No. 337.

⁷⁷ *sēperāre > Gal. Ast. xebrar has been the object of two recent studies: D. Alonso, Enxebre, Cuadernos de estudios gallegos 8.523–41 (1947), and Santos Agero, Zebro ‘onagre’ (Madrid, 1947).

⁷⁸ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.411.

⁷⁹ Idem, RL 13.249–50; cf. OArag. Málega (for Málaga) in the inventories published by M. Serrano y Sanz, BRAE 4.219, 220, 342 (1917).

⁸⁰ Frei Joaquim de Santa Rosa de Viterbo, Elucidário das palavras, termos e frases antiquadas da língua portuguesa² 2.166–7 (Lisbon, 1865).

⁸¹ The whole scale of transformations of -āticu, -ātica from Low Latin to Old Portuguese is discernible in the entries of the Elucidário such as castellaticu (2.171–2), lagarádiga (1.277–8), maninhádego (2.75–6), eirádega beside eirádiga (1.277–8), corresponding to areātica.

⁸² V. García de Diego, Contribución al diccionario hispánico etimológico §624, traced them to varicu; derivation from verrēs, -is ‘boar’ (see JAOS 68.178–81 [1948]) is more likely, since names of animals have been shown by C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, G. Sachs, and especially M. L. Wagner to have suggested designations of tumors in Ibero-Romance. The authenticity of berrago is borne out by its mention in Acevedo y Huelves' and Fernández y Fernández's vocabulary. The addition of -ago and -igo to stems designating small animals is quite common; notice Mont. enánago ‘reptile’ (González Campuzano, BBMP 2.65) from nanu ‘dwarf’ (REW³ No. 5819);OPtg. lamáchega ‘snail’ (C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.336). OPtg. lóntrega ‘nutria’ (idem, RL 13.393), Gal. lóntr(eg)a, San. Salam. lóntriga, West. Ast. llóntriga, llóndriga, Mont. lóndriga pertain to a not wholly transparent word-family (Meyer-Lübke, REW³ No. 5187, assumes merger of lutra with ἕρυδρις).

⁸³ Luciérnega ‘noctiluca’: Castro, Glosarios latino-españoles, E 1511.

⁸⁴ G. Sachs, El libro de los caballos 140.

⁸⁵ A. Castro, RFE 6.344 (1919). The author's etymology is subject to criticism, but there can be no question of the kinship of the three forms; notice the Portuguese place-name Lamegal.

⁸⁶ M. L. Wagner, Zum spanisch-portugiesischen Suffix -al, VKR 3.89 (1930); J. Pardo Asso, Nuevo diccionario etimológico aragonés 150 (Saragossa, 1938). Remotely comparable are: Sp. barcelonés ~ OLeon. barcilonés ~ OArag. barçalonés ‘of Barcelona’ (G. Sachs, El libro de los caballos 120); OSp. remedar, arremedar (J. de Mena) ~ remidar ‘to ape’ < re + imitāre.

⁸⁷ See A. Castro, RFE 5.41 (1918). On the history of saxum in Ibero-Romance, see the material assembled by M. L. Wagner, Algunas observaciones générales sobre el judeoespafiol de oriente, RFE 10.240 (1923): Jud.-Sp. šešo, Leon. sejo, Astorga jeijo, Ptg. seixo, Gal. xeixo; notice also the family names Gal. Seixo, Astorga Jeijo, Geijo listed by S. Alonso Garrote, El dialecto vulgar leonés² 253 (Madrid, 1947). F. Krüger, Die Gegenstandskultur Sanabrias 155, records (Sotillos), (Padornelo), (Benuza), (Hermisende). M. C. Casado Lobato, op.cit. 41–2, mentions ‘piedra caliza’, šišađál (top. Truchillas), (top. Iruela). For the understanding of the phonological processes involved, cf. San. sexubeiro, šišuguero ‘strong strap by which the plough is fastened to the yoke’, listed (yet not quite adequately analyzed) by F. Krüger, RFE 10.155 (1923); Gal. enjejar < īnsidiāre, -ārī ‘to trap’, Gal. jarja < salvia ‘sage’ (REW³ No. 7558), see V. García de Diego, Manual de dialectología española 52 (Madrid, 1946); Leon. sajar, jajar, šišar beside Sp. sachar < sarculāre ‘to weed’, recorded by Casado Lobato, op. cit. 59, 150; and the array of examples given in my forthcoming article on the word-family of OSp. assechar < assectārī, to appear in the Hispanic Review (July 1949).

⁸⁸ This and some of the following examples are mentioned by M. L. Wagner, VKR 3.89–91; he also discusses trem-ed-al, lam-ed-al ‘marshy ground,’ sequ-ed-al, sec-ad-al ‘dry terrain’ (to these could be added the rare variant trem-ad-al, see G. Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias 4.275a [Madrid, 1851–5]), dividing them into the radical, the element -ed- < -ētu (yet notice the variant -ad-), and the suffix -al. It is not impossible, however, that there has been a measure of mutual influence between -eg- and -ed- (as well as between -ag- and -ad-) as a result of the well-known alternation of [γ] and [δ].

⁸⁹ Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 161.

⁹⁰ On the base lama, pertaining to the Mediterranean substratum, see REW³ 4862 and Manual⁶ 17. Notice that vitriāria ‘wall-pellitory’ yielded Moz. viṭraira, viṭriyaira, and veṭricaira. Asín Palacios, Glosario de voces romances registradas por un botánico anónimo hispano-musulmán 334–5, wonders why Meyer-Lübke in his REW³ and Ernout and Meillet in their Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine (Paris, 1932; 2d ed., 1939) failed to list the intermediary type * vitricus (distinct from attested vitricus ‘father-in-law‘). Clearly, to posit such a phase might be tantamont to projecting into remote antiquity processes of extension of formatives which were peculiar to the Middle Ages. On the elimination of dispensable hypothetic intermediary forms, see my article The Hypothetical Base in Romance Etymology, to be published in Word.

⁹¹ Cf. the dictionaries of Pedro de Alcalá (1505), Fray Alonso de Molina (1571), Percivale-Minsheu (1599, 1623): ‘cloddy’.

⁹² J. García Soriano, Vocabulario del dialecto murciano 124 (Madrid, 1932), who quotes en la calle terragosa from V. Medina, Aires murcianos 230 (1927).

⁹³ J. Calderón Escalada, Voces, en su mayor parte nombres de cosas, recogidas en esos valles altos de la provincia de Santander, BRAE 25.395 (1946).

⁹⁴ A. Cabrera, BRAE 4.105 (1917).

⁹⁵ L. y A. Miliares, Léxico de Gran Canaria 175 (Las Palmas, 1924). No additional information is found in J. Pérez Vidal's careful edition of Sebastián de Lugo's Colección de voces y frases provinciales de Canarias (La Laguna de Tenerife, 1946).

⁹⁶ V. García Rey, Vocabulario del Bierzo 150; the formation was recorded at San Román de Bembibre.

⁹⁷ Lamano y Beneite, El dialecto vulgar salmantino 642.

⁹⁸ A. Malaret, Diccionario de americanismos³ 772 (Buenos Aires, 1946); the counterpart in the dialects of Peru and Puerto Rico is terral.

⁹⁹ Enciclopedia Universal Ilustrada 60.1464.

¹⁰⁰ J. García Soriano, Vocabulario del dialecto murciano 124.

¹⁰¹ Pardo Asso, Nuevo diccionario etimológico aragonés 146.

¹⁰² F. J. Santamaría, Diccionario general de americanismos 1.611 (Mexico, 1942).

¹⁰³ J. Calderón Escalada, Voces de la provincia de Santander, BRAE 25.395 (1946): ‘verse una cosa de color de tierra’; ‘verse el color de tierra desde lejos’; ‘verse la tierra entre el trigo ralo o la hierba rala’. The word reappears in an Andalusian refrán collected by Rodríguez Marín and quoted by M. de Toro y Gisbert, RH 49.607 (1920).

¹⁰⁴ García-Lomas y García-Lomas, Estudio del dialecto popular montañés 168; P. de Múgica, Dialectos castellanos montañés, vizcaíno, aragonés 28–9 (Berlin, 1892); Mont. estorregada ‘avalanche’: J. González Campuzano, BBMP 2.68 (1920). These formations will be discussed in greater detail in my forthcoming study of Ptg. Sp. borrego.

¹⁰⁵ Terriego was presumably used both as an adjective and as a substantive, to judge by the status of terreño, see Baráibar y Zumárraga, Vocabulario de palabras usadas en Álava 239, and García-Lomas y García-Lomas, op.cit. 335.

¹⁰⁶ B. de Torres Naharro, Propalladia and Other Works, ed. J. E. Gillet (Bryn Mawr, 1943–): Que allá, en Trasterriego, / los días passados, el asno del crego / s'entró por el trigo de Juan de las Cestas ‘for over there at T. some time ago the donkey of the priest entered the wheat-field of J.‘ (1.261); see also 2.103 and 2.142. Distantly related is the name of the ecclesiastic writer Fray Francisco de Terregonsillo (apparently an inaccurate spelling of *Terregoncillo); I am unable to document the intermediary stage *Terregón. On tîdje < terreu in Walloon toponymy, see E. Renard, Glanures toponymiques, BCRTD 13.40–64 (1939), known to me through the summary in ZRPh. 62.158 (1942).

¹⁰⁷ This is the presently accepted form of the Latin word; see Ernout-Meillet, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine² 131 (Paris, 1939). Older etymologists spelled it mostly coenum.

