¹ An introduction to the legal history of the Toulousan testament is to be found in Georges Boyer, ‘La Nature juridique de l'exécution testamentaire dans le très ancien droit toulousain,’ Académie de Législation de Toulouse, N.S. I. 1–15. An initial and superficial investigation of the social and political meaning of this evolution is to be found in my book Liberty and Political Power in Toulouse (New York 1954) 154. Google Scholar

² Annual giving was naturally not new in the thirteenth century nor necessarily attached to confraternities. Note H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 90, dated April, 1199, where Bernardus de Hospitale gave the Hospitalers 6 d. yearly at Pentecost ‘de caritate in omnibus diebus vitae mee, et post mortem meam dono…. i. sol. Tol.’ Google Scholar

³ Here are some samples: In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 105, dated November, 1206, a testator gave his son the usufruct of some property specifying that, ‘set si Bernardus meus filius predictas domos et honores non tenebat condrictas, dono licentiam et potestatem hospitalariis Ierusalem sancti Remigii de Tolosa quod eum constringant de conderserio predictorum honorum et, post mortem Bernardi mei filli, mando et statuo et dispono ego Guillelmus Raimundo ut predicte domus et honores sint et maneant in custodia et in comanda predicti hospitalis Iherusalem Sancti Remigii de Tolosa et de priore ipsius loci et de fratribus predicti hospitalis cum omnibus reditibus et exitibus et explectis que inde exierint ullomodo et teneant illas domos et honores condrictos; et predicti hospitalarii teneant unum sacerdotem proprie et specialiter sine aliis sacerdotibus predicte domus qui vivat de reditibus et explectis predicti honoris, qui cotidie celebret missam pro mea anima et [animis] parentum meorum et pro omnibus fidelibus defunctis; et ad missam predicti sacerdotis oferant predicti hospitalarii cotidie de reditibus et exitibus predicti honoris dinaratam panis et mezalatam vini et candelam que valeat unum pogesium….’ H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 17, dated January, 1208, testament of Poncius David, the noted usurer: ‘Item dedit et disposuit eidem domine Pagessie sue uxori d. sol. Tol. qui darentur in honore, cognitione fratrum predicti hospitalis unde facerent necessaria i. capellano qui cotidie caneret missam ad honorem Dei et remissione peccatorum suorum et omnium fidelium Xpistianorum; et ut ille capellanus non sit frater prefate domus.’ D, Saint-Bernard, 21 and Bibl. Nat., Collection Doat, XL, f. 222^r-v, dated March, 1229, records a gift of rents worth 11 s. less 2 d. that the heirs of Poncius de Capitedenario ‘teneant et faciant ardere in ecclesia Sancti Stephani unam lampadam cum oleo semper die et nocte et aliam in ecclesia Sancte Marie de Aurata et tres in ecclesia Sancti Saturnini, unam scilicet ante altare Sancte Marie eiusdem ecclesiae et aliam ante altare Sancti Saturnini et aliam ante altare Sancti Exuperii, et aliam in ecclesia Sancti Petri Coquinarum, et teneant et mittant duas in ecclesia Sancte Marie domus Grandissilve, unam scilicet ante altare Sancti Marie et aliam ante altare Sancti Thome fratris eiusdem domus, et totum hoc quod inde superaverit, donent … et dividant aliis luminibus ubi eis videbitur melius….’ Naturally, such endowments were often made in favor of friends or family. As an example, see H, Saint-Sernin 678 (Cresty: 20, 69, 7), iv, dated October, 1195, copy of January, 1197: ‘Item Jacobus mandavit et disposuit quod predicti sponderii de bonis suis faciant dicere. iii. trentenarios missarum pro amore Dei et pro salute anime Johannis Textoris et ut donent similiter de suis bonis xx. solidos Tolosanos ubi melius eis videbitur pro amore Dei et pro salute anime Ricsende matrine sue. As is obvious, the maintenance of annual masses and other obits could become quite a plague for the heirs. The first certain evidence of this I know of is in H, Daurade, 117, dated March, 1327, where Poncius de Garrigiis states that his uncle of the same name ‘legaverat … xv. sol. Tol. annuales pro anniversario faciendo pro anima sua,’ a sum that was too heavy for the estate to carry. Poncius’ petition was answered by a reduction of the annual endowment to ten shillings. In view of the persistent myth that medieval donors simply gave gifts to the church without expressng either their individuality or caring for what their money was spent on, two testaments are worth looking at. In November, 1308 (H, Daurade, 118), Guillelmus Alemannus mercator gave the Daurade 5 s. Toulouse ‘pro uno anniversario dicto conventui faciendo et etiam pro illo loco seu tumba que est in claustro beate Marie de Aurate,’ in which he was to be buried. The tomb was to bear ‘unam lapidem’ of commemoration and the anniverary was to be marked by ‘unam missam requiem … sollempnem’ and by the granting of a pittance. His inheritance was to pay the 5 s. ‘pro dicta pitancia in dicta die sui anniversarii facienda.’ In an earlier testament of March, 1270 (H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 163), the testator gave a sum of money to the Dalbade church, to its ‘luminarie et signis seu campanis ipsius ecclesie et vitreis ipsius ecclesie’ and to its chaplain or parish priest, the subchaplain and two of its scholars in the school. Google Scholar

