¹ The Song of Roland, trans. Sayers, D. L. (Baltimore 1957) laisse 266, pp. 190–91.Google Scholar

² Liber contra sectam siue haeresim Saracenorum , ed. Kritzeck, James, Peter the Venerable and Islam (Princeton 1964) Lib. I, p. 231: ‘Non ut nostri sepe faciunt armis sed uerbis, non ui sed ratione, non odio sed amore. Amore tamen tali, qualis inter Christicolas et a Christo auersos esse debet, tali qualis inter apostolos nostros et illius temporis gentiles quos ad Christi legem inuitabant, extitit….’ Cf. Kritzeck's comment on this passage, pp. 161–2.Google Scholar

³ This tradition was undoubtedly strong in Catalonia where Ramón de Peñafort (1176/80–1275), Ramón Marti († c. 1286), Paulus Christiani (fl. c. 1263), Ramon Lull (c. 1232–1315), and Arnau de Vilanova (c. 1238–1311) belonged to it, although the last was also a Joachite. Roger Bacon, although he made use of the Joachite tradition of apocalyptic conversion, belongs with Peter the Venerable and the Catalans. I hope to deal with this subject in detail in a future article.Google Scholar

⁴ Neander, Augustus, General History of the Christian Religion and Church, trans. Torrey, Joseph, IV (Boston 1871) 189. Neander, however, suspected the genuineness of the Jeremiah commentary (221, n. 1).Google Scholar

⁵ Throop, Palmer A., Criticism of the Crusade: A Study of Public Opinion and Crusade Propaganda (Amsterdam 1940) 174–5, 283. Runciman, S., ‘The Decline of the Crusading Idea,’ Relazioni del X Congresso internazionale di scienze storiche (Firenze 1955) III 642, which is in part dependent on Throop, makes only a brief reference to the Joachites.Google Scholar

⁶ Fournier, Paul, ‘Joachim de Flore, ses doctrines et son influence,’ Revue des questions historiques 67 (1900) 469–70; Huck, Johannes C., Joachim von Floris und die joachitische Literatur (Freiburg im Breisgau 1938) 153.Google Scholar

⁷ Southern, R. W., Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass. 1962) 40–41. Daniel, Norman, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Edinburgh 1958), gives only scattered references to Joachim (pp. 145, 185, 368).Google Scholar

⁸ Alphandéry, Paul, La chrétienté et l'idée de croisade, Vol. II: Recommencements nécessaires (XII ^e –XIII ^e siècles), text prepared by Alphonse Dupront (L'Évolution de l'humanité, Synthèse collective, 38bis ; Paris 1959) 104–8.Google Scholar

⁹ For a general introduction to Joachim and a review of studies concerning his life, writings, and influence see Bloomfield, Morton W., ‘Joachim of Flora: A Critical Survey of his Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography, and Influence,’ Traditio 13 (1957) 249–311; and Grundmann, Herbert, Neue Forschungen über Joachim von Fiore (Münstersche Forschungen, ed. Trier, Jost and Grundmann, H., 1; Marburg 1950).Google Scholar

¹⁰ This is the hypothesis of Reeves, M. J. with respect to the origin of the Pseudo-Joachite commentaries on Jeremiah and Isaiah. Cf. her ‘The Abbot Joachim's Disciples and the Cistercian Order,’ Sophia 19 (1951) 355–71.Google Scholar

¹¹ Daniel, E. R., ‘A Re-examination of the Origins of Franciscan Joachitism,’ Speculum 43 (1968) 671–6.Google Scholar

¹² Benz, Ernst, ‘Joachim-Studien II: Die Excerptsätze der Pariser Professoren aus dem Evangelium Aeternum,’ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 51 (1932) 415–55; Denifle, Heinrich, ‘Das Evangelium Aeternum und die Commission von Anagni,’ Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 1 (1885) 49–142.Google Scholar