¹⁰⁸ See J. Storm, Mélanges étymologiques, Rom. 5.178, who introduces reconstructed bases like *incoenicāre, *coenicōsus, *coenicāle in accord with the then prevalent methods. There is a useful observation on the alternation of -ag-, -eg-, and -ig- in that note. Storm implies that ciénega preceded ciénaga; so does F. Hanssen, who draws a parallel with passere > OSp. páxaro ‘bird’ in his Gramática histórica de la lengua castellana §62 (Halle, 1913).

¹⁰⁹ Çieno was used in Old Spanish; see D. Juan Manuel, Libro de la caza 2; Vida de Barlan e del Rrey Josapha, fols. 127vo, 152ro (MS çeno).

¹¹⁰ V. García de Diego, RFE 9.126 (1922).

¹¹¹ Rodríguez Marín, Dos mil quinientas voces 84, produces the word from Minsheu, Oudin, and the rare books of Pedro de Mercado, Diálogos de philosophía natural y moral (Granada, 1558) and Francisco Díaz, Tratado de todas las enfermedades de los riñones (Madrid, 1588); cf. J. Cuviero Piñol, Diccionario gallego 66 (Barcelona, 1876).

¹¹² J. Borao, Diccionario de voces aragonesas² 193.

¹¹³ Minsheu: ‘the mirie dirt of a bog or quagmire’ (1599). Found as a place-name in Chile.

¹¹⁴ Minsheu: ‘marish low ground, a place of slime, mud, and tough dirt’. Widespread as a place-name in Cuba, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, Honduras, Panama, and Arizona (in some of these areas the actual pronunciation, as distinct from the normalized official spelling, is likely to be [sje-ne-γal]).

¹¹⁵ Minsheu: ‘quagmire, bog’.

¹¹⁶ Cenagar is likened to ‘muladar’ and ‘balsa hedionda’ by Fray Juan de las Ruelas, Hermosura corporal de la Madre de Dios (Seville, 1621), quoted by Rodríguez Marín, op.cit. 82. Cenagal is thus defined by Minsheu: ‘moorish wet ground, mud, dirt; mire, earth, or clay, a puddle’. It was used by B. Gracián, El Criticón 1.369 (ed. M. Romera Navarro).

¹¹⁷ A. Alcalá Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz 101.

¹¹⁸ Minsheu: ‘miry, dirty, muddie, clayie ground’. See F. Ruiz Morcuende, Vocabulario de Don Leandro Fernández de Moratín 1.300 (Madrid, 1945). An earlier instance is Comedia Florinea, NBAE 14.160.

¹¹⁹ Cenagarse is very infrequent; Rodríguez Marín, Dos mil quinientas voces 82, quotes it from Pedro Espinosa. Acenagado occurs in M. de Carvajal (middle of 16th century), see C. Fontecha, Glosario de voces comentadas en ediciones de textos clásicos 3 (Madrid, 1941). Encenagarse is the standard derivative; I can quote encenagado from Sánchez de Badajoz, Recopilación en metro 2.298. The exceedingly rare formation desencenagar ‘to save from sinking into the slough’ is documented from Fray A. Álvarez's Silva espiritual by J. Mir y Noguera, Rebusco de voces castizas 250.

¹²⁰ J. de Lamano y Beneite, El dialecto vulgar salmantino 335, 666. The intermediary form between ciégano and yégano may well have been *fiégano (cie- and fie- alternate in part of the Spanish territory); in this case, yégano must have spread from an area where initial f- has disappeared. V. García de Diego, Cruces de sinónimos, RFE 9.138–9 (1922) proposes to interpret Sal. yégano as deglutinated (el l)iégano and to class liégano, légano ‘mud’ as a cross of ciégano with a Celtic word.

¹²¹ Recorded in San Cristóbal de Valdueza by García Rey, op.cit. 66.

¹²² Used in Argentina, see A. Alonso and A. Rosenblat, BDHA 1.86.

¹²³ In use all over Spanish America: Mexico (including the Yucatan Peninsula; see V. M. Suárez, El español que se habla en Yucatán 42 [Mérida, 1945]), Cuba, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Chile, and Argentina; see Alonso and Rosenblat, BDHA 1.86, 395; P. Henríquez Ureña, BDHA 4.113, 238 (1938), 5.77–8 (1940). Admirably documented from (in part not easily accessible) 16th-century sources by J. García Icazbalceta, Vocabulario de mexicanismos 99 (Mexico, 1899).

¹²⁴ There exist well over one hundred place-names of this type in the aforementioned countries. To avoid confusion, qualifiers have been added repeatedly.

¹²⁵ Used by Mota Padilla, Historia de la Nueva Galicia, see García Icazbalceta s.v. Also place-name in Mexico, Peru, and Argentina.

¹²⁶ Found in Costa Rica, according to BDHA 1.86.

¹²⁷ Place-name in Puerto Rico.

¹²⁸ Name of a ranchería in Mexico.

¹²⁹ Names of hamlets in Mexico, Honduras, Costa Rica, and Argentina; also names of small rivers in Argentina.

¹³⁰ See A. Sundheim, Vocabulario costeño o lexicografía de la región septentrional de la República de Colombia 152 (Paris, 1922); confirmed by P. M. Revollo, Costeñismos colombianos 64 (Barranquilla, 1942).

¹³¹ Sundheim, op.cit. 264.

¹³² Cenegal was used figuratively (cenegales del mundo, un cenegal de pecados) by Fray Juan de Tolosa, Discursos predicables (Medina del Campo, 1589); see Rodríguez Marín, op.cit. 82, who also offers an excerpt from J. de Espinosa Medrano, La novena maravilla (Valladolid, 1695). Cenegal has been preserved in Nicaragua (BDHA 1.86); it is the name of a village in Peru.

¹³³ Cenegoso has been recorded in Ecuador, see BDHA 1.86.

¹³⁴ Encenegarse en pecados ‘to plunge into sins’ was used by Fray Juan de Tolosa, see Rodríguez Marín, op.cit. 143; cf. encenegarse ‘to be steeped in vices’ as defined by A. Mateus, Riqueza de la lengua castellana y provincialismos ecuatorianos² 130 (Quito, 1933).

¹³⁵ J. Pardo Asso, Nuevo diccionario etimológico aragonés 138: ‘cegarse, obcecarse, apasionarse ciegamente’; P. Arnal Cavero, Vocabulario del alto-aragonés (de Alquézar y pueblos próximos) 15 (Madrid, 1944).

¹³⁶ A. Malaret, Por mi patria y por mi idioma 31 (San Juan, P. R., 1942); idem, Lexicón de fauna y flora, BICC 2.498 (1946).

¹³⁷ Minsheu: ‘a dirty or miry place’; cf. Cuveiro Piñol, Diccionario gallego 66.

¹³⁸ On this phenomenon, see A. Castro and T. Navarro Tomás, RFE 5.197 (1918): midaja ~ migaja, cadajón ~ cagajón, Sepúlveda ~ Sepúlvega, cernadero ~ cernaguero, ladrar ~ lagrar, hidropesía ~ igropesía, paladar ~ palagar, comido ~ comigo, codorniz ~ cogorni(z); on the last case, see also V. García de Diego, RFE 7.388 (1920). Other examples were collected by A. Castro in RFE 6.342 (1919): Arag. almadacén ~ almagacén, Col. almáguena ~ almádena ~ almágana, almaganeta (observe the alternation of unstressed -an- and -en-). Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 196–7, draws attention to médano ~ mégano < mēta and offers examples of the vacillation between the corresponding stops: bielgo ~ bieldo, gragea ~ dragea, golfín ~ delfín < delphīnu; the prototype seems to be gammu (> Sp. gamo) ~ damma. For further illustration, see BDHA 1.167–8, 171 (1930). On the derivation of Sepúlveda from Septempūblica, see W. Meyer-Lübke, Zur Kenntnis der vorrömischen Ortsnamen der iberischen Halbinsel, HMP 1.68–9 (1925).

¹³⁹ Libro de Alexandre, O, quatr. 2174a; Santa Catalina, fol. 15vo; Barlan e Josapha, fols. 95vo, 98ro, 100ro, 115vo, 123ro, 124vo, 167vo, 188ro; J. de Mena, Copias contra los pecados, stanza 31.

¹⁴⁰ Libro de Alexandre, P, quatr. 2316a, 2398d; Santa Catalina, fol. 19ro; Purgatorio de San Patricio, HMP 2.226 (1925); Biblia medieval romanceada, MS I-j-4, Gen. 1:2, 15:12; MS I-j-8, Deut. 28:29; Rimado de palacio, N, quatr. 770b, 920c, 922d, 1116b; E, quatr. 1480b, 1481d, 1484c; D. de San Pedro, Cárcel de amor 31 (ed. 1904). Still in use in El Bierzo (see García Rey's vocabulary, p. 150)

¹⁴¹ Barlan e Josapha, fols. 124vo, 141ro, 188ro, 210ro.

¹⁴² Barlan e Josapha, fol. 118ro; Biblia medieval romanceada, MS I-j-8, Deut. 4:11; Confisión del amante, fol. 362vo; J. Álvarez Gato, Obras completas 127; M. Diego de Valera, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos 6 (Madrid, 1927); also in A. de la Torre's Visión deleytable.

¹⁴³ Visão de Tundalo, ed. Nunes, RL 8.255. See also C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 1.299, and J. P. Machado, BF 6.152.

¹⁴⁴ Tréévas: Visão de Tundalo, ed. Nunes, RL 8.249, 255; trevas: Josep ab Arimatia, ed. Nunes, RL 11.233.

¹⁴⁵ C. de Figueiredo, Novo dicionário da lingua portuguesa⁴ 2.800 (Lisbon, ca. 1925). Notice also the imported Castilian forms tenebras and tenebrosidá in the Modern Galician version of St. Matthew's Gospel (6:23) published by Prince L. L. Bonaparte (London, 1861).

