^{page 388 note 1} Old-French Titles of Respect in Direct Address, Baltimore, 1908.

The following texts, either in whole or in part, have been read for this study: Alexandre (ed. Meyer), Aie d'Avignon, Aiquin, Wace's Brut, Conte de la Charrette, Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, Cligès, Erec, Fierebras, Gui de Bourgogne, Gui de Nanteuil, Ivain, Perceval le Gaulois, Roman de Rou, Saisnes, Roman de Thèbes, Roman de Troie, and the Chevalerie de Vivien. In addition to these texts, see list of texts cited in Stowell, Old French Titles of Respect in Direct Address, under General Bibliography. Also, the following cartularies, either in whole or in part, from the North, South, East, West, and Center of France, have been examined for this study: Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Aubin d'Angers; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras; Cartulaire d'Aureil; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Beaulieu en Limousin; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Bonport; Recueil des Chartres de Boussages; Cartulaire municipal de Cahors; Cartulaire de l'ancien diocèse de Carcasonne; Cartulaire de Notre-Dame de Challans; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Père de Chartres; Cartulaire de l'abbaye Saint Corneille de Compiegne; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Conques en Rouergue; Cartulaire de Saint-Spire de Corbeil; Chartres de Corbigny; Cartulaire du prieuré de Saint-Geneviève de Fronsac; Cartulaire de l'Aumônerie de Saint-Martial de Limoges; Cartulaire de Loc-Dieu; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Victor de Marseille; Cartulaire des Guillems de Montpellier; Cartulaire du Chapitre de l‘église Notre Dame de Nîmes; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Noyers; Cartulaire de l‘église cathédrale Saint-Croix d'Orleans; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Perseigne; Cartulaire de la ville de Rodez (in Coutumes et privilèges du Rouergue, Vol. I, par Em. Baillaud et P. A. Verlaguet, Toulouse, 1904): Cartulaire de La Chartreuse de Saint-Hugon-en-Savoie; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Hubert-en-Ardenne; Cartulaire de Saint-Jean-d'Angely; Cartulaire de Sauxillanges; Cartulaire de l'abbaye de Saint-Sernin de Toulouse; Cartulaire de l'abbayes de Tulle et de Roc-Amadour; Cartulaire du monastère de Saint-Pierre de Vigeois; and Cartulaire de l'abbaye d'Uzerche.

^{page 389 note 1} For a description of the maisniee, see Stowell, op. cit., p. 8.

^{page 390 note 1} Flach (Les Origines de l'Ancienne France, Paris, 1886-93, Vol. iii, pp. 435 ff.) has given the name of compagnonage to this relationship. See infra, pp. 400 ff.

^{page 390 note 2} See supra, p. 388, note 1.

^{page 390 note 3} See also Stowell, op. cit., p. 10.

^{page 390 note 4} See examples quoted infra. In the Old-French texts, the “normal” meaning of amistié was ‘friendship,’ the “normal” meaning of amis was ‘friend.’ Examples of the words used in these meanings are found in works of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries and from all sections of the territory. Amis was also universally employed in the meaning ‘lover’ in texts of the same centuries and from all sections of France. See Stowell, op. cit., pp. 16 ff.

^{page 391 note 1} See examples quoted infra. A seigneur's personal follower was also designated as his privé, his feeil, or his dru. These terms do not stand, however, for any relationship between them. They were, furthermore, synonymous with amis, as may be seen from the following examples: Ne fust Hunaus, qui i estoit venu, Gautiers de Termes, ses amis et ses druz. (Covenant Viviens, 1398); “Que fait mes amis et mes druz, Percevaus, li bien afaities” (Perceval le Gaulois, 23738); De cest prist Rous estreiz conseilz Od ses amis, od ses feilz (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 4958); see also Renaut de Montauban, p. 133: Gui de Nanteuil, 1364, 1365; Alexandre (ed. Meyer), 247.

^{page 391 note 2} See Stowell, op. cit., pp. 16 ff.

^{page 391 note 3} In my previous study, I have shown that it was natural that such a name should be given to this relationship because the relation existing between a Roman seigneur and his vassals was also that of amistié (amicitia). See op. cit., p. 11.

Fustel de Coulanges, Les Origines du Système Féodal, pp. 205 ff., conclusively proves that, during the Roman and Frankish Empires, the powerful clients or vassals of a great seigneur were designated as his amici, while the bond which united them to him was amicitia. Du Cange (Glossarium) says under amicus: Sic more regum nostrorum, domini superiores amicos appellabant feudales suos, and cites in confirmation of his statement such examples as the following: Egiddeo regalium primus amicorum appelatus est (Vita Ludovici Imp. ap. Pertz); Quidam nobilium, G. nomine praepotens vir, dominus castri quod sinemurus vocatur minia capitis infirmitate oppressus … totam funditus perdidit memoriam. Unde omnis ejus clientela, quae in obsequio illius non pauca deserviebat, mente consternata super suo dominio, questibus et lamentis, expers consilii omnem suam impendebat operam. Quique etiam viri illustres, qui seu affinitate seu amicitia, seu beneficia sibi adjuncti videbantur, super hoc ipsius infortunio valde afflicti, non minima detinebantur cordio angustia. Communi igitur consilio inito statuerunt debere eum invisere praecipuorum memorias sanctorum (Miracles de Saint Benoit, livre viii, par Raoul Tartaire, pp. 346-7; fin XI siècle).