¹³ For Olivi, Peter John see Manselli, Raoul, La ‘Lectura super Apocalipsim’ di Pietro Giovanni Olivi: Ricerche sull'escatologismo medioevale (Studi storici 19–21; Rome 1955). Callaey, Fredegaud, ‘La influence et la diffusion de l'Arbor vitae d'Ubertin de Casale,’ Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 17 (1921) 533–46, lists the various translations of Ubertino's work. The Arbor uitae crucifixae Iesu (Venice 1485) has recently been reprinted with an introduction by Charles Davis at Turin, 1961. For the relationship between the Lectura super Apocalipsim of Olivi and the fifth book of the Arbor uitae see Manselli, R., ‘Pietro di Giovanni Olivi ed Ubertino da Casale (a proposito della Lectura super Apocalipsim e dell' Arbor vitae crucifixae Jesu),’ Studi medievali 6 (1965) 95–122.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For Arnau de Vilanova see Leff, G., Heresy in the Later Middle Ages (New York 1967) I 176–85. Among the other works linked with this group are the Oraculum angelicum Cyrilli with its commentary attributed to Joachim (ed. Piur, Paul, Oraculum Angelicum Cyrilli nebst dem Kommentar des Pseudojoachim, in Briefwechsel des Cola di Rienzo , ed. Burdach, Konrad and Piur, Paul, Teil, IV (Vom Mittelalter zur Reformation, ed. Burdach, K., 2 [Berlin 1912] 223–343); the Vaticinia attributed to Anselm of Marsico (cf. Grundmann, H., ‘Die Papstprophetien des Mittelalters,’ Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 19 [1928] 77–138) and the Liber de Flore (partially edited by Grundmann, H., ‘Liber de Flore,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 49 [1929] 33–91). The history of the. belief in a future Angel-Pope has been treated by Baethgen, Friedrich, ‘Der Engelpapst,’ Schriften der Königsberger Gelehrten-Gesellschaft, Geisteswiss. Kl. 10. 2 (1933) 75–119.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The best study of John of Rupescissa is that of Bignami-Odier, J., Études sur Jean de Roquetaillade (Paris 1952). On the mysterious figure Telesphorus, see Donckel, E., ‘Die Prophezeiung des Telesforus,’ Archivum franciscanum historicum 26 (1933) 29–104, 282–314.Google Scholar

¹⁶ No study has yet been published of the influence of Joachim and Joachitism in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. However, M. J. Reeves is now working on a study of the influence of Joachim which hopefully will fill this gap.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Joachim of Fiore, Liber introductorius in Apocalypsim, published with the Expositio in Apocalypsim (Venice 1527), cap. 6, 7, foll. 6^r–10^r . Reeves, M. J. suggests that the twofold concordia was meant to be more historical, the threefold more mystical (cf. her ‘The Liber figurarum of Joachim of Fiore,’ Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies [1950] 74–77), but this interpretation needs further investigation. On the relationship between Joachitism and the Last World Emperor see Reeves, , ‘Joachimist Influences on the Idea of a Last World Emperor,’ Traditio 17 (1961) 323–70.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Gerard of Borgo San Donnino, for example, saw in Joachim's third status the age of the eternal Gospel which would replace the existing Church (cf. n. 9 above), while Adam March understood Joachim as a prophet of Antichrist's imminence (epistola 43, ed. Brewer, J. S., Monumenta Franciscana [Rolls Series 4; London 1858] 146–7).Google Scholar

¹⁹ On Joachim as an exegete see Grundmann, H., Studien über Joachim von Floris (Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters und der Renaissance, ed. Goetz, W., 32; Leipzig and Berlin 1927) 18–55; Kamlah, Wilhelm, Apokalypse und Geschichtstheologie: Die mittelalterliche Auslegung der Apokalypse von Joachim von Fiore (Historische Studien 285; Berlin 1935, repr. Vaduz 1965); and de Lubac, Henri, Exégèse médiévale: Les quatre sens de l'écriture (Paris 1959–1964) II 1.437–559.Google Scholar

²⁰ Joachim's account of his reception of this revelation may be found in the Expositio in Apocalypsim fol. 39^r_v .Google Scholar