⁴ In the typical testament, specific sums were assigned to specific institutions and persons and the remainder of the money allocated for charity was to be given to other ‘ecclesiis et hospitalibus et pontibus et aliis piis locis et miserabilibus’ by the executors, as in a testament of June, 1251 in H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 147. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 158, ii, dated April, 1230, copied October, 1230, the notary of a pelterer's testament used but messed up a better formula: ‘… ecclesiis et hospitalibus et pontibus et reclusis et misellariis et orphanis et viduis et aliis pauperibus locis …’ Google Scholar

⁵ The scholars were always placed under the sub-chaplains. The schools in the first half of the thirteenth century were the following: Google Scholar

1) Saint-Sernin: E, 501, a bequest of September, 1234 of 1 s. “escolarlo dicti Raimundi [sub-chaplain of Saint-Sernin] cui ipse voluerit i. capam …”

2) Saint-Sernin-du-Taur: Arch. Nat., J330, 25, dated May, 1235 and a document of 1246 published infra, Document 1. Appendix I.

3) Dalbade: H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 65, dated December, 1242, mentions two scholars; ibid., 2, 147, of June, 1251, mentions three.

4) Daurade: Arch. Dept. Tarn-et-Garonne, G, Moissac, 712, dated February, 1256 and another testament of the same liasse of the same collection of January, 1265.

5) Saint-Etienne: H, Malte, Toulouse, 90, 8, ii, dated March, 1257, refers to the scholars, as does ibid., 10, 8, ii, March, 1258, copied in October, 1264. Ibid., 10, 26, dated May, 1259, records a gift of 4 d. to ‘* * * de Brasaco scolari ipsius ecclesie Sancti Stephani qui tunc ibi manebat ut ipse asseruit loco predicti capellani Sancti Stephani …’ In ibid. 10, 8, iv, dated August, 1261 and in ibid. 17, 68, dated November, 1263, the number of scholars was set at four by specific benefactions. As is known, the term scolaris could mean either teacher or pupil in the Middle Ages, but the above are surely pupils.

⁶ Arch. Nat. J322, 64, dated March, 1243. This document has often been published, for example, in Devic and Vaissete, Histoire générale de Languedoc 15 vols. (Toulouse 1872–93) 8. no. 360. Vitalis endowed them with five houses and other property. He also proposed that there should be twenty scholars in residence of whom two should be priests, all to come from any of the twelve dioceses of the Midi. The bishop of Toulouse was to appoint the rector of the college. Google Scholar

⁷ Save for the Franciscans and Dominicans, it seems possible to bring forward by a few years the founding dates of the mendicant settlements in Toulouse listed in Emery, R. W., The Friars in Medieval France (New York 1962) 64–65:Google Scholar

1) The Trinitarians were established by 1230. See note 68 infra.

