Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2026
Most cases of long-distance consonant dissimilation can be characterized as local (occurring across a vowel) or unbounded (occurring at all distances). The only known exception is rhotic dissimilation in Sundanese (Cohn 1992; Bennett 2015a,b), which applies in certain non-local contexts only. Following a suggestion by Zuraw (2002:433), I show that the pattern can be analyzed in a co-occurrence-based framework (Suzuki 1998) by invoking two unbounded co-occurrence constraints, *[r],..[r] and *[l]…[1], whose effects in local contexts are obscured by a drive for identity between adjacent syllables. Statistical trends in the lexicon are consistent with this analysis. I compare the predictions of this analysis to those of Bennett's (2015a,b) and suggest that the present proposal is preferable.
For helpful feedback I am grateful to Gillian Gallagher, Maria Gouskova, Megan Crowhurst, and two anonymous reviewers. For questions I thank audiences at MIT, NYU, and the GLOW 48 Phonology Workshop, as well as the Fall 2018 Computational Phonology class at NYU. Special thanks to Abby Cohn for feedback and discussion, plus help with Sundanese resources; and to Eri Kurniawan, Ivanakbar Purwamaska, and Anhari Raushanfikri for help with glosses.