²¹ Joachim, , Liber introductorius c. 6, fol. 6^v. In his brief De septem sigillis (edited by Reeves, M. J. and Hirsch-Reich, B., ‘The Seven Seals in the Writings of Joachim of Fiore with Special Reference to the Tract De septem sigillis,’ Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale 21 [1954] 239–47), Joachim equated the seven seals of the Apocalypse 5.1 with the seven divisions of the first tempus, and the seven etates of the second age with the openings (apertiones) of the seals.Google Scholar

²² Ibid. foll. 6^v–9^r. The Liber figurarum , ed. Tondelli, L., Reeves, M. J. and Hirsch-Reich, B., Il libro delle figure (2nd ed. Turin 1953) II tav. I–IV, vii, x, repeatedly illustrates the parallel series of seven times and wars as does the De septem sigillis (see n. 21 above).Google Scholar

²³ Joachim, Liber figurarum, tav. i–iv, vii–x; Liber introductorius, c. 6, fol. 7^r_v .Google Scholar

²⁴ Joachim, , Liber introductorius, c. 6, fol. 7^v; Liber figurarum, tav. iii–iv, vii–viii.Google Scholar

²⁵ The four beasts come from Daniel 7 where the fourth has ten horns in addition to a small eleventh horn. In the Apocalypse, the dragon (12.3–4) and the beast (13.1) each have ten horns. In Apoc. 17, the beast is ridden by the harlot, Babylon, and the seven heads and ten horns are said to be kings. Joachim consistently takes this group of texts as interlinked.Google Scholar

²⁶ Joachim justifies his expectation of two Antichrists in the Liber introductorius, c.7, foll. 9^v–10^r. Tav. xiv of the Liber figurarum accounts for the two by making the first the seventh head of the dragon, while the second or ultimus antichristus is identified with the dragon's tail.Google Scholar

²⁷ Apoc. 13.3. Joachim, , Expositio in Apocalypsim, pars 4, fol. 164^v; Liber figurarum tav. xiv.Google Scholar

²⁸ Joachim, , Liber figurarum, tav. xiv; Expositio in Apocalypsim, pars 3, fol. 134^v, says that the Mauri are vulgarly called Meselmuti which would seem to refer to the origin of Mesemothus, a reference probably to the Almohads.Google Scholar

²⁹ Joachim of Fiore, Concordia noui ac ueteris testamenti (Venice 1519) 3.2.4, fol. 40^v .Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid. 3.2.6, fol. 41^v: ‘Quantum tamen secundum coaptationem concordie extimare queo, si pax conceditur ab his malis usque ad annum millesimum ducentesimum incarnationis dominice, exinde ne subito ista fiant suspecta mihi sunt omnimodis et tempora et momenta. Erit autem tunc tribulatio qualis non fuit ab initio.’ Google Scholar

³¹ Runciman, S., A History of the Crusades II: The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East (New York 1965) 362–473.Google Scholar

³² Runciman, , History III: The Kingdom of Acre and the Later Crusades (New York 1967) 3–79.Google Scholar

³³ Joachim, , Liber introductorius, c. 8, fol. 10^r_v. See Appendix II, selection 2.Google Scholar

³⁴ Joachim, , Liber figurarum, tav. xiv. See Appendix II, sel. 3.Google Scholar

³⁵ The date of the Liber introductorius is not yet established. The editors of the Liber figurarum conclude that the collection dates either from Joachim's own lifetime or shortly after it (cf. Reeves, M. J., ‘The Liber figurarum …’ [n. 17] 61–70).Google Scholar

³⁶ Possibly the passages date from before the third crusade or at least before its fate was known. The temptation to see in the humiliation of the three kings by the sixth head a reference to the crusade should be resisted.Google Scholar