^{page 392 note 1} In op. cit., p. 20, it was shown that the origin of the use of amistié as the term to denote the relation between seigneur and follower lies in the use of amis as a title in direct address. It was to the advantage of a seigneur to make the bonds which joined his followers to him as easy as possible. He consequently aimed at concealing his superiority under a veil of seeming comradeship, and at conciliating and flattering his followers by placing them, in appearance at least, on a level of equality with himself. With a view to doing this, he chose the simple expedient of addressing them as amis, a title which implied equality between the speaker and hearer. The follower, however, realized that this equality, thus implied by the seigneur, was a fiction, and that the nature of the bond between them differed, to a considerable degree, from friendship in the “normal” meaning of that word (see infra, p. 393). The relation between them consisted in the condescending good will of a superior toward an inferior as manifested by the seigneur, and in the respectful homage of an inferior to a superior as offered by the vassal. Such being the case, the meaning of amis, as used as a title to designate this relationship, differed considerably from the “normal” meaning of the word as used to designate true friendship. Superiority and condescending good will on the part of the speaker were the most important concepts composing this “transferred” meaning, which was, from the speaker's standpoint, ‘a man toward whom I have the condescending good will of a superior in his relation to a follower of his maisniee.’ Used in this “transferred” meaning otherwise than as a title, amis signified ‘a member of the maisniee’ and amistié came to be employed as a term to designate the tie between a seigneur and the members of his maisniee.

^{page 392 note 2} Rou parcels out conquered land to his followers: A departir e a doner la terre a ses plus hauz amis; Si cum il sunt de major pris (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 7027).

^{page 392 note 3} The Duke of Poitou is asked by Count William of Normandy for the hand of his sister: Por aveir od vos aliance, Amor, tenemenz, e fiance, Dunt nos seion mais a tuz dis Entre nos deus charneus amis (Chroniques des Dues de Normandie, ii, 9878).

An emperor, speaking of the death of many of his men and relatives, including his brother, says: “Mors sont mes hommes et mes charnelx amys” (Aquin, 1038); Renaus fu en la tor o ses charnels amis (Renaut de Montauban, p. 367; speaking of relatives of Renaut); Qui ot cosin, neveu, ne frere, Ami charnel, oncle, ne pere, Ne l'i atent plus que autri (Guillaume de Palerme, 2375; speaking of a battle); Il s'entrebesent, neveu sont et ami (Couronnement Louis, 1486; speaking of Count William and his nephews); in the Charroi de Nimes (600), the nephews of Count William are spoken of as his amis; in the Rou (Part II, 3310) the nephews of King Otes are spoken of as his amis.

^{page 392 note 4} Car il n'ublieront jamés lor parens, lor oncles, lor peres, lor neveus, lor fils, et lor freres, Et lor altres amis procains Que nous avons mort a nos mains (Brut, 530).

^{page 392 note 5} Il n'est pas sans amis, maint on a naturel (Renaut de Montauban, p. 372, speaking of a powerful noble).

^{page 393 note 1} Emperor Charles says that he desires to be beloved: Et bien de mon barnage et mes amis privés (Renaut de Montauban, p. 271).

^{page 393 note 2} See examples quoted infra.

^{page 393 note 3} The mutual equality of friendship is clear in those cases where amis and amistié are employed in their “normal” meanings. Examples in the Old-French are the following: Rollant apelet sun ami et sun per (Roland, 1975; Oliver is referred to); Viaut done Yvain ocirre Mon seignor Gauvain, son ami (Yvain, 6071).

^{page 394 note 1} The nature of this relationship has been already discussed on supra, page 392, note 1, where it has been shown to have consisted in the condescending good will of a superior toward an inferior as manifested by the seigneur and in the respectful homage of an inferior to a superior as offered by the vassal.

^{page 394 note 2} The personal followers of Count William of Orange (Couronnement Louis, 2659), of Count Viviens (Covenant Viviens, 1398), of the Saracen king (Covenant Viviens, 76), of King Otes (Rou, Part II, 3165), of Rou (Rou, Part ii, 357), of Count William of Normandy (Rou, Part ii, 1507), of Count Tiebaut of Chartres (Rou, Part ii, 4011), of Count Richard of Normandy (Rou, Part ii, 4034), of the King of England (Brut, 5932), of the King of Norway (Brut, 10090), of King Arthur (Cligès, 1063; Charrette, 6878; Perceval le Gaulois, 23738), of Emperor Charles of France (Roland, 2024; Aquin, 1017; Renaut de Montauban, p. 13; p. 271), of King Louis of France (Aliscans, 3296), of King Alexander of Greece (Alexandre, Arsenal mss., 247) are spoken of as the amis of their seigneur, In these examples and in more than three hundred others gathered for this study, the seigneur is never spoken of as the amis of his followers.

^{page 394 note 3} King Arthur addresses Lancelot as “amis” (Charrette, 6878); Lancelot addresses him as “beaus sire.” For a more complete discussion of this question, see Stowell, op. cit., pp. 19 ff., and pp. 195 ff. Among the eight hundred and more examples of amis gathered for that study, there is not a single example in which the word was used by a follower as a title for a seigneur.