¹⁴⁶ Berceo, Vida de Santo Domingo de Silos, quatr. 708b; idem, Vida de Santa Oria, quatr. 93d; Los fueros de Aragón según el MS 458 de la Bibl. Nac. de Madrid 585; Barlan e Josapha, fol. 188vo; Rimado de palacio, N, quatr. 1006a, E, quatr. 1477b; Confisión del amante, fol. 42vo; Sánchez de Badajoz, Recopilación en metro 2.72.

¹⁴⁷ Tenebregoso is found in El Purgatorio de San Patricio, HMP 2.228 (1925); Estoria del rey Anemur, RF 7.373; A. de Palencia, Vocabulario universal, fol. 172vo; Don Juan de Guzmán, Cancionero de Baena, No. 406; Comedia Florinea, NBAE 14.173, 188. See also J. Cejador y Frauca, Vocabulario medieval castellano 383 (Madrid, 1929). Minsheu lists both tenebroso and tenebregoso. V. García de Diego corrected his earlier view that tenebregoso was a cross of tenebroso and lóbrego (Elementos de gramática histórica castellana 60 [Burgos, 1914]) in his subsequent Contribución al diccionario hispánico etimológico 164 (Madrid, 1923).

¹⁴⁸ See Contemplação de São Bernardo, BF 6.152; Visão de Tundalo, ed. Nunes, RL 8.255.

¹⁴⁹ Oelschläger, A Medieval Spanish Word-List 201.

¹⁵⁰ L. Rouanet, Colección de autos, farsas y coloquios 3.220; preserved in Leonese, see J. Alemany Bolufer, Voces de Maragatería y de otra procedencia usadas en La Esfinge Maragata, novela de Doña Concha Espina de la Serna, BRAE 3.62 (1916).

¹⁵¹ Cancionero de Baena, No. 344; and, in R. Foulché-Delbosc's Cancionero castellano del siglo quince, Tapia (2.468b) and Diego del Castillo (2.222a, 223b); cf. OItal. tenebrore, OFr. tenebrour.

¹⁵² The currently accepted form is entenebrecer. Tenebreçer is found in the Rimado de palacio, E, quatr. 1812c, cf. negrecer, NBAE 14.103 (López de Ayala was fond of apheresized forms; cf. his use of terecer for aterecer ‘shiver‘). Yet more archaic is the sequence entenebridos avie los ojos (Vida de Madona Santa María Egipciaca, ed. Foulché-Delbosc, line 728), with the inchoative suffix barred from the past participle (see Stud. Phil. 38.429–61 [1941]). San Juan de la Cruz resorted to entenebrado in his Subida del monte; see Mir y Noguera, Rebusco de voces castizas 332–3 (Madrid, 1907).

¹⁵³ Gasc. entenerc ‘deaf’, OProv. entenerc, tenerc ‘dark’ are discussed by E. Seifert, Die Proparoxytona im Galloromanischen 68 (Halle, 1923), who, with Meyer-Lübke (REW³ No. 4484), reckons with the existence of *intenebricus ‘dark’ in colloquial Latin. This assumption can be easily challenged. The inventory of Latin bases in Romance indicates that in- compounded with an adjective (though not necessarily with a participle: cf. impēnsus [REW³ No. 4304] and infultus [REW³ No. 4414]) preserved its adversative meaning. The record of īnfirmus (REW³ No. 4404), inimīcus (No. 4435), inīquus (No. 4439), innocuus (No. 4444), innutrītus (No. 4447a), īnsapidus (No. 4466), īnsulsus (No. 4475a), intactus (No. 4477), and invalidus (No. 4526) speaks a clear language. The only formation reconstructed by Meyer-Lübke along the same lines as *intenebricus is *indēbilis ‘weak’, manufactured with the express design to justify Friul. indeul, OFr. endevle, Val. (and Sp.) endeble; but even in this case the writer was so hesitant that he listed endeble again s.v. dēbilis (REW³ Nos. 2491, 4369). Now, Meyer-Lübke's own documentation discloses the source of his error: Logud. inter(ig)inare ‘to grow dark’ and Gallur. intriná ‘id.', identified by Salvioni, lead to the reconstruction of *intenebricāre from which subsequently postverbal adjectives branched off, with optional retention of the prefix. Exactly the same events happened in the case of internecāre, which left but few traces as a verb: in addition to Ptg. aternegar, OSp. enternegar there must have existed the syncopated variant entercar, from which Sp. terco, Cat. terch beside enterch branched off (a vestige of entercar has actually persisted around Salamanca). Similarly, the shift nūdu > Sp. desnudo ‘bare’ presupposes the agency of the corresponding verb desnudar.

¹⁵⁴ Cf. Figueiredo, Novo dicionário⁴ 2.248: negregado ‘desgraçado, trabalhoso’. Sp. negreguear was used as a transitive verb by P. de Valderrama, Teatro de las religiones (1615) and as an intransitive verb by C. Suárez de Figueroa, Plaza universal de todas las ciencias; negregueado ‘sad, sinister’ occurs in Pedro de Valderrama, Ejercicios espirituales (1604). For full documentation, see Mir y Noguera, Rebusco de voces castizas 523–4.

¹⁵⁵ Negregor: Luis Zapata, Carlo Famoso (1566), see Rodríguez Marín, Dos mil quinientas voces 258. Negror: E. de Villena, Tres tratados, RH 41.123; idem, Arte cisoria 80; Gómez Manrique, Cancion. castell. 2.124a; Marqués de Santillana, Cantares y decires 12, 72 (ed. García de Diego). Negregura: Biblia de la casa de Alba 2.210a, 356b, also Gil Vicente and Cervantes (Rodríguez Marín, Dos mil quinientas voces 258). Negrura, at present the accepted form, is attested in the 13th century (Alfonso el Sabio, Libros del saber de astronomía 1.163) and later in the Middle Ages, e.g. in the Libro del tesoro, ed. Sánchez Pérez, RFE 19.168 (1932). Minsheu lists negrura beside negregura. In Portuguese (where the standard expression for ‘blackness’ is pretidão, from preto, a postverbal adjective derived from appectorāre ‘to press against the chest’, see REW³ No. 540) there are sporadic traces of negregura.

¹⁵⁶ Negregoso is listed in Portuguese dictionaries and was used by Gil Vicente also in his Spanish plays (Rodríguez Marín, op.cit. 258).

¹⁵⁷ The best documentation is found in R. J. Cuervo's Tentativas etimológicas, Rom. 12.109 (1883), with excerpts from the Libro de Alexandre, O, quatr. 1102; D. Juan Manuel, El libro de la caza 9, 11; Marqués de Santillana, Bías contra fortuna, str. 148; Díez de Games, Crónica de D. Pedro Niño 107; Lazarillo de Tormes, ch. 3; Ercilla, Valbuena, and Javier de Burgos. The regional variant llóbrego is found in Salazar de Breno's Égloga, ed. H. C. Heaton, RH 72.80, 86. The meaning ‘despondent, sad’ (cf. Germ. finster, Russ. hmur) was infrequent; cf. F. Delicado, Retrato de la Lozana andaluza 32, 72 (ed. 1871). Contamination of lóbrego ‘dark’ with lobado ‘tumor’ (the point of association was ‘dark spot’) led to Sal. lóbrago, OSp. lóbado ‘tumor’ according to G. Sachs, RFE 21.51–4 (1934).

¹⁵⁸ See Buenos proverbios 42; Diego de Castillo, in Cancion. cast. 2.223b, 225b. Notice that OSp. espessura also meant ‘darkness’ rather than ‘density’, e.g. Biblia medieval romanceada, MS I-j-8, Deut. 4:11, 5:22, see R. Oroz, BIF 4.287 (1944–6).

¹⁵⁹ Negresçer: Crescentia, ed. Mussafia, ch. 14, cf. NBAE 14.103; lobrecer: Libro de Alexandre, O, quatr. 1151a; the rare variant allobreguecer occurs in Salazar de Breno's Égloga, RH 72.86. The stem lobr- (an apocopated form in Schuchardt's view) appears also in lobrihosco ‘dark’, compounded with hosco < fuscu (REW³ No. 3611); see J. de Pineda, Agricultura christiana, dial. 6, §§18-20.

¹⁶⁰ Figueiredo, Novo dicionário⁴ 2.73: lobrigar ‘ver a custo; entrever; ver ao longe; ver casualmente’.

¹⁶¹ F. Hanssen, Gramática histórica 26, observes only that the posttonic vowel has been preserved in lóbrego; Menéndez Pidal, Manual⁶ 78, characterizes lóbrego as arrested in its development (‘voz semiculta’; but can the syncope of -e- not have been prevented by the difficulty presented by medial -brg- rather than by recollection of learned usage, hardly demonstrable in this case?). There is no space here to follow the vicissitudes of lóbrego and lobregura in the literary idiom; suffice it to contrast their present elegance with the vulgar impression they made on the courtly society of the early 16th century; see J. de Valdés, Diálogo de la lengua 112 (Madrid, 1928).

¹⁶² F. Diez, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen 507 (Bonn, 1853); 5th ed. 464 (Bonn, 1887).

¹⁶³ C. Michaëlis, Studien zur romanischen Wortschöpfung 292 (Leipzig, 1876).

¹⁶⁴ W. Förster, Romanische Etymologien, ZRPh. 3.562 (1879). OFr. lovergier (cf. REW³ No. 5132) is retraced to lubricāre and Ital. moscio and muffo are quoted as parallels of the semantic development. *Lubricāre has been independently reconstructed by A. Thomas, Nouveaux essais de philologie française 292–4.

¹⁶⁵ R. J. Cuervo, Tentativas etimológicas, Rom. 12.109 (1883); cf. note 157.