³⁷ I plan elsewhere to deal with the source problems connected with this interview. It will be argued there that, despite the problems that it raises, Roger of Hoveden's account in the Gesta regis Henrici secundi Benedicti Abbatis (ed. Wm. Stubbs [Rolls Series 49; London 1867] II 151–5) should be accepted as the most accurate account with respect to Joachim's remarks concerning the fate of Richard's crusade. For the date of the interview see Runciman, , II 41–2. For Hoveden's authorship of the Gesta see Stenton, D., ‘Roger of Howden and Benedict,’ English Historical Review 67 (1953) 574–82.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ps. Benedict of Peterborough - Roger of Hoveden, Gesta II 151–2. The list is identical with that of tav. xiv of the Liber figurarum except that the spelling of the fifth name is Melsemutus in the former and Mesemothus in the latter. The Liber introductorius differs only in adding the Persian Chosroes to Mohammed under the fourth persecution and by omitting Melsemutus, leaving the fifth persecutor unnamed and described only as a king of the New Babylon (Joachim, , Liber introductorius, c. 8, fol. 9^r_v). On Mesemutus see also Joachim, , Expositio pars 2, fol. 116^v, pars 3, fol. 134^v, and n. 46 below.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ps. Benedict of Peterborough - Roger of Hoveden, Gesta II 1523: ‘… ex his quinque ceciderunt, scilicet Herodes, Nero, Constantius, Maumet, Melsemutus; et unus est, scilicet Saladinus, qui in praesenti opprimit ecclesiam dei, et eam cum sepulcro Domini, et sancta ciuitate Ierusalem, et cum terra in qua steterunt pedes Domini, in seruitutem redigit; et ipse in proximo amittet regnum Ierosolimitanum et interficietur; et miluorum rapacitas peribit, et erit illorum strages maxima, qualis non fuit ab initio mundi; et fiet habitatio eorum deserta, et ciuitates illorum desolabuntur; et Christiani reuertentur ad admissa pascua, et nidificabunt in eis.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ibid. II 153: ‘Et conuersus ad regem Angliae ait, “Haec omnia reseruauit Dominus et per te fieri permittet, qui dabit tibi de inimicis tuis uictoriam, et ipse nomen tuum glorificabit in aeternum, et tu ipsum glorificabis, et in te ipse glorificabitur, si in opere coepto perseueraueris.”’ Google Scholar

⁴¹ The difficulty could also be removed by accepting the second version of the interview recorded by Roger of Hoveden (Roger of Hoveden, Chronica, ed. Stubbs, Wm. [Rolls Series 51; London 1870] III 75–8) or the more brief accounts of the continental chroniclers (cf. for example, Robert of Auxerre, Chronicon , ed. Holder-Egger, O. [MGH, SS 26; Hannover 1882], an. 1190, pp. 254–5), but this in itself seems to be a reason for thinking that these later versions are less apt to be accurate than the Gesta. Google Scholar

⁴² Joachim, , Expositio, pars 3, fol. 134^v. See Appendix II, sel. 4, paragraph ‘O utinam.’ Google Scholar

⁴³ Ibid. pars 4, fol. 164^v–165^r: Appendix II, sel. 5.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid. pars 3, fol. 133^v: Appendix II, sel. 4, para. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid. fol. 134^r_v: Appendix II, sel. 4, para. ‘Non enim.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Ibid. para. ‘De qua.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid. para. ‘Hi omnes.’ Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid. pars 4, fol. 164^v: Appendix II, sel. 5. Cf. Liber introductorius c. 6, fol. 8^r_v: Appendix II, sel. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See n. 42 supra. Google Scholar

⁵⁰ See pp. 130–33 supra. Google Scholar

⁵¹ Romans 11.25–26: ‘Nolo enim uos ignorare fratres mysterium hoc: (ut non sitis uobis ipsis sapientes) quia caecitas ex parte contigit in Israel, donec plenitudo gentium intraret, et sic omnis Israel saluus fieret.’ Google Scholar

⁵² Matthew 24.14: ‘Et praedicabitur hoc euangelium regni in uniuerso orbe, in testimonium omnibus gentibus: et tunc ueniet consummatio.’ Google Scholar