^{page 394 note 4} Speaking of two men bound by amistié: Cume sires vassal li uns l'altre honura (Rou, Part ii, 1346); see also, supra, p. 392. note 1.

^{page 395 note 1} Richard of Normandy (follower) and the King of France (seigneur) make a truce: Les trieves a dunees e si a otreié, Qu'entre lui et le rei preignent ferme amistié, Devant tut le barnage e devant le clergé, Altrement, tendreit tut a gap e a feintié (Row, Part ii, 4331). The King of France sends word to the King of Germany, his follower, Qu'il viegne prendre od lui amur e aliance, Amistiez sans feintise ki ja mais n'ait seurance, Si seit aseuree entrels par covenance Que l'uns d'els n'ait vers l'altre dute ne mescreance (Rou, Part ii, 1603); Hugh Capet comes to Normandy to visit the Duke, his follower, Pur prendre amur al duc e pur els aproismier (Rou, Part ii, 1561); The King of France and Rou, his follower, become great comrades: Li reis a l'amistié de Rou graantee. Jur asist as mesages qu'ele fust afermee (Rou, Part ii, 297).

^{page 395 note 2} Emperor Charles tells a noble, his follower and amis, that if he does not give him certain information: “M'amistiez et la vostre ert tote departie” (Gui de Bourgogne, 100); Count William is angry with King Louis, his seigneur, because the latter will not aid him to succor Aliscans: Et dist au roi: “Vostre fié vos randon; N'en tendrai mes vaillissant un bouton, Ne vostre amis serai ne vostre homs (Aliscans, 3296).

^{page 395 note 3} See Aliscans, 2877 ff.

^{page 395 note 4} At Arthur's coronation, A cels qui d'autre terre estoient, Qui por amur a lui venoient, Dona armes et bons destriers, Et ses aornemens plus chiers (Brut, 10815); A noble parcels out conquered territory to his followers: La terre a ses plus hauz amis, Si cum il sunt de major pris (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 7027); A certain king: De par tout son rivage a les bons chevax pris, Les nez et les galies qu'il donne a ses amis (Gui de Nanteuil, 1909).

^{page 395 note 5} See Rou, Part ii, 1603 (quoted supra, note 1).

^{page 396 note 1} Count William of Normandy says to his followers: “S'a mei servir estes joius E entendis e desiros, Si vos tendrai amis feeiz Que tot ferai a vos conseilz” (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 9046).

^{page 396 note 2} Count William worries about his nephew Viviens whom he believes killed by the Saracens, he says: “Comment porrai mon chier ami vengier” (Covenant Viviens, 1118); A king speaking of his nephew who has been killed, says: “Mun ami voil vengier que Normant m'unt tué” (Rou, Part ii, 3310).

^{page 396 note 3} This is shown by the constant coupling in the Old-French texts of amour and foi. Examples are the following: “Tes hom serai par amur et par feid” (Roland, 3893); Ki ne porte a hume ne fei ne amistié (Rou, Part ii, 3478); “Vos estes tuit mi home a masse. Si me devez amor et foi” (Charrette, 1790).

^{page 396 note 4} See Rou, Part ii, 1603 (quoted supra, p. 395, note 1); “Por quoi voloies ton droit seignor boisier? Tu le deusses amer et tener chier, Croistre ses terres et alever ses fiez” (Coronnement Louis, 140).

^{page 396 note 5} De cest prist Rous estreiz conseilz Od ses amis, od ses feilz (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 495); Mais son conseil en ot ain pris, A son frere et a ses amis (Brut, 7169, speaking of a powerful noble).

^{page 396 note 6} Emperor Louis says to Count William, his follower: “Gardé m'avez et servi par amor” (Charroi de Nimes, 307); Speaking of a powerful duke: Et a de bons amis, ce sevent li auquant, Ki bien li aideront a son besoing plus grant (Renaut de Montauban, p. 3); On a warlike expedition, a seigneur calls upon his amis for aid: Hunalt qui sire ert del pais, Mandé sa gent et ses amis (Brut, 6032); An amis promises his seigneur: “Sire,” fet il “je vos plevis Que ja tant con je vis M'avroiz de mon secors mestier, Que ne vos aille lues aidier A quanque je porrai mander” (Erec, 3911).

If a follower refuses aid, he ceases to be the amis of his seigneur. Ce dist chascuns: “Se deus me saut, N'est vostre amis qui ci vos faut” (Cligès, 1309).

^{page 397 note 1} In the early period of the Frankish kingdom, all the followers of a seigneur were personal followers. It was only with the development of the Feudal System that land became the basis of society. This change was taking place before the date of the texts which form the basis for this study. See Stowell, op. cit., pp. 1-8.

^{page 397 note 2} Vassals and hom, referring to followers, were synonymous in Old-French.

^{page 397 note 3} Compare the relations of William of Orange and Emperor Louis, or between Girart de Roussillon and his sovereign.