2) H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 65, dated December, 1242, recording a bequest of 3 d. to the ‘sororibus minoribus’ or Clares.

3) Ibid., 1, 103, dated October, 1255, copied May, 1257, records a charitable gift ‘fratribus ordinis Beate Marie de Monte Carmeli … et fratri Johanni de Podio priori provinciali fratrum domorum eiusdem ordinis in Provincia citra Rodonum et ultra Rodonum hedificatarum …’ The property granted lay ‘extra portam Narbonensem juxta caminum Gallicum.’ Since this was the initial location of the Carmelites who later moved into the City, it may be conjectured — following a suggestion of Emery R. W. — that this donation constituted an invitation to these friars to settle in Toulouse.

4) Ibid., 10, 26, ii, dated May, 1259, copied in September of the same year, recording gifts to the Carmelites, Crutched Friars (‘fratres Sancte Crucis’), the Friars of the Sack (‘Penitentie’) and the Clares.

5) Ibid., 10, 8, iv, dated August, 1261, copied October, 1264, in which a widow granted sixpence to each of all the older orders and also to the Carmelites (‘de Carmina’), the Sack Friars (‘de Penitencia’), the Crutched Friars (‘de Sancta Cruce’) and to the Mercedarians (‘de Sancta Heulalia’).

6) Ibid., 17, 68, iii, dated November, 1263, copied March, 1264, refers to the houses at Toulouse of the ‘fratrum Predicatorum et Minorum et fratrum Beate Marie de Monte Carmeli et Sancte Crucis et Penitencie et Sancte Heulalie et fratrum ordinis Beate Marie et Sancti Augustini et sororum Mino[rita]rum huius ville …’ This is the first mention of the Augustinian Eremites and of the Pied Friars (’Beate Marie,’ supra).

7) D, Saint-Bernard, 52n, dated May, 1294, mentions the Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites, Augustinian Eremites, the Clares and the Crutched Friars. The disappearance of the Friars of the Sack, the Mercedarians and the Pied Friars clearly represents the effect of the restrictive legislation of the second Council of Lyons in 1274. At the same time, this testament mentions two new houses, that of the sisters of Saint Augustine and that of the sisters ‘Repentidarum’ whose feast was that of Mary Magdalen, the latter being one of those loosely affiliated installations characteristic of the thirteenth century housing once fallen women. In passing, also, the reader might note that the Beguine and Beghard movement was established at Toulouse by the twelve-seventies. See notes 109 and 110 infra.

⁸ Malte, H., Toulouse, 90, 8, iv March, 1202: 19 d. for a convivium of bread and wine for the poor. Ibid. 15, 104, 2nd of 3 acts, March, 1202: testament of a baker who gave 100 s. ‘pro panem [sic] pauperibus.’ Ibid. 17, 60, 1st of 2 acts, November, 1247: 5 s. Tol. ‘in camisiis’ for the poor. Ibid. 123 (Estaquebiau), 116, August, 1253, where the wealthy Guillelmus Usclacanus gave the following: ‘Item ego … jubeo fieri de bonis meis unum prandium infirmis omnium hospitalium Tolose et aliud prandium leprosis omnium missellariarum Tolose et aliud prandium omnibus reclusis Tolose.’ Ibid. Toulouse, 10, 21, May, 1257, a craftsman, after substantial bequests to his family and charities, ordered that the rest of his property ‘detur in pannis lane et lini de quibus pauperes et leprosi induantur infra hanc villam Tolose.’Google Scholar