⁵³ A more detailed treatment of this tradition is presented in the present writer's Joachim of Flora and the Joachite Tradition of Apocalyptic Conversion in the Later Middle Ages (unpublished dissertation; University of Virginia 1966), 67–78.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Thus St. Bernard of Clairvaux, writing in 1146, condemned the persecution of the Jews initiated by the monk Rudolph by appealing to prophecies of their final salvation. Cf. epp. 263, 265: PL 182.567–8 and 570–1.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Joachim, , Liber introductorius, c. 7, fol. 9^V: ‘Usque ad presens dico secundum initium tertii status non secundum finem secundi. Inter initium enim tertii status et finem secundi duarum tempora generationum quasi communiter peraguntur ut compleatur et in eis illud propheticum: “donec nascentur noua, uetera comedetis” [Lev. 25.22]. Vbicumque ergo dicimus “usque ad presens,” ita recipiatur ac si totum tempus generationum istarum ad quarum prope finem deuenisse uidemur pro fine secundi status et initio tertii recipiatur. Et siue dicamus usque ad annum M. CC. incarnationis dominice in quo finis est xl. generationum siue usque ad presens siue usque ad tempus plenitudinis gentium aut conuersionis Israel non putetur esse diuersum quia finis in diuina pagina largo et stricto modo accipi consueuit. Ita ut aliquando dicatur finis mundi, tota sexta etas que inchoauit a Christo, aliquando ille ultimus dies in quo uenturus est dominus ad extremum iudicium. Quod si tota sexta etas dicitur finis mundi, quanto magis una generatio siue due uel tres finis dici possunt siue primi status siue secundi siue tertii.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁶ See for example, Joachim, , Tractatus de uita et regula Benedicti , ed. Baraut, Cipriano, ‘Un tratado inedito de Joaquin de Fiore: De uita sancti Benedicti et de officio divino secundum eius doctrinam,’ Analecta sacra Tarraconensia 24 (1951) c. 42, p. 82, where Joachim interprets the two witnesses, Enoch and Elijah, as ‘… duos ordines inchoatos esse in quibus complenda sint, post quorum passionem, ignis iste diuinus in corda electorum descendet, ut per eos quos ignis iste repleuerit, tam Iudei quam et gentes conuertantur ad fidem.’ In c. 45, pp. 84–85, Joachim links these coming orders with the Benedictine and Cistercian monks from which the transitional monks were to come. Sometimes Joachim speaks of two orders of spiritual men as above, but more often he speaks of a single order; cf. Reeves, M. J., ‘Joachimist Expectations in the Order of Augustinian Hermits,’ Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale [1958] 111–4. Usually the two orders of uiri spirituales are connected with the transitional period, the single ordo monachorum with the third status itself. Of the two orders of uiri, one is characterized often as eremitical, devoting itself to prayer and contemplation, while the other is a preaching order.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See note 56 above. Also Joachim, , Concordia 2.2.5, fol. 21^r_v; 5.50, fol. 85^r; Expositio, pars 3, fol. 137^r_v. Frequently Joachim uses the figure of a circle, i.e. the Gospel came from the Jews to the Greeks to the Latins and in the third status it will proceed from the Latins to the Greeks and finally to the Jews.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Joachim, , Liber figurarum tav. xiv: ‘Post ruinam autem huius antichristi erit iustitia in terra et habundantia pacis: et dominabitur dominus a mari usque ad mare, et a flumine usque ad terminos orbis. “Conflabunt autem homines gladios suos in uomeres et lanceas suas in falces: non leuabit gens contra gentem gladium: nec exercebuntur ultra ad prelium” [Isa. 2.4, altered]. Iudei quoque et multe gentes infideles conuertentur ad dominum, et delectabitur uniuersus populus in pulchritudine pacis: quia contrita erunt capita draconis magni, et draco ipse erit incarceratus in abysso.’ — This is shown figuratively in tavola xxii of the Liber figurarum of Joachim in which two stems, designated populus Iudaicus and populus gentilis, crisscross in rising order to form three circles, inscribed sucessively as those of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. In the third circle the stems reach their full flowering becoming inextricably intertwined. Freedom and contemplation are here to be understood as the monastic libertas and contemplatio (cf. Grundmann, Herbert, Studien [n. 19] 119–156).Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Joachim, , Liber figurarum, tav. xiv: ‘Et draco ipse erit incarceratus in abysso. Hoc est in reliquiis gentium qui erunt in extremis finibus terre. Numerus autem annorum, mensium uel dierum temporis illius soli deo cognitus est. Quo completo et ad summam perducto soluetur iterum sathanas de carcere suo ad persequendos electos dei, quia adhuc residuus erit ille antichristus alius qui designatus est in cauda draconis.’ —Liber introductorius, c. 7, fol. 9^v: ‘In fine temporum et annorum soluetur Sathanas de carcere suo, et exibit et deducet gentes que erunt super quattuor angulos terre et adducet eos in prelium, quorum erit numerus sicut arena maris: et circumdabunt castra sanctorum et ciuitatem dilectam. Erit autem prelium istud ueluti in extremo articulo et in cauda draconis; quia capita iam contrita erunt. Porro princeps exercitus Gog qui erit ultimus antichristus, hunc et exercitum eius iudicabit deus igne et sulphure superfuso de celo.’ Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See n. 10 above. The Super Hieremiam was printed at Venice in 1516 and 1525 and at Cologne in 1577. All references here are to the last of these editions.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See below n. 69. The companion work to the Super Hieremiam, a commentary on portions of Isaiah called the Super Esaiam, is of even more uncertain date, but stems from the same circle and reflects the same ideas. It was printed at Venice in 1517.Google Scholar