^{page 397 note 4} Il fet ses homes et ses amis mander (Couronnement Louis, 2659; Count William of Orange decides to set out on an expedition); Otes manda ses humes e manda ses amis (Rou, Part ii, 3165; King Otes sets out on an expedition); “Vostre hom est, ceo vus mande, des or mais e amis” (Rou, Part ii, 2183; Messenger of the Count of Flanders suing for peace from the King of France); Ses amis e ses humes e ses veisins preia (Rou, Part ii, 4011; speaking of Tiebaut, Count of Chartres); A une Pasques a Paris Tint grant feste de ses amis; A ses homes randi lor pertes Et guere dona lor desertes (Brut, 10406; speaking of King Arthur after his conquest of France); Manda amis, manda ses homes (Brut, 14417); Et dist au roi: “Vostre fié vos randon; N'en tendrai mes vaillissant un bouton, Ne vostre amis serai ne vostre homs” (Aliscans, 3296; Count William to King Louis who has refused to aid him relieve Aliscans); Si asamblerent les Englois, Lor amis et lor home tos (Brut, 14309; The Kings of Kent and Northumberland assemble their followers for an expedition); Il a laiens ses homes, ses amis (Renaut de Montauban, p. 60; a count is besieged in his stronghold).

The followers bound to a seigneur by feudal ties were also called his gent or vassal, and differentiated from his amis, his personal followers: “Desramé sire, por quoi vas demorant Que ne semons tes amis et ta gent” (Covenant Viviens, 76); Hunalt qui sire ert del pais Manda sa gent et ses amis (Brut, 6032); Et s'avoit ja grant ost mandee De sa jant et de ses amis (Cligès, 1063); N'out bon ami ne bon vassal Qui la ne fust apareilliez (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 7035).

A follower might be bound to a seigneur by either a realty or a personal bond, or by both. Count William was both the vassals and amis of King Louis (Aliscans, 3296). This dual relation is shown in such examples as the following: “Ses hom serez par amur et par bien, Trestute Espaigne tendrez de lui en fiet” (Roland, 39); “Sis hom es e li deis fei e amur porter” (Rou, Part ii, 3478).

^{page 398 note 1} See supra, p. 397, note 1.

^{page 399 note 1} The date of this shift in meaning was probably the same as that of the shift in meaning of compainz from signifying ‘a fellow chevalier of the same maisniee’ to signifying ‘a fellow chevalier dependent upon the same seigneur.’ See infra, p. 407.

^{page 399 note 2} Op. cit., pp. 26-9.

^{page 399 note 3} The date of this change was about that of the disappearance of compagnonage. See infra, p. 408.

^{page 400 note 1} The compagnonage which existed among all the chevaliers dependent upon the same seigneur has been termed compagnonage of the Lower Degree to differentiate it from the more special and closer compagnonage (Compagnonage of the Higher Degree) which frequently united individual members of the maisniee. See infra, p. 410.

^{page 400 note 2} In the early Middle Ages, chevaliers signified simply ‘an armed horseman.‘ See Stowell, op. cit., pp. 78 ff.

^{page 400 note 3} See supra, p. 389, note 1.

^{page 400 note 4} Like compainz, compagnon, the Old-German word for warrior, gi-mazo, also originally signified ‘he who is a co-eater of the common bread.‘

^{page 400 note 5} In texts from the South of France, the maisniee was often designated as the companha. Et si augun de sa companha aura feyt a d'augun tout (Far d'Olaron, art. 7. Quoted by Flach; see op. cit.).

^{page 400 note 6} Flach (op. cit., pp. 435 ff.) concludes that compagnonage was a relation which existed, not only among the followers of a seigneur, but also between the followers and the seigneur himself. On p. 493, he writes: “Il aurait vu ensuite que le compagnonage est demeuré si vivace que c'est lui qui forme la base essentielle des rapports entre le seigneur et le vassal et que des lors les antithèses qui viennent d‘être alignées s‘évanouissent.” On p. 471, he writes: “Les liens créés par la parenté, par la maisnié, par le compagnonage …. se renforcent, soit entre chef et compagnon, soit entre compagnons d'un même chef, par des pactes d'une énergie croissante.”

^{page 401 note 1} This erroneous conclusion has been based upon examples, numerous in the Old-French texts, where the followers of a seigneur are spoken of as “ses compagnons” or collectively as “sa compagne.” Such examples are the following: Si compaignon i fierent par vigor. (Covenant Viviens, 1737; speaking of the followers of Count William of Orange); Si compaignon od lui s'eslaissent (Brut, 13079; speaking of the followers of a noble of high rank); L'emperere chevauche a la barbe florie; XM.: chevaliers a en sa compaignie (Gui de Nanteuil, 1554; speaking of the followers of Charlemagne); Richart virent plurer entre ses cumpaignuns (Rou, Part ii, 2028; speaking of the Duke of Normandy); “Merci,” ce dist Ogiers, “frans chevalier, baron, Ja estes vos mi home et mi bon compaignon” (Renaut de Montauban, p. 177); “Car, je suis tos armés, si ai mil compaignons” (Renaut de Montauban, p. 194); Or chevauche li rois, il et si compaignon (Gui de Bourgogne, 1680); Car ge m'en vois mes compaignons aidier (Otinel, 1960; Ogier is speaking); Apres mangier ne se remut, Li rois d'antre ses conpeignons (Charrette, 36, speaking of King Arthur); Et avuec lui si conpaignon (Yvain, 2174; speaking of King Arthur).