¹⁶⁶ G. Baist, Etymologien, ZRPh. 7.120 (1883). The author assailed Cuervo in the same inconsiderate and unjustified way in which he criticized the early lexical studies of Menéndez Pidal two decades later.

¹⁶⁷ Sp. loro, Ptg. louro go back to laurus, see R. Menéndez Pidal, Etimologías españolas, Rom. 29.357 (1899), and REW³ No. 4943 (notice the concluding sentence). Baist's assertion that lŭbricus would have yielded luergo, lergo (which, in reality, are conceivable only as products of non-existent *lŏbricu), while rŭbricus may very well have yielded lóbrego, shows inexcusable carelessness in dealing with so important an issue as syncope of proparoxytona. The comparison with Llobregat < Rubricātu is hardly conclusive, since geographic names are singularly exposed to the agency of fanciful associations. Finally, it is known that ruber gave way to rubeus in Romance. The adjective *rubrīcus, incidentally, is not recorded: only rubrīca ‘ochre’ is attested.

¹⁶⁸ E. G. Parodi, Saggio di etimologie spagnuole e catalane, Rom. 17.69 (1888).

¹⁶⁹ H. Schuchardt, Romanische Etymologien, ZRPh. 13.531 (1889). V. García de Diego, Cruces de sinónimos, RFE 9.140–1 (1922), after mentioning the defense of Diez's derivation by A. Morel-Fatio, Rom. 4.46 (1875), goes on to adopt a slightly modified version of Schuchardt's hypothesis. Ptg. lobrigar and Sp. lóbrego are traced to lucubrāre, assumed to have been exposed to the influence of the verbs in -icāre; Ptg. lubrigar is explained as a cross of lobrigar and luz ‘light’, Ptg. lombrigar is attributed to the interference of sombra ‘shadow’; Sal. lobriosco is classed as lôbrego contaminated by fosco, hosco ‘dark, grim, blackish’ < fuscu (see REW³ No. 3611), and Sal. lubriosco is said to involve luz in addition to those two components. While the contamination of words is a helpful assumption in the reconstruction of language history, some writers seem to carry it to unwarranted extremes. García de Diego's method has been criticized on several occasions by L. Spitzer.

¹⁷⁰ J. H. D. Allen Jr., Portuguese Word-Formation with Suffixes 79 (Baltimore, 1941) confused árdego with the counted nouns ending in stressed -ego. In default of adequate information on the accentual pattern of Sal. ardigo ‘skillful, resolute’ (Lamano y Beneite), it is safer not to pronounce on its classification as a variant of ardido < OFr. hardi (see note 138) or as a cognate to árdego. Ptg. árdego at present has the appearance of a derivative from arder ‘to burn’, much like Mont. cuérrago, Ptg. córrego₁ Extr. córrigo ‘water running through the feeder’ seem related to correr. Schuchardt, ZRPh. 13.531 (1889), impugned J. Cornu's derivation of árdego from alacer ‘brisk, sprightly’ (which lives on as alegre in Occitanian, Catalan, and Ibero-Romance) on excellent grounds, but was less felicitous in positing a base *ardicāre, allegedly a cognate to OFr. ardoier (-oier is presently traced to the Graeco-Latin suffix -idiāre). Meyer-Lübke, rather unfortunately, perpetuated that hypothetical base (REW³ No. 622).

¹⁷¹ Typical are the cases of spissu > OFr. espois ‘dense’ under the pressure of *spissia ‘denseness’ > OFr. espoisse (REW³ Nos. 8159, 8160); of superbu ‘proud, arrogant’ > Sp. soberbio, through the instrumentality of superbia ‘pride’ (in Old Portuguese soberbo and soberbha were kept apart, see REW³ No. 8458a); of OSp. assechar < assectārī ‘to follow tacitly’, transformed into Mod. Sp. acechar under the pressure of assechança ‘ambush’ > açechança (around 1400), where assimilation of -ss- [s] to -ç- [ts] was operative. Sp. rebelde instead of OSp. rebelle owes its -d- to rebeldia, which branched off from rebellía through association with osadía, arrufadía, porfazadía. On superbus and superbia in Old Portuguese, see J. M. Piel, Biblos 21.182 (1945).

¹⁷² The medieval glossaries edited by Castro make mention of alvura de uevo (P 358, T 553, E 470); there existed also the combination alvura de madera (Fuero de Usagre §140; Nebrija's dictionary); see also J. de Mena, Cancion. cast. 1.154a; for Old Portuguese, cf. Corte Imperial 15.

¹⁷³ Biblia de la casa de Alba 2.296b; cf. amarellura, ibid., Haggai, ch. 2.

¹⁷⁴ General estoria 1.533b; Libro de buen amor, quatr. 1438b; Libro del tesoro, RFE 19.170 (1932). In Portugal, Galicia, and Western Asturias, the corresponding form is brancura. Noteworthy is OSp. clarura, used by Florencia Pinar, Cancion. cast. 2.579a.

¹⁷⁵ Bermejura: Castigos e documentos 195; Glosarios latino-españoles E 1764 (‘rubigo‘); Villena, Tres tratados, RH 41.208; Villalobos, Algunas obras 353. Vermejura: Primera crónica general 236b; General estoria 1.488a.

¹⁷⁶ D. Juan Manuel, Conde Lucanor 30.

¹⁷⁷ Libro de los caballos 103; Mandamientos e devedamientos de la ley y çunna 370. The variant royura has been preserved in Segorbe; see C. Torres Fornes, Sobre voces aragonesas usadas en Segorbe 269 (Valencia, 1903).

¹⁷⁸ Berceo, Signos, quatr. 11b; Apolonio, quatr. 17a; Libro de buen amor, quatr. 989d; Rimado de palacio, N, quatr. 842c; E, quatr. 1850d; Biblia medieval romanceada, MS I-j-4, Gen. 9:3; Palencia, Triunfo militar 104; Confisión del amante, fols. 43ro, 61ro, 262vo; R. Cota, Cancion. cast. 2.586a. Notice Segov. morenura ‘brown color’ (Vergara Martín, op.cit. 55).

¹⁷⁹ C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos, RL 13.276.

¹⁸⁰ Verdeguear is listed by Minsheu on a par with verdear and verdecer ‘to appear green’. In Álava verdeguear has evolved a technical sense: ‘to spread with a broom fresh manure mixed with water all over the threshing ground’; see F. Baráibar y Zumárraga, Vocabulario de palabras usadas en Álava 254. Notice also Leon. verdeguear ‘reverdecer’, listed by S. Alonso Garrote, El dialecto vulgar leonés hablado en Maragatería y tierra de Astorga: notas gramaticales y vocabulario² 344 (Madrid, 1947). And. verdeguear is quoted from a refrán by Toro y Gisbert, RH 49.607 (1920), but verdear seems more common in the south (RH 49.630).

¹⁸¹ S. de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid, 1611; 2d ed., Madrid, 1673–4).

¹⁸² C. Oudin, Tesoro de las dos lenguas francesa y española (Paris, 1607): vernegal, verniz, s. bernegal, berniz. Bernegal is defined thus: ‘une sorte de vaisselle de terre vernissée’. In Oudin's Trésor des trois langues 1.90 (1617) bernegal is translated ‘une sorte de gobelet et vase’. I owe the latter reference to P. Barbier's note, presently to be discussed, who attempted to revive this ancient etymology, yet failed to win the approval of E. Gamillscheg, ZFSL 62.371 (1939).

¹⁸³ See Jarnik's index to Diez's Etymologisches Wörterbuch der romanischen Sprachen⁶ (Bonn, 1887).

¹⁸⁴ P. F. Monlau, Diccionario etimológico de la lengua castellana 421 (Buenos Aires, 1941; reprint of the 2d ed. of 1881; the 1st dates from 1856).

¹⁸⁵ L. de Eguílaz y Yanguas, Glosario etimológico de las palabras españolas de origen oriental 344 (Granada, 1886). Barniya signifies ‘clay or cristal container’; it is now recognized as the base of Sp. albornia. The material out of which containers are manufactured is a factor of signal importance in word-studies; yet it is equally true that names of containers experience notable extensions of meaning, because the function of the container in daily life primarily determines its name, and improvements of material in objects of local make or imported from big cities or from abroad are not sufficiently significant to efface the ancient designations. Consider the case of OArag. ter(r)aça d'argent (where the substantive implies the use of clay and the qualifier points to metal as the material actually involved) in M. Serrano y Sanz, Inventarios aragoneses de los siglos XIV y XV, BRAE 2.556 (1915). This situation was regretfully observed by Covarrubias, who had this to say on the manufacturing of bernegales: ‘Es nombre que particularmente se usa en Toledo; díxose de berr, que en arábigo vale “tierra” y así será “vaso terrizo”, aunque también los contrahacen de plata.‘

¹⁸⁶ F. Mistral, Lou tresor dóu felibrige (Aix-en-Provence, 1879–86): ‘sébile pour recevoir le son; vaisseau où les boulangers mettent la pâte; baquet pour remplir les barils; vase de nuit; tête’. The last meanings are visibly facetious and of no help in etymological reconstruction.

¹⁸⁷ R. Dozy and W. H. Engelmann, Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais dérivés de l'arabe² (Leiden, 1869): barniya > Sp. albornia. Two variants of that formation are recorded at a late date: albornía (Dicc. hist. 1.385a: Montiño, Arte de cocina, ed. 1617; Ovalle, Historia de Chile, ed. 1646) and alburnía (ibid. 1.389b: Nola, Libro de cocina, ed. 1525). The correct accentuation of the word is not easy to ascertain.