⁹ These only show up in the lengthier testaments of the later thirteenth century. For an example, see the will of the notary Paul of October, 1278, in H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 171, in which the donor granted four pounds of Toulouse for visiting the poor in the parish of Saint-Etienne, 500 s. Tol. to dower and marry poor girls and 150 s. for clothing to the poor. Google Scholar

¹⁰ An example is the testament of the Toulousan patrician Willelmus Poncius Astro, rendered in May, 1216, in Bibl. Nat. Collection Doat, XL, f. 164^r. Willelmus provided that his heirs ‘donent in perpetuum semel in anno convivium centum pauperibus in die assensionis domini.’ Google Scholar

¹¹ The usual Toulousan practice was to give bequests to specific institutions and then to grant a lump sum to all the bridges, hospitals, leper-houses, and reclusanie to be divided by the executors. Naturally, donors could impose conditions on their gifts. Thus in Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 45, dated July, 1253, a testatrix of modest means gave each leperhouse and hospital sixpence ‘pro carne.’ Google Scholar

¹² H, Malte Toulouse, 90, 8, 4th of 5 acts, August, 1261, domina Flos gave Saint-Etienne 20 d. ‘scolaribus psalterios legentibus in redemptione anime ipsius Flos …’ Like modern choirboys, the students in these churches were fixtures at most funerals and usually made a few pennies out of them. Google Scholar

¹³ Arch. Nat., J330, 12, ii, a testament dated October, 1216, recording a gift: ‘leprosis porte Narbonensis vi. d. et quod ipsi [leprosi] veniant ei [the dying testator] cum esquilis quando ipse transitus fuerit ab hoc seculo….’ Google Scholar

¹⁴ Alexandre Teulet, ed., Layettes du Trésor des chartres (Paris 1866) 2 no. 2428. The complaint against Raimundus de Ferrariis, chaplain of the Daurade, reads: ‘Videlicet, quod idem magister R. habuit et extorsit indebite et injuste de Barba, R. W. v. solidos Morlaneneses pro eo quod uxor sua Geralda decesserat intestata; et quia dictus R. W. noluit pro ea, ad instanciam dicti capellani, facere testamentum, licet ipse ostenderet quod ipsa nichil haberet unde posset facere testamentum, et dictus R. W. iterum vellet contrahere cum alia, noluit dictus capellanus illam dare ei quousque predictos v. solidos ei tradidit et persolvit ratione instantie dicti testamenti.’ Not dissimilar complaints are seen throughout the document, but this does not mean that their frequency is a test of the accuracy of the plaintiffs’ charges. The editor has dated this text c. 1235. On p. 308b, however, the document refers to Raymond VII as ‘quondam comitis Tholosani.’ This, plus the spelling of the word Toulouse with an h, makes it sure that this instrument postdates the death of Raymond in 1249.Google Scholar

¹⁵ On the revolutionary effect of the introduction of the legislation against usury, see my Liberty and Political Power in Toulouse, 60–63, 82–83 and ‘Un usurier malheureux,’ Hommage à Fran M.çois Galabert (Toulouse 1956) 118–25 and Mireille Castaing-Sicard, Les Contrats dans le très ancien droit Toulousain (Toulouse 1959) 245–69. Google Scholar