⁶² Super Hieremiam c. 20, p. 285: ‘Templum ecclesia Romana scilicet generalis, quae calcanda est uelut ciuitas sancta mensibus quadraginta duobus, generaliter a Christo usque in finem secundi status 42. menses 42. generationes sunt, in quibus affligendus est populus Christianus et terminantur anno Christi, 1260.’ Google Scholar

⁶³ Super Hieremiam, praefatio pp. 4–5; c. 1, pp. 15–32; c. 20, pp. 277–92.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Pseudo-Joachim, , Praemissiones (printed before the Super Hieremiam , Cologne 1577). See Appendix II, sel. 6–7, Cf. also Super Hieremiam, praef. p. 4; ibid. c. 31–32, pp. 361–3. On the conversion of the Muslims see ibid. c. 22, p. 315: ‘Mox quidem cum infixi fuerint pedes in limo haeretico profundi populi Agareni tunc uidebunt et cognoscent quod non sit substantia, id est, subsistere non poterunt in hoc errore, quia uidentes se nudos et spoliatos a gratia redire contendent ad gloriam iam contemptam….’ The same expectation appears in Super Esaiam, fol. 56^r .Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Pseudo-Joachim, , Super Hieremiam. c. 20, pp. 284–5. See Appendix II, sel. 10.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid. pp. 291–2: Appendix II, sel. 11.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Ibid. c. 11, pp. 151–2: Appendix II, sel. 8–9.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ See n. 9 above for the Euangelium aeternum of Gerard. The principal source for the early Franciscan Joachites is the Cronica of Friar Salimbene (ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH, SS 32; Hannover 1905–1913).Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Salimbene, , Cronica an. 1248, pp. 236–7. Angelo of Clareno states that Gerard made the same prophecy in Constantinople at the time of St. Louis' capture in 1250, Gerard having accompanied John of Parma on the latter's embassy: Historia septem tribulationum , ed. Ehrle, F., Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 2 (1886) 268–9.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Runciman, , History, III 255–71.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Salimbene, loc. cit. Google Scholar

⁷² Runciman III 338–342; ‘The Decline of the Crusading Idea,’ (n. 5 above) 637–52; Throop, , Criticism of the Crusade (n. 5) 69–291.Google Scholar