¹⁸⁸ J. P. Machado, Alguns vocábulos de origemárabe, BF 6.1-33 (1939); idem, Comentários a alguns arabismos de Nascentes, BF 6.225-328 (1939); J. Corominas, Mots catalans d'origen aràbic, BDC 24.1-81, 286-8 (1936); E. K. Neuvonen, Los arabismos del español en el siglo XIII (Helsinki, 1941).

¹⁸⁹ A. Steiger, Contribución a la fonética del hispano-árabe y de los arabismos en el ibero-románico y el siciliano 302 (Madrid, 1932), and earlier, in a private communication made public by W. von Wartburg, FEW 1.254 (1924). Steiger is inclined to regard -g- as antihiatic; since his cautious statement to this effect was taken up by others, especially B. E. Vidos, without the requisite qualification, it is necessary to declare categorically that no antihiatic -g- could have conceivably transformed *bernial into bernegal (to say nothing of the implicitly assumed and entirely unaccountable change of -ni- to -ne-): *bernial, if it had ever existed, would have been perpetuated in Spanish and Portuguese without any further modification; cf. the Hispanic products of *nīdāle ‘nest egg’ listed by Menéndez Pidal, RFE 7.34 (1920) and by Meyer-Lübke, REW³ No. 5908. In the cases of enxundia beside enxúndriga in Upper Cabrera, from axungia ‘fat’ (REW³ No. 846, see Casado Lobato, op.cit. §32, §41, §47), and of Mont. calándriga beside Sp. calandria ‘lark’ from Graeco-Latin calandra (REW³ No. 5908, see García-Lomas y García-Lomas, op.cit. 98), we are dealing with the addition of the morpheme -iga and not with a phonological process. This is another instance of the inaccurate tracing of the frontier-line between phonology and morphology; corrections must be made almost invariably at the expense of phonology.

¹⁹⁰ E. G. Parodi, Del passaggio di v in b e di certe perturbazioni delle leggi fonetiche nel latino volgare, Rom. 27.235 (1898).

¹⁹¹ A. Thomas, Variétés étymologiques, Rom. 28.173-4 (1899). In the light of the theory developed in the present studies, it strikes me as strange that a scholar of Thomas' caliber should have dealt (173) with hïbernica and hībernicula without attempting to associate them at least experimentally with bernigau and its cognates.

¹⁹² Vernigat ‘receptacle, escudella, ribellet per menjar’; cf. Duez's Italian-French dictionary of 1660 (not directly accessible to me) in which Venetians are said to eat from containers so named. Vernigal was also a family name recorded in Barcelona in the early sixteenth century. See Diccionari M. Aguiló i Fuster (ed. Fabra and Montoliu) 8.215 (Barcelona, 1915–34). An even older testimony of OCat. vernigat, produced by Vidos, is found in the Tarif du droit de Reua de Perpignan (a.d. 1284), see Alart, RLaR 4.376.

I have scanned a considerable portion of the Inventarios aragoneses de los siglos XIV y XV (ed. M. Serrano y Sanz, in BRAE, Vols. 2–4 [1915–7]) in an effort to identify the local forms of bernegal, with negative results. Among the numerous names of containers used in those texts figure bacía, bacieta, bacinet, scudiella, jarra de miel (4.221), cántaro de vino (4.346), ter(r)aça (2.556), terrazo, picher de tierra (4.350), pote (4.348), tanalla (2.554, 707, 4.215–7), tanalleta (2.555, 4.219), tenalla (2.710, 3.360, 4.344), tenalleta (4.526), tinalla (3.360); the last container, corresponding to Sp. tinaja and OPtg. tãalha, pertains lexically to Lat. tīna ‘coop, tub, vat’ (REW³ No. 8741), but served a different purpose: it contained water rather than wine.

¹⁹³ G. Baist, Spanische Sprache 1899–1901, in KJbFRPh. 6.385 (1903–5); from an inventory of the year 1560, Baist quoted the following passage: un bernegal de vidrio cuajado e bufado e apedreado. Baist's rather casual statement that bernegal was unrecorded before the sixteenth century (made on the basis of fragmentary material) subsequently misled many scholars, including Barbier and Vidos. Even now, half a century after the publication of Baist's note, the available data on the Spanish lexicon are so scarce that early datings of rare technical terms are mostly impossible.

¹⁹⁴ W. Meyer-Lübke, REW¹ No. 1048 (Heidelberg, 1911–20): ‘lautlich und sachlich nicht ohne Schwierigkeit.‘ In imitation of Vulgar Arabic usage, the reputed base is spelled berniyā. As for the Romance offshoots quoted, the authenticity of OIt. vernicato and Ven. vernicale is questioned by Vidos; the correct Venetian form, as used by Cristofore da Canale in the sixteenth century (see Jal, s.v. barillo) was vernical; vernicale is standard Italian, where it may have been (according to Vidos, actually was) imported through Venetian. The much discussed place-name Vernègues must, I suppose, be left out of the reckoning in this connection; see W. Meyer-Lübke, Zur Kenntnis der vorrömischen Ortsnamen der iberischen Halbinsel, HMP 1.64 (1925).

¹⁹⁵ R. Academia Española, Diccionario de la lengua espanola¹⁶ 172–3 (Madrid, 1936–9).

¹⁹⁶ K. Lokotsch, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der europäischen Wörter orientalischen Ursprungs 21 (Heidelberg, 1927); the Arabic word is traced ultimately to Persian.

¹⁹⁷ A. Nascentes, Dicionário etimológico da língua portuguesa 108 (Rio de Janeiro, 1932).

¹⁹⁸ S. Gili Gaya, Vox: Diccionario general ilustrado de la lengua española 196 (Barcelona, 1945); the Arabic base is misspelled.

¹⁹⁹ W. von Wartburg, FEW 1.254 s.v. barniya (ca. 1924). Notice Mars. barniegau. Not all of Thomas' emendations of Godefroy's spellings have been taken into account. It is not the only instance of W. von Wartburg's inability to recognize the nucleus of the etymological problem in spite of the impressive material amassed; see also my note on the etymology of It. ciarlatano, to appear in RPh., and P. Barbier's demolishing criticism of Wartburg's interpretation of Fr. elfe, see RPh. 1.287–91 (1947–8).

²⁰⁰ L. Freire, Novíssimo dicionário da lingua portuguesa 1021 (Rio de Janeiro, 1939–44). C. de Figueiredo's dictionary lists the equally obsolete variant form barnegal ‘container for liquids, with one or two handles’. Barnegal is documented from three Old Portuguese sources (including Castanheda) by J. P. Machado, BF 7.300 (1942).

²⁰¹ F. J. Santamaría, Diccionario general de americanismos 1.207. Curiously enough, Ven. vernical underwent the same change to vermical in the pronunciation of Eustache Deschamps who, about the year 1384, on his way to Hungary, is known to have stopped at Venice; see Barbier, Miscell. Lexic. 17, No. 56 (1937). Surely, it would be unjustified and rash to conclude that the Old French and the Spanish American variants were related: the same process of assimilation, through lag, of a medial dental to an initial labial repeated itself twice, independently, within two branches of the same word-family.

²⁰² J. de Lamano y Beneite, El dialecto vulgar salmantino 283: ‘vaso de plata con dos asas, de poca altura, para dar de beber a los convidados; vaso de hojalata para escanciar en él el vino’.

²⁰³ The latter use seems to have been observed first by Picón Febres, see M. de Toro y Gisbert, Reivindicación de americanismos, BRAE 7.627 (1920). Santamaría (1.207) unjustifiably surmises that the Venezuelan use of bernegal, bermegal is genetically secondary, while Spain has perpetuated the original meaning. On the process of filtering, some information may be gleaned from the definition of destiladera by E. Zerolo, Legajo de varios (Paris, 1897): ‘armario cuadrado, más alto que ancho, con paredes de rejilla, que tiene en su parte más alta una piedra de destilar sostenida por sus bordes; debajo de ésta, en una tabla con un agujero redondo, que divide la destiladera en dos partes casi iguales, se halla el bernegal, tapado con un platillo agujereado (que deja pasar las gotas de agua que destilan de la piedra) y el jarro, cántaro o vaso para servirla …‘ (copied from J. Pérez Vidal's book presently to be mentioned).

²⁰⁴ See S. de Lugo, Colección de voces y frases provinciales de Canarias, BRAE 7.341 (1920).

²⁰⁵ This edition appeared in La Laguna de Tenerife, 1946; see pp. 168–9.

²⁰⁶ See G. Fernández de Oviedo, Libro de la Cámara Real del Príncipe Don Juan 5 (Madrid, 1870; ed. J. M. Escudero de la Peña): una baçina de plata e un orinal e un braserico e un bernegal e un salero (but MS T 88 offers a different version of the passage: un jarro de plata, un bernegal, una calderica en su bolssa). The work was composed around 1535, a quarter of a century before the text quoted by G. Baist (see note 193). An example of the use of bernegal toward the middle of the seventeenth century is found in B. Gracián, El criticón 3.75 (Philadelphia, 1938–40; ed. M. Romera-Navarro).

²⁰⁷ I leave out berniguier, which had only local circulation in a medieval patois. Med. Lat. bernigaudum seems to be disguised Occit. bernigau(t); is suffix-change involved here? Bernigau shows a termination which in normal local development could be traced to -āle; cf. Vernegau, Vernegalo ‘inhabitant of Vernègues’ (F. Mistral).

Here are some additions. Gen. vernigò, according to Casaccia's dictionary of 1890, designates a container of bronze, copper, or wood in which bankers anciently kept their money (828). Many examples from Italian have been collected by B. E. Vidos, Storia delle parole marinaresche italiane passate in francese 10, 90, 154, 605–8 (Florence, 1939), including Ven. vernegal ‘catino di legno in cui si pone la minestra destinata per cadaun pasto dell'equipaggio sul mare’; Neap. vernecale ‘spezia di scodella di legna da tener danaro’; Sann. vernecale ‘ciotola (vaso da tenervi danaro)'. Vidos’ interpretation of his data will be discussed further on.