¹⁶ Naturally, the practice did not disappear, if only because convents and hospitals needed beds. Here are some examples of Toulousan bedroom fittings: E, 2, dated September, 1194, a gift of ‘.xx.v. solidos et unum lechitum canonicis ecclesie Sancti Stephani ut eum [the penitent] recipiant per fratrem in omnibus beneficiis ipsius domus.’ H, Saint-Sernin, 578 (Cresty: 20, 69, 7), iv dated October, 1195, contains a bequest to the hospital La Grave of ‘.i. lectum cum fulcro de pluma et bene munitum de pannis.’ H, Malte, 133 (Larramet), 149, dated April, 1243, in which an individual arranged to be buried at the Temple and ‘reliquid ibi lectum suum, videlicet ii. auricularios et i. coissinum et unam falciatam et i. linteum.’ H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 60, i, dated November, 1247, where the penitent ‘dimisit hospitali Sancte Trinitatis unum lectum de pannis munitum bona fide in quo tunc ipsa iacebat.’ H, Grandselve 41, 6th of 8 acts, January, 1248, in which a poor woman gave ‘unam fleciatam et ii. linteolum et i. coissi [num]. In 1275, a rich merchant gave a bed for the poor to the confraternity of Saint-Jacques and another to the Daurade hospital. See Célestin Douais, ‘Des fortunes commerciales à Toulouse et de la topographie des églises et maisons réligieuses de Toulouse,’ Mémoires de la Société archéologique du Midi 15 (1894) 25ff. Google Scholar

¹⁷ For the monastic and Cluniac origins of the cult of the dead and related prandial donations to the poor and the clergy, see Georg Schrieber, Gemeinschaften des Mittelalters (Münster 1948) 104ff., 172 ff., 174n, and 180n. Prandial donations to the religious were also known at Toulouse. A good example may be seen in the testament published by Douais in the article cited in the note above. Gifts of this kind given to hospitals and leper-houses were often very simple indeed. Note a gift of 4 s. to the ‘hospitali de Grava pro convivio’ in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 14, November, 1206. A more munificent donation is to be seen in the will of Guillelmus Usclacamus in H, Malte, 123 (Estaquebiau), 116, of August, 1253: ‘Item ego … jubeo fieri de bonis meis unum prandium infirmis omnium hospitalium Tolose et aliud prandium leprosis omnium missellariarum Tolose et aliud prandium omnibus reclusis Tolose.’ Google Scholar

¹⁸ In the will cited in the note above, Guillemus ordered that ‘quicumque retinuerat preadiacentiatas domos meas et honorem in quibus maneo ut dictum est nomine emptionis, sive sit Petrus Vitalis discipulus meus vel alius, quod det et teneatur dare ad comedendum in eisdem domibus et honore quoque anno videlicet capellano ecclesie de Tauro et uni subcapellano eiusdem ecclesie et xi. pauperibus panem et vinum et carnes bene et plenarie bona fide in remissione meorum peccaminum in tali die, scilicet quo me mors contigerit et quod aliter preadiacentiate domus mee et honor in quibus maneo non possint dari nec vendi nec inpignorari nec aliter alienari ullo modo.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹ See an appropriate passage from the will of Poncius de Capitedenario in D, Saint-Bernard, 21, dated March, 1229: ‘Item ego … mando et volo quod unus pauper teneat et permaneat in meis domibus et quod ille pauper habeat sua necessaria de redditibus et explectis que ad meas domos pertinent et pertinere debent et hoc semper in perpetuum amore Dei et redemptione anime mee.’ Later on, Poncius notes that half of his linens and bed furnishings are to go to his daughter and the other half to his wife, ‘excepto lecto predicti pauperis qui in mea predicta domo debet manere sicut predictum est.’ Also, in the testament of Guillelmus Usclacanus cited in note 17 above, the testator granted certain properties to his wife on the condition ‘ut ipsa domina Johanna teneat in illis domibus meis unum lectum de pannis bona fide munitum in quo unus pauper jaceat in remissione meorum peccaminum.’ Google Scholar

²⁰ The best general survey of monastic charity in France during the earlier middle ages is to be found in Emile Lesne, Histoire de la propriété écclésiastique en France, VI: Les églises et les monastères, centres d'accueil, d'exploitation et de peuplement (Lille 1943), chapters seven and eight. The conceptions of the canonists concerning poor relief may be read in Brian Tierney, Medieval Poor Law (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1959). Google Scholar