The sentence “Karles et ses compaignons,” typical of the examples just quoted, may be interpreted to mean ‘Charles and his followers who (with him) are co-eaters of the same bread (Charles’ bread)’ or ‘Charles and his followers who (with one another) are co-eaters of the same bread (Charles’ bread).' Previous writers have erred in accepting the first interpretation of this and similar examples. There is nothing in these examples which shows that the first interpretation is correct, while there are certain of these examples in which it is clearly shown that compagnonage existed, not between the seigneur and follower, but among the followers. In Renaut de Montauban (p. 156), Girart de Roussillon and his brother are at war with Charles and: Il desconfirent Karle et ses conpaignons. Speaking (p. 156) of these same compagnons, the author says: Loiher, le fils Karlon, A .CCC. chevaliers qui furent compagnon. In Gui de Bourgogne (1150), we read: Or s'ajoustent ensemble li .III C. compengnon Que Gui ot amené de Nanteuil, sa maison. Later (1746), these compagnon are referred to as “si compengnon.” For further examples, see Bel Desconu, 166-947, and Perceval le Gaulois, 722-55.

These examples show clearly that, in such sentences as “Karies et si compaignon,” compagnonage probably existed among the followers and not between seigneur and follower.

^{page 402 note 1} See examples quoted elsewhere in this study. Especially interesting are the following:

“Or seres compaignon, vous et Joubert, Naires ert li tiers, de Saint Lambert.” King Louis says this to the hero of the Aiol (4512), proposing to him that he take two compagnons: if the compagnonage between them had included the king, the latter would never have said: “Do you be compagnons!” Compagnons ou convasseaux, tenens fiefs du dit seigneur (Cont de Chauny, Vol. i, p. 659 (quoted by DuCange); Compainz is here the synonym of covassal; it is clear that the compagnonage does not exist between the seigneur and the follower, for a seigneur could not be the covassal of his own vassal; Atant ez vous poignant Berengier et Sanson, Beraut et Amauguin, cil furent compaignon Qui maintienent la guerre por Aye d'Avignon. Aye d'Avignon, 2107; Plairoit vos a oïr qui sont li compaignon. Aye d'Avignon, 1843 (speaking of an expedition that a noble is organizing).

In the Bel Desconu, there is a certain seigneur of whom it is said that he has three compagnons (568); Later (579, 957), it is shown that the compagnons mentioned were compagnon of one another and were not compagnon of the seigneur.

^{page 402 note 2} See op. cit.

^{page 403 note 1} See examples quoted elsewhere.

^{page 403 note 2} Roland, for example, is referred to as the compainz of Oliver, Gualtier del Hum, Yvorie, Yvon, and other members of Charles's maisniee (See Roland, 1898, 2055y, 2178); he is never referred to as the compainz of Charles or vice versa. Gauvain is referred to as the compainz of Lancelot, Erec, Yvain, and others (See Charrette, 6823; Erec, 4153; Yvain, 2422; Cligès, 398); he is never referred to as the compainz of Arthur, or vice versa. The examples in which the followers of a seigneur collectively are referred to as “si compaignon” have already been explained. See p. 401, note 1.

^{page 403 note 3} See Stowell, op. cit., under Compainz.

Roland, for example, addresses Oliver and other members of Charles' maisniee as compainz. See Roland, 1360, 1456, 2255y. He never thus addresses Charles.

^{page 403 note 4} In the Charroi de Nimes (311), King Louis tells Count William to take the land of another count. Then, says he: “Serviront toi .iij M. compaignon.” In the Aliscans (7096), a noble desires to start out alone on an expedition. He says: “Ja n'i menrai ne compaignon ne per.” In the Bel Desconu (520), a certain noble has three followers: Si estoient si compaignon, Son commant lisent sans tençon.

^{page 404 note 1} Count William of Orange had: En sa compaigne maint chevalier membré (Prise d'Orange, 137); “Il (God) saut et beneïe l'empereor Karlon, Et toute sa compaigne de chevaliers” (Renaut de Montauban, 250); On the Nimes expedition, Count William of Orange had En sa compaigne maint gentiz chevaliers (Charroi de Nimes, 686); The brother of Count William, Hernaut, Grant compaigne de chevaliers mena (Aliscans, 2405). Berengiers chevaucha, il et sa compaignie. Et sont plus de .XXM. chevaliers que il guie (Aye d'Avignon, 1175); Li Vallet (young noble of high rank) est montés, o soi .M. compegnons. N'i ot pas escuiers, ne serjans, ne garchons (Gui de Nanteuil, 2040); Et avuec lui (King Arthur) si compaignon, Et trestuit cil de sa maisniee (Yvain, 2174); Car il (noble of high rank) ne mena home o sei, Ne escuier ne compaignon (Thèbes, 575); Cinquante furent chevailer Qui sivirent le messagier: …. Cinquante furent compaignon, N'i ot escuier ne garcon (Thèbes, 1475); Nous fusmes ja ensemble escuier, compaignon, En la cort au bon roi (Aye d'Avignon, 2051); King Arthur promises to give Alexander, a young noble, five hundred: chevaliers galois et mil serjanz de ma terre. Quant Alixandres voit ses janz, Ses compaignons et ses serjanz, Teus con li rois li viaut doner (Cligès, 1473. In this sentence, compaignon and chevalier are synonymous, and both are differentiated from the serjant).