Interesting examples of OFr. bernigal, brenigal, from fifteenth century texts, and of vermical from E. Deschamps (a.d. 1384) are offered by P. Barbier, Miscell. Lexic. 17, No. 56, who defines the word accurately as ‘large open bowl’ or ‘ewer big enough to contain six hanaps.’ Late OFr. vernigal defined by Godefroy, Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française 8.199a, as ‘coupe sans anse, vernie ou laquée d'or’ (this interpretation appears to imply the compiler's etymological preference) occurs once in the 12th century Regle du temple and twice in a translation of the travels of Marco Polo by Rusticien de Pise (ca. 1298); it represents unquestionably an early Italianism. In ch. 76 of the same Marco Polo translation, there is found the unique variant vernique, apparently an adaptation of a cognate Italian form: Se trait le vin ou le chier bevrajes e s'en enplent grant vernique d'or qe sunt tiel qe tienent tant vin qe huit homes ou dix en avoient assez; see Godefroy, op.cit. 8.199b. The failure of apheresized (hī)bernum to have gained much ground in Gallo-Romance may be remotely connected with the prevalence of verne, vergne < Celt, vernos in central and southern France, which, apart from designating the species of tree (‘alder‘) known as au(l)ne in Standard French, also serves as the name for objects made out of its wood and has become the center of a widespread word-family (verner, verneur, vernoi, vernoie), of considerable currency in toponymy.

Ital. vernaccia ‘specie di vin bianco, generoso e dolce’ may easily represent a derivative in -accio < -āceu from verno < (hī)bernu; cf. the entirely transparent formations vernaccio ‘cold, rainy or snowy winter’ (P. Fanfani, Vocabolario della lingua italiana). This Italian word was absorbed by French: vernace is quoted in Godefroy's Dictionnaire 8.198b precisely from A. Le Maçon's adaptation of Boccaccio's Il Decamerone (4.134, 135). Godefroy also lists the variant vernage, extracted from La Maniere de langage. The interpretation of It. vernaccia, Fr. vernace as ‘wine preserved for winter use’ would singularly buttress the derivation of bernegal and its congeners here advocated. I have no knowledge of the ancestry of bernelle ‘sort of grape’ listed in E. Huguet's Dictionnaire de la langue française du seizième siècle s.v.

On the remote possibility that Norm. berlin, bernicle, bernacle ‘name of a shell scientifically classed as patelle‘ (originally also denoting a container) may ultimately go back to *hībernicula, see A. Thomas, Mélanges de philologie française² 45. (Mr. Vincent Chmielnicki during my recent stay in New York City kindly drew my attention to some of the data and reconstructions mentioned in this note).

^207a On this word-family, see the two important articles by W. Förster, Ital. vernice ‘Firnis’ und lat. Veronica, ZRPh. 32.338–48 (1908), and by A. Thomas, Franç. vernis, Rom. 37.432–9 (1908), with the proposed emendation of several ancient glosses (beronigario, bernigario, bernicarium). Unfortunately, the sense development of this word has not yet been exhaustively studied, on account of a gap in our information. In late Antiquity, the word signified ‘nitre’; in the Middle Ages (12th century), it came to mean ‘varnish’. Thomas assumes that originally one of the ingredients of varnish rather than the product itself was so designated. OFr. verniz (possibly borrowed from Old Italian) applied especially to the polish of metal ware, e.g. shields; the verb vernir ‘to varnish’ is of relatively recent coinage.

²⁰⁸ N. Tommaseo and B. Bellini, Nuovo dizionario della lingua italiana 4.1803.

²⁰⁹ See M. Serrano y Sanz, BRAE 4.348 (a.d. 1373). Torres Fornes' vocabulary of the Aragonese dialect spoken in Segorbe includes the entries berniz ‘varnish’ and esbernizar ‘to scratch the surface’ (with the shade of meaning proper to Germ. schürfen): the loss of varnish on the surface of a container is compared to a scratch on human skin (256, 261).

²¹⁰ Ernout-Meillet, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine² 46–7: ‘amphora, -ae, de άμϕορ∊ύς (n'a pas persisté dans la langue parlée) …. L'origine étrangère a toujours été sentie. Ainsi Cael. Aurel. Chron.3.2.23: testea uascula, quas Graeci amphoras uocant, siue uitrea.‘

²¹¹ See REW³ No. 4126. In the notoriously archaic dialects of Asturias there are remnants of adjectival iviernu ‘wintry’; approximately in the same area traces of apheresized viernu ‘winter’ have been identified; see V. García de Diego, Manual de dialectología española 141, 150. It is difficult to determine where vierno is the immediate product of (hī)bernum or the result of separation of envierno into the preposition en and the substantive vierno. The latter alternative gains support from sequences like envierno nin verano, envierno e enverano found in the Fuero de Ledesma, §34, §36, §39; see A. Castro and F. de Onís, Fueros leoneses de Zamora, Salamanca, Ledesma y Alba de Tormes (Madrid, 1916). Notice the close ties between Asturian and Leonese.

²¹² The original words for ‘summer’ in Ibero-Romance were estío < aestīvu (a substantiated adjective, like vernum and hībernum) and estat < aestāte, which disappeared in the 13th century; see G. Sachs, El libro de los caballos 92, and the Alfonsine Libros del saber de astronomía 1.168. Verano continued to be used for ‘spring’ as late as the 16th century. Thus Castillejo could write: y al verano sin estío ‘and to the spring followed by no summer’.

²¹³ Libro de los caballos 49; Purgatorio de San Patricio, HMP 2.226, 228 (1925); Confisión del amante, fols. 132vo, 166ro, 300ro, 407ro; Glosarios latino-españoles, E 1308; also in the Old Aragonese Vida de Madona S. María Egipciaca, line 144. The strange variant evierno in the Libro de la miseria de omne, quatr. 103a (late 14th century), is understandable against the background of long rivalry between fezieron and fizieron, presieron and prisieron, and the like.

Ivierno is until the present day the variant preserved in conservative dialects, including Astorga and Maragatería (S. Alonso Garrote), various sections of Aragon (J. Borao; Torres Fornes; and, with special reference to the locality Novés, M. Alvar, El habla del campo de Jaca 213); Ast. iviernu is recorded in Colunga by B. Vigón (144). The erratic Leonese variant unvierno (which may have arisen on the analogy of ungüento ~ ingüento) has been observed at Cepeda and Ribera de Orbigo by S. Alonso Garrote (114, 251). M. Alvar records also the corresponding verb as ivernar, in accord with the prototype hībernāre (REW³ No. 4124). See also A. Alonso and A. Rosenblat, BDHA 1.237 (1930).

²¹⁴ Vida de Santa Marta, fol. 6vo; Barlan e Josapha, fol. 130vo; Confisión del amante, fols. 76ro, 101vo; El Corbacho, fol. 28vo. Cf. Berc. invernía ‘invernada’ (García Rey).

²¹⁵ Vida de María Magdalena, fol. 2vo; Cuento del Emperador Ottas, ch. 12; cf. envernizo in Fray Juan de Pineda, Agricultura Christiana, dial. 4, §18, but invernizo in Juan Ruiz. The counterpart of veraniego ‘summer-like’ (originally ‘spring-like’) was enverniego ‘wintry’ in Old Spanish. Notice Ast. envernar, envernia, envernizu in the dialect of Colunga, studied by B. Vigón (84). Mont. envernía, ‘winter season’ for Sp. invernada is attested by J. González Campuzano, BBMP 2.66 (1920). Envernar is not unknown to the New World; for a record in San Luis (Central Argentina), see B. E. Vidal de Battini, op.cit. 1.35.

²¹⁶ An early example of inverno is found in the Contemplação de São Bernardo, fol. 102ro.

^216a Lat. hībernāre signified ‘to spend the winter’ (Cicero), ‘to remain during the winter’ (Varro, Pliny); to express ‘to keep for the winter’, a new verb was needed: thus *hībernicāre was coined. The productivity of the suffix -icāre in colloquial Latin was considerable, and postverbal nouns from verbs so developed were not infrequent. The best-known example is easily Sp. embargo ‘hindrance’, from embargar < *imbarricāre (REW³ Nos. 963, 4277). Cf. our earlier assumption of *petricāre and *dē-rēnicāre.

²¹⁷ A detailed description, with graphic illustrations, of the Graeco-Roman amphora is found in C. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines 1.248–50 (Paris, 1877–1919).

²¹⁸ W. A. Baehrens, Sprachlicher Kommentar zur vulgärlateinischen Appendix Probi 90–1 (Halle, 1922).

²¹⁹ Ampulla designated a small vessel of clay, leather, or glass; it developed a number of figurative meanings. The Inventarios aragoneses de los siglos XIV y XV published by M. Serrano y Sanz contain the following data: ampolla de veire, a.d. 1373 (BRAE 4.348, twice); ampolla, a.d. 1403 (BRAE 4.524); ampolleta d'argen, a.d. 1381 (BRAE 4.351); anpolleta de plumo, a.d. 1390 (BRAE 4.518). Ampolla is documented also in RH 72.59. The Leonese derivatives empolla, empollado, empollar (S. Alonso Garrote) show the interference of the common prefix em-, en-; cf. the related case of amparar ‘to protect’ beside emparar (if it is true that the etymon is anteparāre).