²¹ As an example, Guillelmus Usclacanus, in his testament cited so often in the notes above, divided the medical and charitable agencies of the Cistercian monastery of Grandselve into the hospital ‘infra domus Grandissilve,’ the infirmary of the monks, that of the lay brethren, and the ‘officium porte Grandissilve’ where distributions of food and clothing were made to the outside poor. That most of Toulouse's chapters and convents offered such eleemosynary service is shown in E, 2, dated September, 1194, where a donation to the canons of Saint-Etienne is followed by the phrase ‘et.x. solidos aliis domibus helemosinariis que sunt infra hanc villa et deforis.’ Google Scholar

²² Naturally, there are some omissions or oversights, notably, among the hospitals, that of Saint-Etienne. Google Scholar

²³ Celestin Douais, ed., Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin (Toulouse 1887) nos. 546–550, contains the earliest references to this hospital. It was founded by Petrus Benedicti judex and possibly organized by Raimundus Gairaldus, its first eleemosinarius. Petrus was granted freedom from the financial and military services he owed the count. Both the count and bishop of Toulouse accorded the hospital other liberties, including the right to sell surplus wine on the public market free of tax, tax-free wine and salt for consumption in the hospital, and the right to have a bakery. Saint-Sernin itself assigned Saint Raymond a tithe of its revenue plus all bread donated by the families of those buried in the monastery's cemetery. The dating given above is tentative and has been established by Elisabeth Magnou, L'Introduction de la réforme Grégorienne à Toulouse (Toulouse 1958) 36–7. Google Scholar

²⁴ Published by Celestin Douais, Documents sur l'ancienne province de Languedoc 2 vols. (Toulouse 1901–04) 2.27ff. Google Scholar

²⁵ Delaville, J. le Roulx, Cartulaire général de l'Ordre de l'Hopital 2 vols. (Paris, 1894–1906) 1. no. 35, whose original is in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 43. This act may be dated between 1114 and 1116. The gifts listed in the document were the church of Saint-Rémézy and the hospital ‘quod est ante ecclesiam Sancti Marie Dealbate.’ Everybody seems to have greeted the arrival of the Hospitalers with enthusiasm, particularly the parishioners of the Dalbade (see n. 116 infra), but it was not long before difficulties over property and ecclesiastical services resulted in lengthy lawsuits between the Dalbade-Daurade and the Hospitalers. Yet to be studied carefully, the original acts of these controversies are to be found throughout the Malta collection and that of the Daurade but have also been mentioned and partly published by the abbé Julien, Histoire de la paroisse de N. D. la Dalbade (Toulouse 1891) 479–83 (original act in H, Malte, Toulouse, 25, 15) and in Guillaume Catel, Mémoires sur l'histoire de Languedoc (Toulouse 1633) 205. Mention is made of yet another in note 219 infra. Google Scholar

²⁶ Count Alphonse-Jourdain granted the Daurade and the people of Toulouse the right to construct a toll-free bridge ‘inter ospitale Beate Marie et Vivarios,’ sometime between 1119 and 1130. This document is in H, Daurade, 145 and was published in Guillaume Catel, Histoire des comtes de Toulouse (Toulouse 1623) 194. The dates derive from Alphonse-Jourdain's assumption of power in Toulouse in 1119 and the death of the prior Raimundus of the Daurade in 1130, for which see Gallia Christiana, 13. 101. Catel argued that, since ‘vivarios’ or Viviés was on the City or east bank of the river in his time, the hospital must have been on the west bank, therefore in Saint-Cyprien. Also, a reference to a document of 1381 in the Hôtel-Dieu archives, Register B 20, f. 10^v, describes this hospital as ‘fait à Saint-Cyprien.’ Google Scholar