^{page 405 note 1} L'emperere chevauche a la barbe florie; .XM. chevaliers a en sa compaignie (Gui de Nanteuil, 1554).

^{page 405 note 2} Allowing for the exaggeration of the Old-French texts, we may still conclude that the compagne was often very large.

^{page 405 note 3} .XX. milie Franz unt en lur cumpaignie (Roland, 587).

^{page 405 note 4} En petit d'eure en ot trente milliers (Charroi de Nimes, 665).

^{page 405 note 5} Atant ez vos le fort roi Haucebier. En sa compaigne sont paien .XX. millier (Aliscans, 163).

^{page 405 note 6} Sire fu des Bretons, En ot en sa compaignie .XXX M. compengnons (Gui de Nanteuil, 2360).

^{page 405 note 7} Berengiers chevaucha, il et sa compaignie, En sont plus de .XX M. chevaliers que il guie (Aye d'Avignon, 1175).

^{page 405 note 8} Et vees si venir Fouques de Moreillon, Et sunt en sa compaigne plus de mil compaignons (Renaut de Montauban, 181): for further examples, see Charroi de Nimes, 311; Renaut de Montauban, pp. 262, 263; Aliscans, 4397, 5169.

^{page 406 note 1} See supra, p. 397, note 1.

^{page 406 note 2} By the holding of a fief or tenure.

^{page 407 note 1} Before the composition of the Roland, compainz had also occasionally shifted to mean ‘comrade.’ When compainz signifying ‘a fellow chevalier dependent upon the same seigneur’ fell into disuse, the meaning ‘comrade’ became the usual signification of the word, a signification it has kept until the present day. See Roland, 1821 2565; Brut, 835, 1211; Rou, Part ii, 4061; Yvain, 6, 468; Alexandre, 123 (ed. Meyer).

^{page 407 note 2} The compagnons referred to in the Roland are always members of the maisniee of some seigneur. In the following examples, they are members of Charles' maisniee: Roland, 285, 793, 858, 878, 884, 1020, 1160, 1253, 1261, 1368, 1379, 1482x, 1482h, 1515, 1580, 1692, 1757, 1898, 1975, 2018, 2055y, 2178, 2186, 2201, 2236, 2404, 3194, 3776. In the following example, they are members of the maisniee of a Saracen leader: Roland, 941.

^{page 408 note 1} In the Charroi de Nimes, Emperor Louis advises Count William to take possession of the estate of a certain count. Then, says Louis: “Serviront toi .III M. compaignon” (Charroi de Nimes, 311). This example shows clearly that the personal bond was already firmly established, that the compagnon belonged to the land and served whomsoever possessed the land.

^{page 408 note 2} Octa qui fius Henguist estoit, A cui li rois doné avoit Grans terres et grans mansions a lui et a ses compaignons: Brut, 8631.

^{page 408 note 3} In the Renaut de Montauban (p. 265), Emperor Charles tries to bribe Oliver to attack Renaut. “If you do so,” says Charles, “Et s'aures Janvre et Pise tot en vostre abandon, Dont vos aures en fief .XM. compaignons.”

^{page 408 note 4} Reworkings of earlier works, they preserve much of the cultural conditions of these works.

^{page 408 note 5} See Flach, op. cit.

^{page 408 note 6} See examples of compagnonage from the texts of that period quoted supra.

^{page 408 note 7} “ Cumpaignon, or as armes: N'alez mie targant” (Rou, Part ii, 3800; Duke of Normandy to followers); Fist Hasteins venir ses baruns, Bier e tuz ses cumpaignons (Rou, Part i, 638); Richard (Duke of Normandy) virent plurer entre ses compaignuns (Rou, Part ii, 2028); Mais or oiez cume li avint A de ses meillors compaignons, E a ses plus riches barons (Chroniques des Ducs de Normandie, ii, 2725; speaking of a duke); Od lui ot mort deus mil Bretons, De tos les meillors compagnons. (Brut, 1319; speaking of the King of Brittany who is killed).

^{page 409 note 1} Or s'ajoustent ensemble li .III C. compegnon Que Gui ot amené de Nanteuil sa maison (Gui de Nanteuil, 1150; speaking of personal followers of Gui de Nanteuil); Apres mangier ne se remut Li rois (Arthur) d'antre ses compeignons. Mout ot an la sale barons (Charrette, 36); Et avec lui (Arthur) si conpaignon Et trestuit cil de sa mesniee (Yvain, 2174); Et il (noble of high rank) a .III. cens compagnons, s'en va poignant as pavellons (Perceval le Gaulois, 11823); Que li rois (Arthur) n'avoit compagnon Qu'il ne retist de traison (Perceval le Gaulois, 16019); Jou ai, mon essiant, veu Des compagnons le roi Artu (Perceval le Gaulois, 6311); Devant le roi (Arthur) vint la pucele; Moult le salua simplement, Et ses compaignon ensement (Bel Desconu, 166); “Je vos rotieng a compaignon, Et met en la Table Reonde” (Bel Desconu, 222; King Arthur to young noble); for other examples, see Erec, 2443, 2693, 2739; Yvain, 90, 3260, 4935; Cligès, 110, 356; Perceval le Gaulois, 15929, 15796, 16191, 18507.

^{page 409 note 2} Many of these are reworkings of earlier works.