After the completion of this article, my attention was drawn by H. R. Kahane to two interpretations of bernegal and its cognates: one by P. Barbier in 1937 (Miscell. Lexic. 17, No. 56, in Proc. Leeds Phil. Soc. 4.281–347), the other by B. E. Vidos, Storia delle parole marinaresche italiane passate in francese 605–8. I have consulted the reviews of Vidos' book available to me: by E. Gamillscheg, ZFSL 63.84–91 (1940); by P. Barbier, MAev. 8.125–139 (1939), in which, oddly enough, the critic failed to weigh the merits of his own against the author's theory; by A. Dauzat, FM 8.79–81 (1940); by F. de B. Moll, RFE 25.418–20 (1941); by M. L. Wagner, VKR 12.174–6 (1939). These reviews contain methodologically pertinent observations, even though they do not concern themselves with details of the development of bernegal. B. Migliorini's and H. R. Kahane's reviews (in LGRPh. 63.212–4 [1942] and BzNgrJb. respectively) are not accessible to me.

Barbier's carefully documented note ends with the following reconstruction of the sequence of events: Arab. barniya is an untenable base, on phonological and semantic grounds and by reason of the late appearance of bernegal in Spain. The original meaning was ‘container of varnished wood or metal’. The word radiated from Venice to the rest of northern Italy and to southern France; thence, it reached Spain and ultimately Portugal.

Vidos' equally well illustrated chapter assumes the correctness of the Arabic base. The word, it is believed, radiated from Catalonia, where it is recorded at an early date; thence, it spread to Genoa, not later than in the 12th century. Genoa became the focal point for its further propagation throughout the western world. As a maritime term, it reached Venice (vernegal) and indirectly all of Italy, on the one hand, and France on the other hand (Rouen, a.d. 1369; French shipyards, even at that distance from the Mediterranean, were under Genoese supervision). As a generic term, it penetrated into Neapolitan (vernecale), and again into French. Independently, Span. bernegal found its way, first, into Old Provençal (bernigaudo, 14th century), and thence, second, into Middle French (bernigaut, 15th century; bernigal, 16th century).

Both Barbier and Vidos tend to class the formations they study as migratory maritime words, carried from country to country by sailors; but while the former identifies Venice as the focal point and assumes westward spread, the latter, in diametric contrast, thinks of two prongs directed from the Iberian Peninsula toward the east: one from Catalonia to Genoa, thence to Venice; the other from Spain to Occitania, thence to Northern France. Moreover, the scholars are not agreed on the etymon. Their explanations are mutually exclusive.

Barbier's merit is to have explored the French record better than his predecessors; but he completely neglected the Old Catalan material, and, while abandoning the Arabic etymon, offered a shaky base, which failed to satisfy Gamillscheg.

Vidos advanced our knowledge of the Catalan and especially the Italian record and introduced the adequate distinction of the maritime and the generic term; but his serious gaps of information on Ibero-Romance led him to accept an etymology unsatisfactory in all respects and to base the itinerary of the chosen word on that erroneous base and the chronology of records, which, being quite fragmentary, cannot serve as the exclusive piece of evidence; see J. Corominas' important statements to this effect, with especial regard to B. E. Vidos and to J. H. Terlingen, in Symp. 2.106–17 (1948), and E. Gamillscheg's review. Moreover, Vidos overestimated the stability of initial b- n Old Spanish. Finally, he failed to divide the assembled formations into two groups, according to the suffix.

After taking cognizance of these two interpretations, I believe that the word under study was native to the Iberian and to parts of the Apennine Peninsula, conceivably also to Southern France. In some special connotations it spread, as a maritime term, from the Italian ports to other parts, especially to Northern France. Without being able to accept their explanations, I gratefully acknowledge my indebtedness to Barbier and Vidos for numerous bits of information.

²²⁰ J. F. Meseguer was a church leader in the Philippines (18th century); A. Meseguer Alcaraz was a painter from Murcia (born 1850); M. Meseguer Conell was a historian of the 19th century; J. Meseguer y Costa was a religious writer born in the province of Castellón in 1843. The scholar J. Meseguer is listed in the bibliography of RFE 2.74 (1915). I know of no traces of Meseguer outside of anthroponymy. The Latin suffix -ārius appears either as -er or as -ero in Old Aragonese; cf. pellicer ‘furrier,’ seller ‘saddler,’ carnicer ‘butcher,’ feltrer ‘felt-maker', zapater ‘shoemaker’ beside clavero ‘locksmith’, ferrero ‘blacksmith’, in S. Gili Gaya, Manifestaciones del romance en documentos oscenses anteriores al siglo XIII, in HMP 2.113 (1925).

²²¹ V. García de Diego, Contributión al diccionario hispánico etimológico 119; Cejador y Frauca, Vocabulario medieval castellano 275. Moreover, dictionaries record from unspecified sources misiego ‘labor of harvesting’ (with not abnormal metaphony) and meseguera ‘sort of white grape’, the latter reminiscent of Arag. meseguero ‘vineyard guard’.

²²² J. del Encina, Teatro completo 8, 179; L. Fernández, Farsas y églogas 117 (where the word is inadvertently capitalized); Alonso de Salaya, Farsa, ed. Gillet, PMLA 52.24 (1937).

²²³ See García de Diego, loc.cit.; A. Alcalá Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz 264: ‘guarda de siembras en las rozas de monte para evitar que entren en ellas animales dañinos’.

²²⁴ Juan Meseguero occurs in Diego de Ávila, Égloga interlocutoria, line 322, see E. Kohler, Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen 246 (Madrid, 1911), and in Andrés Ortiz's play on the battle of Pavia (1525), ed. Gillet, PMLA 45.522 (1930).

²²⁵ Teatro completo 8, 179 (variant readings).

²²⁶ Alcalá Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz 263, coins an illustrative sentence of his own and offers a quotation from J. Muñoz y Pabón. Menseguero is also found in Leonese; see A. Llorente Maldonado de Guevara, Estudio sobre el habla de la Ribera 240 (Salamanca, 1947), who translates it by ‘guarda del campo’.

²²⁷ OSp. messagero: Razón de amor, line 110; Libro de Alexandre, O, quatr. 60b; Vidal Mayor, see Tilander, Los fueros de Aragón 563; cf. OCat. missatger (a.d. 1301) in Giménez Soler, Don Juan Manuel 251, and Cat.-Arag. missatgero (RH 37.203); in Old Portuguese, misegeiro and mesegeiro coexisted. Message in Ibero-Romance is as much a Gallicism as It. messaggio, which alone is mentioned in REW³ No. 5616; and the forms with mis- are not explicable by metaphony, as indigenous misiego (note 221), but by the influence of the preterit mis < mīsī on the products of the past participle missus, a point of historical grammar studied exhaustively by E. G. Wahlgren.

Mens(s)agero was the dominant form in Old Spanish: Apolonio, quatr. 222B; Primera crónica general 489a; General estoria 1.666a; Vida de Santa Catalina, fols. 15ro, 16ro; Rimado de palacio, N, quatr. 447a, 484b, 502b, 505a; Castro, Glosarios, E 1745, 1801; Barlan e Josapha, fol. 133vo; Confisión del amante, fol. 351ro; Diego de Valera, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos 17, 26, 28. In Old Catalan, the derivative was messatgeria (RH 37.214), missatgeria (RH 37.192); but in Old Spanish mensagería prevailed: Primera crónica general 495b; Rimado de palacio, E, quatr. 276a; Castro, Glosarios, T 812; Confisión del amante, fols. 88vo, 180vo. Notice also the verb mensagerear: Castro, Glosarios, T 1697; E 2567, 2736, 2777.

²²⁸ Manjadero: Torres Naharro, Propalladia and Other Works 2.181; on the origin and use of majadero, see UCPL 1.234–9, 275–81.

²²⁹ Contribución al diccionario hispánico etimológico 119; on OSp. mies, miesse, see Menéndez Pidal, Manual de gramática⁶ 169. The interesting Mozarabic product mešši has been recorded by M. Asín Palacios, Glosario de voces romances registradas por un botánico anónimo hispano-musulmán (siglos XI–XII) §352. In Aragonese messis ‘harvest’ receded before Germ. garba (see M. Alvar, El habla del campo de Jaca 140), but was not completely crowded out, as the survival of meseguero confirms. Notice miesses (quatr. 36b) in the Libro de la miseria de omne, which shows strong Aragonese traits.

²³⁰ REW³ No. 5543.

²³¹ J. da Silveira, RPF 1.394 (1947–8) defines it as ‘planta daninha das searas’, while P. Sánchez Sevilla, El habla de Cespedosa de Tormes, RFE 15.276 (1928) states: ‘Entre las peñas en el río se crían las mesiegas (masiegas en el puente de Congosto).’ The Argentine writer Leopoldo Lugones used the form masiega; see M. de Toro y Gisbert, El idioma de un argentino, BRAE 9.544 (1922). Here is the definition of And. maciega by Alcalá Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz 243: ‘planta muy espesa de hoja larga, afilada y erecta, que se cría a orillas de los ríos'. I am surprised that the connection between mies and mesiega, masiega should be questioned by M. L. Wagner, Biblos 24.8–9 (1949).

²³² Lamano y Beneite, El dialecto vulgar salmantino 529. The designation of various species of reeds by means of this derivative from messis is not restricted to the west of the Peninsula; for equivalents in the southeast, cf. Murc. mansiega and Val. mansega (J. García Soriano).

²³³ G. M. Vergara Martín, Algunas palabras de uso corriente en la provincia de Guadalajara, RDTP 2.142 (1946).

²³⁴ It is found near Carballino (Orense), where the suffix -aecu yields -ego rather than -iego; A. Blásquez, HMP 3.277 (1925) quotes Messiegan as the form used in ancient epigraphy. Is the Asturian place-name Mesariegos (Oviedo) related (with -ar- inserted as in and-ar-iego after palomar-iego, pinar-iego)?