²⁷ In H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 69, a bequest to the ‘hospitali beate Marie de Aurate’ was recorded in May, 1265. This was the most common form of reference. It will be noted that, with the exception of Saint-Pierre-des-Cuisines (itself following the traditional Cluniac cult of Saint Peter as Saint-Pierre-de-Cluny or Saint-Pierre-de-Moissac), all of the churches and hospitals associated with this Benedictine devotion were initially called after the B.V.M. This was true of the Daurade, its dependency the Dalbade and of its hospital. It may therefore be conjectured that Cluny had introduced the new forms of the Virgin's cult to Toulouse during the Gregorian age, just as it had done in many other communities. On this aspect of Cluny, see Georg Schreiber, Gemeinschaften des Mittelalters, esp. 10ff. Google Scholar

²⁸ A ‘regens seu gubernator’ of this hospital was mentioned in February, 1364 in a document in H, Daurade, 68. Google Scholar

²⁹ In G, Saint-Etienne, 227 (Cresty: 26, A, 2, nn.), dated March, 1165/46, a ‘hospitalerius de hospitali de caput [!] de ponte’ sold some property. No Daurade officer was called upon to confirm this alienation. Those who did so were five lay notables. ‘Hoc fecit hospitalerius consilio proborum hominum de caput de ponte, scilicet NNNNN.’ Google Scholar

³⁰ H, Grandselve, 2, Roll Two, recto, i, dated June, 1148, mentions a ‘fevum de ospitale porte Arnaldi Bernardi.’ Google Scholar

³¹ G, Saint-Etienne, 239 (Cresty: 30, 3, nn.), dated January, 1153, copied in December, 1211, containing a sale of property to ‘domino Deo et ospitali Sancti Stephani et habitatoribus ospitalis presentibus et futuris et N. ospitalario illius hospitalis.’ That this hospital was located before the great door of the cathedral is shown by the following facts. The land on which the hospital was located lay immediately next to the casal of Bertrandus and Guiraldus Ademarius, as we see in the act of June, 1162, cited in note 32 infra. This property had been enfeoffed to these two brothers in an act (same archival reference as above) dated March 1128/29 where in we are informed that this property lay ‘in claustro Sancti Stephani ante hostium.’ My guess is that the ostium referred to is the cathedral's principal door because the close of Saint-Etienne was very large and had a number of gates. According to a now lost document of July, 1255, recorded by the archivist Claude Cresty in his Repertoire des titres et documents concernants les biens et droits du Chapitre de Saint-Etienne (2 vols, and one of tables, 1734–37) I fol. 143^v, the close was bounded by three crosses, one on the Rue de la Clote, another at Montaygon (present Place Saint-Georges) and the last at the Montolieu Gate. Google Scholar

³² G, Saint-Etienne, 239 (Cresty: 30, 2, nn.), dated June, 1162, a ‘carta rememorationis’ recording the settlement of a suit between the provost of Saint-Etienne and two laymen that involved a ‘casalem de hospitale ubi primum fuit hospitalis qui est iuxta casalem Bertrandi Ademarii et Guiraldi Ademarii’ as well as some other properties. That this land had been momentarily lost to the laity is shown by the fact that Saint-Etienne had to pay ten shillings for its release. That the hospital was already in business at the gate is shown by another act in the same liasse (Cresty: 30, 3, nn.), dated April, 1162, in which the provost of Saint-Etienne enfeoffed property adjacent to the casal of the Ademarii (possibly the recuperated site of the original hospital) to the ‘hospitali de porta Sancti Stephani et habitatoribus ipsius hospitalis.’ … et N et N uxori sue qui tunc tenebant illud hospitale.’ I take this porta to be the Saint-Etienne Gate of the City and not the ostium of the cathedral — not that they were far apart — not only because that is what a gate was called in the legal documents of the age but also because many hospitals were just inside or outside of gates in this period of the Middle Ages. Google Scholar

³³ See H, Malte, Toulouse, 9, 96, ii, dated May 1209, copied 1232, records a gift to the hospital. See also the documents of 1246 and 1262 cited in Appendix II, infra. Incidentally, the names of the persons mentioned and occasional other details in the acts cited in the notes immediately above and in this whole section may be read in that appendix. Google Scholar