^{page 410 note 1} Such texts as Guillaume d'Angleterre, Flor et Blanchefleur, Guillaume de Palerme, etc.

^{page 410 note 2} See supra, p. 404.

^{page 410 note 3} See Stowell, op. cit., p. 14.

^{page 410 note 4} Oliviers monte desur un pui halcor, Si'n apelet Rollant, sun cumpaignun (Roland, 1020); Oliviers en apele, son valiant compaignon (Renaut de Montauban, p. 221; speaking of Roland); Et c'est Rollans au vermeis ciglaton, Et d'autre part, son tres chier compaignon, Ce c'est li quens qui Oliviers a non (Otinel, 51); also, see Roland, 793, 1160, 1368, 1515, 1692, 1975, 2018, 2201, 3690; Renaut de Montauban, p. 224; Otinel, 974.

^{page 411 note 1} Li quens Gerins siet en ceval Sorel, Et sis cumpaing Geriers en Passe-cerf (Roland, 1379); also, see Roland, 1261, 1269, 2186, 2404.

^{page 411 note 2} “Perdu aves Richart, le meillor compaignon” (Renaut de Montauban, p. 248, one of the Quatre Fils Aymon to brother; Also, see Renaut de Montauban, p. 189, 249, 254, 285).

^{page 411 note 3} Quand Ganes l'entendi, s'an ot grant marison. Il en a apelé Hardré, son compaignon, Tibaut et Alori, et ceus de Morillon (Gui de Bourgogne, 1148); also, see Gui de Bourgogne, 1063.

^{page 411 note 4} Atant ez vous poignant Berengier et Sanson, Beraut et Amauguin, cil furent compaignon (Aye d'Avignon, 2107); Et furent compaignon entre lui et Garnier (Aye d'Avignon, 24; speaking of Duke Berenger and Count Garnier); also, see Aye d'Avignon, 112, 125.

^{page 411 note 5} Li uns a non Semiramis, Et li autres est ses conpainz, S'ont d'un sanblant lor escuz tainz (Charrette, 5817).

^{page 411 note 6} Or a grant joie, or est a lise, Quant son conpeignon a trouvé (Charrette, 6823; speaking of Gauvain who is delighted to have the lost Lancelot return to court).

^{page 411 note 7} “Je sui Erec, qui fu jadis Vostre conpainz” (Erec, 4153; Erec to Gauvain).

^{page 411 note 8} Li dui conpaignon (Yvain, 2686; speaking of Gauvain and Yvain); Por voir, mes sire Gauvains aimme Yvain et conpaignon le claimme, Et Yvains lui (Yvain, 6006; also, see Yvain, 6476); Quar ce est mesire Gauvains Et ses compainz mesire Yvains (Perceval le Gaulois, 13716).

^{page 411 note 9} Mout se feit amer a chascun Nes mes sire Gauvains tant l'aimme Qu'ami et conpaignon le claimme (Cligès, 398; speaking of Alexander).

^{page 411 note 10} See Amis et Amiles, 11, 200, etc

^{page 412 note 1} “Car nos aidiez li doze compagnon” (Roland, 1482x); La riereguarde des .XII. cumpaignuns (Roland, 858); Si cumbatrai as .XII. cumpaignuns (Roland, 878); Tuit sont jugiet li doze cumpaignun (Roland, 884); Et traï par envie les .XII. compaignons, En Reinschevaus morurent a grant confussion (Gui de Bourgogne, 1157); Li .XII. compaignon (Aye d'Avignon, 336); Adone i furent li .XII. compaignon (Otinel, 22); see Gaston Paris, Extraits de la Chanson de Roland, note 14.

^{page 412 note 2} See p. 411, notes 6-8, inclusive.

^{page 412 note 3} Iluec se plévirent lor fois Carados et Aalardins Et Cador, tes en fu la fins Que se tenroient compagnie A trestous les jors de lor vie (Perceval le Gaulois, 13448).

^{page 412 note 4} King Louis says to Aiol, Joubert and Naires “Or serés compaignon, vous et Joubert, Naires ert li tiers, de Saint Lambert” (Aiol, 4512).

^{page 412 note 5} In Amis et Amiles, the heroes are bound by compagnonage. Hardré, a noble, proposes (596) to Amile to become his compainz. The latter answers: “De folie plaidiez. Mon compagnon le pievi je l'autrier Qu'a compaignie n'aurai home soz ciel.”

^{page 412 note 6} Gauvain entered into compagnonage with Lancelot, Erec, Yvain, and Alexander. Yet Lancelot, Erec, Yvain, and Alexander were not compagnon one to the other.

^{page 413 note 1} There are no examples in which a king was the compains of a chevalier, a chevalier of an escuiers, a serjanz, or a bourgeois.

^{page 413 note 2} A description of the ceremony is given in the Girart de Vienne, p. 155 (ed. Tarbé): Rollant parlat au corage aduré: “Sire Olivier, ja ne vos iert celé, Je vos plevis la moie loialté Que plus vos aim que home qui soit né, Fors Karlemain li fort roi coroné; Puisque Deus veut que soions accordé, Jamais n'arai ne chastel, ne cité, Ne bosc, ne ville ne tor, ne fermeté, Que ne partiez, foi que je doi a Dé. Aude panrai, se il vos vient en gré; Et se je puis, ains .IIII. jors passé, Aures au roi et pais et amisté.” Olivier l'ot; si l'en mercié; Andeus ses mains en tent vers damne dé: “Glorious sire, vos soiés aoré Que vers cest home m'avés hui acordé.” “Sire Rollant, ne vos soit pas celé, Je vos aim plus que home qui soit né.” Tot maintenant ont lor chief desarmé; Si s'entrebaisent par bon volente, Puis sont assis sur la verde erbe en pré, Lors fois plevissent en bone volente, Et compaignie en trestot lor aé. (Quoted in Stowell, op. cit., p. 15).