²³⁵ Cf. fossātu > OSp. fonsado ‘army’, quassātiō ‘breakdown’ > OPtg. cansaço, OSp. cansa(n)çio.

²³⁶ Contrast the forms offered by M. Alvar [López], El habla de Oroz-Betelu, RDTP 3.466 (1947), and by M. Serrano y Sanz, Inventarios aragoneses, BRAE 2.711 (1915).

²³⁷ P. Henríquez Ureña, El español en Santo Domingo 101 (Buenos Aires, 1940).

²³⁸ Message, missatge were dominant in the Catalan-Aragonese area, see the excellent documentation by G. Tilander, Los fueros de Aragón 479–80; add Libro de Alexandre, P, quatr. 796a, and RH 37.213, 244. Mensage was more evenly distributed: Libro de Alexandre, P, quatr. 826b; Apolonio, quatr. 214d (notice the spelling); Santa Catalina, fol. 16vo; Cuento del Emperador Ottas, ch. 4; Grail Fragments, fol. 255ro; Confisión del amante, fols. 127vo, 351ro.

²³⁹ Oelschläger, A Medieval Spanish Word-List 134: missorio (León, a.d. 910); messorio (Sahagún, a.d. 1049); mensorio (León, a.d. 910).

²⁴⁰ M. R. Lida, Notas para la interpretación, influencia, fuentes y texto del Libro de buen amor, RFH 1.117–8 (1940). The latest occurrences of doñeguil are in the Cancionero de Baena.

²⁴¹ J. Corominas, ‘Dis Aup i Pireneus’, in Sache, Ort und Wort: Festschrift für Jakob Jud 579–80 (Geneva–Zurich, 1943).

²⁴² In addition to domingo, there exist the derivatives dominguejo, dominguete, dominguillo, and dominguero; the last occurs in Kohler's Sieben spanische dramatische Eklogen 256, 340. One finds traces of Domenge and of Domenec in the extreme east of the Spanish speaking territory (Huesca); see S. Gili Gaya, Manifestaciones del romance en documentos oscenses anteriores al siglo XIII, in HMP 2.106 (1925). Murc. domínego ‘domingo’ (a.d. 1272) is recorded in J. García Soriano's glossary (193).

²⁴³ Cejador y Frauca, Vocabulario medieval castellano 157.

²⁴⁴ J. de Lamano y Beneite, El dialecto vulgar salmantino 398.

²⁴⁵ The Mozarabic forms were first found by Simonet and refer either to figs or to pears (initial vagueness of reference and subsequent specialization is not without parallels in the history of names of fruits in Romance; cf. the evolution of pōmum ‘fruit thriving on a tree’ > Fr. pomme ‘apple’; dūracinus ‘fruit or berry with a stone or hard pips; plum, peach, grape’ > Sp. durazno ‘peach’, see REW³ Nos. 2803, 6645); cf. A. Steiger, Contribución al estudio del vocabulario del Corbacho, BRAE 10.32 (1923). Meyer-Lübke made no etymological comment on Mozar. donnecal ‘doñegal’ in RFE 11.19 (1924). I can quote doñigal from the Comedia Thebayda 174 (Madrid, 1894; originally printed at Valencia in 1521).

²⁴⁶ A. Martínez de Toledo, El Arcipreste de Talavera o el Corbacho, book 1, ch. 34; but in the latest edition by L. B. Simpson, based onthe manuscript rather than on the incunabula, the text reads figo donegal. Emendation to doñegal is easily justifiable.

²⁴⁷ See my forthcoming article on fazaña, pa(s)traña, and past(r)ija in the Hispanic Review.

²⁴⁸ A. Zamora Vicente, El habla de Mérida y sus cercanías 61.

²⁴⁹ See V. García de Diego, Evolución de algunos grupos con s en las lenguas hispánicas, in HMP 2.9–10 (1925). I can quote amacena also from the 18th-century poet Francisco Gregorio de Salas (BAE 67.536b). Cf. almática ‘dalmática’, Dança de la muerte, line 517.

²⁵⁰ M. L. Wagner, Los dialectos judeo-españoles de Karafería, Kastoria y Brusa, in HMP 2.200 (1925).

²⁵¹ The suffix -ēnus was not productive in Ibero-Romance, hence the substitution of OPtg. terreal (Josep ab Arimatia, ed. Nunes, RL 11.236), OSp. terrenal (Purgatorio de San Patricio, ed. Solalinde, HMP 2.232) for terrēnus. Instead of adding on a familiar termination as in terre(n)al (cf. its counterpart çelestrial), speakers of Old Spanish on some occasions replaced -ēnum by -ino < -īnu; cf. venēnu > OSp. benino, venino ‘poison’ (Libro de Alexandre, P, quatr. 1085c, 1385c; El libro de los caballos 121; R. Cota, Cancion. cast. 2.581b); in the medieval Latin-Spanish glossaries tabeficus was translated by ‘beninoso’ (T 510), ‘veninoso’ (E 2344); veninoso reappears in the roughly contemporary Libro de la miseria de omne, quatr. 198b, but the rival form venenoso ‘poisonous’ prevails in El Corbacho, fol. 4ro. OArag. pargamino (see Inventarios aragoneses, ed. Serrano y Sanz, BRAE 2.94, 95, 96; G. Tilander, Fueros aragoneses de 1348, RFE 22.139 [1935]) may go back to Byzantine-Greek pergamīnum rather than to Class. Lat. pergamēnum (REW³ No. 6411). The base *Damascĭnus, showing the replacement of -ēnus by unaccented -ĭnus, has been reconstructed with the aid of Italian (amoscino) and of Modern Greek (δαμάσκηρορ).

²⁵² Comparison with French dialectal material permits a somewhat different interpretation of these data. Amégue (Caen), améche (Orne) ‘sour cherry’ beside dumêche (Rennes), OFr. domesche, damesche, domesgue (the variant *damesgue has not yet been identified), OGasc. and OLand. mesche, Bearn. amèche have all been traced by A. Thomas, Mélanges de philologie française² 18–9 (Paris, 1927) to domesticus as used, speaking of fruits and berries, in contrast to silvestris. The same author quotes strikingly differentiated forms from Lower Maine: adjectival domèche and demèche beside substantival mèche; the picture is rounded out by ONorm. ameschier ‘malus pontica’ and emmeschier ‘cerasus pontica’ (a.d. 1541, 1544), which suggest the reconstruction of *amesche ‘apple’ and *emmesche ‘cherry’ (Thomas, op.cit. 227–8). The shift o > a in the pretonic syllable is tentatively attributed to the influence of amer ‘bitter’ and the loss of initial d- is illustrated with a number of comparable cases, including Med. Lat. danamarca > OFr. anemarche ‘Danish wood’, Wall. anemarche, animarche. Opinions expressed on these formations by other writers (Meyer-Lübke, REW³ Nos. 2465, 2732; Horning, ZRPh., Beiheft 56.71; Wartburg, FEW 3.123) mostly favor the alternate derivation from Damascus, plausible on account of the influence exerted by Syria on Occidental horticulture. Observe the labialization in OGal. Domás ‘Damascus’ (Alfonso the Learned, Cantiga 9).

By combining these scattered bits of evidence one can reconstruct the following picture. At the bottom of all the formations here enumerated there may lie domesticus as applied to refined varieties of fruits cultivated in orchards. After the substitution of casa and mānsiō for domus as the standard expression for ‘house’ the derivative domesticus ceased to be as meaningful as it had been originally; it continued, with increasing vagueness, to be associated with ‘manorial, noble, refined’ and was easily attracted by the phonologically similar (and genetically, in a measure, kindred) dominus with its numerous derivatives. Hence the assumed confusion between domesticus and dominicus, dominicālis; in parts of Asturias, the new connotation spread even to dominicānus (omitted in REW³), to judge by mingán (Colunga), which B. Vigón defines as ‘sort of yellowish, very tasty apple’ (185); cf. Mont. peromingán > pĭru (do)minicānu ‘sort of apple’ (González Campuzano, BBMP 2.123). The abundance of forms may be attributed to the frequently observed inclination of speakers to connect -ĭcus with further adjectival suffixes, including -iānus; see Thomas, op. cit. 23. At this juncture, the influx of names of fruits developed from Damascus is entirely likely to have led to added confusion. It then became possible, through false separation, to apheresize some of the formations (especially those contaminated by Damascus to the extent of having replaced original do- by da-). The most advanced stage of disintegration, according to this alternate hypothesis, was the complete loss of the initial syllable.

²⁵³ References to Old Spanish and Old Portuguese texts have been given with the utmost brevity; for full titles, see Lg. 21.181–3 (1945) and UCPL 1.129–32, 141–2 (1945); of the two manuscripts of the Biblia medieval romanceada here quoted, I-j-8 has been referred to on the basis of R. Oroz's glossary (to the edition of Buenos Aires, 1927) and I-j-4 on the basis of O. H. Hauptmann's forthcoming edition.

[Additions made in proof: To note 71a: OSp. forniguero (Cortes de León y Castilla 2.95; Toledo glossary 149), fornicador (Toledo glossary 412; Confisión del amante, fol. 196ro) and their congeners go back to a verb in -ĭcāre, not in -īcāre; cf. Ernout-Meillet's reaction to Meyer-Lübke's error. To note 79: Sp. barragan(a) beside Ptg. barregã, barregueiro, OPtg. barragueeiro is of obscure parentage; see BF 7.301 (1942), 8.364 (1947–8). To note 85: In the Arabic stratum, observe the wavering between alfóndega and (al)fóndiga < al-fundao; see E. K. Neuvonen, Los arabismos del español en el siglo XIII 37–8 (Helsinki, 1941). To note 221: OSp. missiego: Alexandre, P, quatr. 2400a; miesego: ibid., P, quatr. 2528a.]