⁷³ Salimbene, an. 1271, p. 492. See appendix I below.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Salimbene 492–5.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid. 494–5: ‘Abbas Ioachym numerum sic exposuit: XLIIº menses XLII^e generationes sunt, quas ponit Matheus, que in nouo Testamento taliter demonstrantur, quia secundum Lucam III [3.23] “ipse Iesus erat incipiens quasi annorum XXX^ta” quando baptizatus est a Iohanne. Pone ergo XL duas generationes a Christo usque ad dies nostros, XXX^ta anno, in quo uerberatorum inchoauit deuotio; qui numerus designatur in pluribus locis, ut ibi, Apoc. XI [11.3]: “Dabo duobus testibus meis, et prophetabunt diebus mille ducentis sexaginta amicti saccis.” … Igitur non uidetur uoluntatis diuine, quod sepulcrum Christi condam gloriosum modo recuperetur; sed quantum fuit de uoluntate pape Gregorii decimi, recuperatum fuisset, nisi mors prestitisset impedimentum. Nam ideo ipsemet fecit passagium, renouauit imperium, celebrauit concilium. Sed dicitur Prover. XXI [21.30]: “Non est sapientia, non est prudentia, non est consilium contra dominum.” Credo reuera — nescio, si decipior — quod propter ista duo, que iste papa attemptauit, Deus eum tulit de medio, quia non est uoluntatis diuine, quod de cetero imperator aliquis surgat post Fridericum secundum, de quo etiam dicitur [Super Hieremiam c. 51, p. 386]: “In ipso quoque finietur imperium, quia etsi successores sibi fuerint, imperiali tamen uocabulo ex Romano fastigio priuabuntur.” Non uidetur etiam uoluntatis esse diuine, quod sepulcrum recuperetur, quia multi hoc attemptare uolentes in uanum reperti sunt laborasse. Et ideo, quantum ad hoc negotium, dicere potest ecclesia illud Ys. XLIX [49.4]: “In uacuum laboraui, sine causa et uane fortitudinem meam consumpsi.”’ Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ibid. 495: ‘Quod autem sequitur in uersibus illis: “Nunc male captiui tunc conuertentur Achiui,” id est Greci, sic potest intelligi, quia ad litteram Greci interfuerunt concilio Lugdenensi, quod a papa Gregorio decimo extitit celebratum, promittentes reuerti ad Romane ecclesie unitatem…. Porro de conuersione Grecorum dicit abbas Ioachym in expositione euangelistarum super illo loco Io. IIII [4.4]: “Oportebat autem eum transire per Samariam.”’ Cf. Joachim, , Tractatus super quatuor euangelia, ed. Buonaiuti, E. (Fonti per la storia d'ltalia 67; Roma 1930) 144–52, esp. p. 149.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See n. 72 above. On the conversion of the Jews and Gentiles see Salimbene, , Cronica, 495: ‘De conuersione autem Iudeorum exponit idem abbas euangelium Luc. II [2.46]: “Et factum est post triduum, inuenerunt illum in templo sedentem in medio doctorum et cet.” usque ad finem capituli. Vide in libro abbatis, quia pulcherrima et delectabilis expositio est ac ueritate plena. Item de conuersione Iudeorum dicit Ys. X [10.21–23]: “Reliquie conuertentur, reliquie, inquam, Iacob ad Dominum fortem. Si enim fuerit populus tuus Israel quasi arena maris, reliquie conuertentur ex eo. Consummatio abbreuiata inundabit iustitiam. Consummationem enim et abbreuiationem dominus Deus exercituum faciet in medio omnis terre.” Idem habetur Ys. XXVIII [28.22]. Item de conuersione Iudeorum habetur Osee III [3.4–5]: “Dies multos sedebunt filii Israel sine rege et sine principe et sine sacrificio et sine altari et sine ephod et sine therafim. Et post hec reuertentur filii Israel et querent dominum Deum suum et Dauid regem suum et pauebunt ad Dominum et ad bonum eius in nouissimo dierum.” De conuersione autem generali omnium gentium sic habetur Ps. [21(22).28]: “Reminiscentur et conuertentur ad Dominum uniuersi fines terre.” Item Ys. II [2.2–3]: “Fluent ad eum omnes gentes, et ibunt populi multi et dicent: Venite, ascendamus ad montem Domini.”’ Cf. Joachim, , Tractatus super quatuor euangelia 107–8.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ubertino visited John of Parma at the latter's hermitage in Greccio in 1285, according to the prologue of the Arbor uitae. Google Scholar