Olivier, speaking of Roland, says: “Car il est mes compainz plevis et afiés.” Renaut de Montauban, p. 237.

A Saracen noble says to a Saracen noble who proposes to go forth to conquer a Christian noble. Dist Jossés d'Alixandre: “Grant folie pensastes: Hui matin par l'aube, quant nous nos desevrames, Compaignie jurames: faus est qui ne la garde: Nous l'iromes tout .V. creventer et abatre (Elie de Saint Gille, 371 ff.).

Compains estoit Ogier le combatant. Par foi plevie, par itel covenant Ne se falront dusqu'as membres perdont“ (Ogier, 5422).

^{page 413 note 3} See supra, note 2.

^{page 413 note 4} Speaking of three men who enter into compagnonage: Si sont compaignié devant li roi; sor sainz se sont juré; pievi por foi. Aiol, 4519; Lo respont lo dus Boves: “Lo sagrament faron Fai aporter j libre on Ihi evangeli son, Juran si compannia, Ihi bango sus el mento. Daurel et Beton, p. 26 (quoted by Flach, see op. cit.).

^{page 413 note 5} The man who broke this oath was considered “faus.” See supra, p. 413, note 2.

^{page 414 note 1} See examples from Girart de Vienne quoted on page 413, note 2. The following example is from the Daurel et Beton (quoted by Flach): Duke Bevue of Antona is a powerful and rich seigneur who enters into compagnonage with Count Gui on the following basis: “Lo meu alue vos solvi, e aujo lolh baro; Et seret vos en gaun segner de ma mayzo. Jurat mi companhia a totz jorns que vivo ab nos. Mas s'ieu prengui molhen e nom venh enfanto, S'ieu mori denan vos, companh, ieu la vos do Mes castels e mas vilas, ma tera e maio. Vos solvi, bels companh, eus meti a bando.” Gui accepts and stipulates: “Et jeo pren lo, si vos plas, ab a ital gaserdo. Guidaray vostras ostz em metray a bando Pertut on vos volres e lai on vos er bo.” The parties to the contract swear the above at Antona, before the assembly of barons: See Ogier, 5422. Quoted, p. 413, note 2.

In the Renaut de Montauban (p. 194), the Quatre Fils Aymon, bound by compagnonage, are hard pressed. Three of them urge the fourth to save himself and let them fight alone. He replies: “U nos i garrons tuit, u nos tuit i morrons.” Later (p. 218), L'uns ne doit faillir l'autre por or ne por mangon.

^{page 414 note 2} “Compainz, ne vos cremés. Od vos irai et mes grans parentés. A vingt milliers seromes bien nombrés. Ne vos falroie que je sui vos jurés.” Ogier, 4931.

“Sire Fromons de Bordelle la grant, Compaignons d'armes avons esté lons tens. Amé vous ai de fin cuer léaument, Bien me montrastes a l'encommencement Puis en l'estour ou j'entrai fierement Vous me guerpites et li votre parant (Garin le Loherain, i, p. 124; quoted by Flach. See op. cit.).

^{page 414 note 3} Et Cador l'a tout detrencié, Si a son compagnon vengié (Perceval le Gaulois, 15401).

^{page 415 note 1} Roland and Renaut de Montauban are about to fight a duel. But Roland pauses: “Renaus,” ce dist Rollans, “i petit m'atendés. G'irai a Olivier le congié demander. Car, il est mes compains plevis et afiés. Ne puis prendre bataille vers home qui soit nés, Que li quens ne la face se il li vient a gré” (Renaut de Montauban, p. 237).

Ganelon defies Roland: Et Olivier por ço qu'est sis cumpainz (Roland, 285).

^{page 415 note 2} Li uns a nom Semiramis, Et li autres est ses conpainz, S'ont d'un sanblant lor escuz tainz (Charrette, 5817).

^{page 415 note 3} See example from Girart de Vienne, quoted on p. 413, note 2. See example from the Daurel et Beton, quoted on page 414, note 1.

^{page 415 note 4} See Amis et Amiles, 1831.

^{page 415 note 5} Roland is engaged to Aude, Oliver's sister. See the example from the Girart de Tienne, quoted on page 413, note 2. See Otinel, 518.

^{page 415 note 6} The Quatre Fils Aymon were compagnon. One of them is killed. Then: Or sont descompaignié li .III. fil Aymon. Renaut de Montauban, p. 189.

^{page 415 note 7} See Aye d'Avignon, 24, 112, 124.

^{page 416 note 1} The influence of the Roland on the authors of such works as Renaut de Montauban, Otinel, Gui de Bourgogne, Aiol, Aye d'Avignon, and Amis et Amiles, is evident.

^{page 416 note 2} See supra, p. 409.