⁷⁹ The Writings of St. Francis of Assisi, trans. Fahy, B. (London 1963) 64.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Olivi, Peter John, Expositio super regulam, printed in Singulare opus … quod speculum minorum seu firmamentum trium ordinum intitulatur (Venice 1513) fol. 123^v .Google Scholar

⁸¹ Ibid. fol. 123^v–124^v: ‘Existimo autem hoc non esse hic positum solum concessiue, set etiam consultiue seu incitatiue aut etiam prophetice, quia sicut apostoli primo missi sunt inter fideles Iudeorum, ex quibus erant nati, et post mortem Christi et Iudeorum aliquanta ad Christum actractionem, missi sunt ad nationes gentium infidelium, sic, prout existimo, mictendus est ordo post praedicationem Latinorum fidelium ad infidelium nationes, ut sicut per personam Christi patientem in carne assumpta circa principium et medium ecclesie conuersus est orbis, sic per Christi uitam et regulam in suis membris passuram “plenitudo gentium intret et omnis Israel saluus fiat” [Rom. 11.26], expresse predicetur in Apocalipsi sub apertione sexti signaculi et sub sexto angelo tuba canente [Apoc. 7.1–2; 9.13–14]. Vnde et angelus sexti signaculi, Franciscus scilicet, “habens in se signum” et stigmata “dei uiri,” in huius misterium sexto sue conuersionis anno transire ad Saracenos disposuit. Et quia forsitan hoc impleri sub decimo tertio centenario a passione domini Ihesu Christi, iuxta quod et decimo tertio ortus sui die apparuit magis et decimo tertio a passione sua misit Barnabam et Paulum ad gentes, ideo in huius misterium Franciscus decimo tertio anno conuersionis sue iterate transmit ad Saracenos, ubi multi perpessus et tandem persentatus soldano, plurimum finaliter fuit honoratus ab illo.’ Google Scholar

⁸² Clareno, Angelo, Expositio regulae fratrum minorum, ed. Oliger, L. (Quaracchi 1912) 226–8.Google Scholar

⁸³ The De statibus ecclesie consisted of excerpts from Olivi's Lectura super Apocalipsim, translated into Catalan. It survives through a series of articles abstracted from it between 1318 and 1321 at the order of Pope John XXI, which have been edited by José Maria Pou y Marti, Visionarios, beguinos y fraticelos catalanas (siglos XIII–XV) (Vich 1930) 483–512. According to article xxiv (p. 503), the De statibus held that: ‘Sarreceni et alii infideles debent per fratres minores spirituales conuerti isto VI^o tempore, scilicet in XIII centenario, computendo a passione Christi, quod recte erit infra XV annos.’ For Ubertino see the Arbor uitae 5.1, 3, 8, 9, 11, 12.Google Scholar

¹ Cronica an. 1271, pp. 492–3. This text is afterwards designated as B.Google Scholar

² Ibid. 492.Google Scholar

³ Delisle, M. L., ‘Notice sur les manuscrits du Liber floridus, composé en 1120 par Lambert, chanoine de Saint-Omer,’ Notices et extraits des manuscripts de la Bibliothèque Nationale 38 (1906) 739–40. The text is found in Leyden University MS Voss. 31 in-Folio, fol. 217^r. The manuscript dates from the end of the thirteenth century. This text is hereafter designated as A. Google Scholar

⁴ Delisle loc. cit. Google Scholar

⁵ Lines 1–6, 9–11, 13–14, 22–24, 27–28 of B correspond to lines 1–4, 14, 15, 13, 16, 7, 17, 20, 11, 18–19, 22–23 of A. In the case of line one only the initial words correspond.Google Scholar

⁶ Lines 5, 6, 8–10, 12, 21, 24–28 of A do not appear in B.Google Scholar

⁷ Lines 7–8, 12, 15–21, 25–26 appear only in B. Lines 19–20 and 25 of B would seem to be references to the Second Council of Lyons and to Gregory's effort to end the schism between the Greek and Latin churches.Google Scholar

⁸ Baethgen, F., ‘Der Engelpapst’ (n. 14 above) 79–80.Google Scholar