³⁴ The name Nina derives from a charter recording an earlier acquisition made by Bernardus and his wife Petrona of December, 1143, in E, 501. Google Scholar

³⁵ H, Grandselve, 2, Roll One, recto, i. Google Scholar

³⁶ Bernardus rendered his final testament at Grandselve itself — Grandselve, H., 2, Roll Two, recto, ii. His wife's subsequent acts were dated December, 1178 and are in ibid., Roll One, recto, iv and v.Google Scholar

³⁷ H, Grandselve, 2, act dated September, 1185. Google Scholar

³⁸ The cartulary consists of the two rolls mentioned in note 36 above. Both rolls are in the same hand, one containing acts dated from 1130 to 1182 and the other from 1148 to 1190. The first gifts of property from persons other than Bernardus and his wife date from 1173 and become frequent in the eleven-eighties. Google Scholar

³⁹ H, Grandselve, 2, Roll One, recto, ii: the count gave Grandselve a donation ‘que est talis: scilicet Bernardo de Maso et universis qui commendatione vestra in casali vestro habitationem suam atque permanentiam habuerint dono franquimentum ut numquam Bernardus predictus neque post eum habitantes in predicto casale pergant in comitali cavalcata vel exercitu, nec pro clamore donent iusticiam aliquam michi vel meo successori neque alicui meo vicario.’ Also published in my Liberty and Political Power, 194. Google Scholar

⁴⁰ See supra n. 23. Google Scholar

⁴¹ The first evidence of this comes from April, 1206 — two copies of the same act, one in E, 538, and the other in D, Saint-Bernard, 14. The act mentions a Petrus de Salers ‘ostalarius de ostale Tolose domus Grandissilve.’ It is possible that some of the older functions continued for a time. See the testament of Dohaz in H, Grandselve, 6, dated November, 1228, in which was given ‘tribus infirmariis domus Grandissilve cuique v. solidos … But it is more likely that this refers to the mother house of Grandselve itself. Google Scholar

⁴² Bibl. Nat., Collection Doat, XL, f. 316ff. and D, Saint-Bernard, 21, copy of June, 1704: ‘Ita et tali modo facio eis hoc donum quod ipse N. abbas … et monachi et fratres eiusdem domus habitent in istas meas domos et cazales et hospitentur ibi; et teneant et statuant unum eorum fratrem per hostalerius, qui hostalerius habeat et capiat omnes redditus et explectas istorum honorum et obliarum et faciat inde necessaria illis dominis et monachis ac fratribus domus Grandissilvae ibi venientibus et manentibus, et quod omnes qui sunt ordinis de Cistello hospitent ibi si voluerint eundo et redeundo et quod ille hostalerius donet illis pulmenta et habeat eis lectum ut ad illum ordinem pertinet …’ Google Scholar

⁴³ Poncius died between 25/26 October, 1229 (E, 538) and March, 25, 1230 — Stephana's and his wife Aurimunda's first act in H, Grandselve, 5. Stephana died after February, 1232 (E, 575) and before March, 1233 when the abbot of Grandselve, sure now to be the final heir, asked for an accounting or showing of documents by the widow Aurimunda — an act appended to Poncius’ will in D, Saint-Bernard, 21. Aurimunda died between December, 1251 (E, 579) and March, 1254 (H, Grandselve, 9). Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Pierre Gérard, ‘Le cartulaire des Capdeniers,’ Recueil des Actes du 123 ^e Congrès d’études de la fédération des sociétés académiques et savantes: Languedoc-Pyrénées-Gascogne (1956) 13. Gerard has also conjectured that the older hospice, which may have been next door to Poncius’ house, may have continued its own life for a time because there were two ostalerii from 1256 to 1262. Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Ibid., pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ This act was published by Guillaume Catel, Mémoires, 215–16. An eighteenth century copy of this and other acts concerning the Mainaderie was found by Pierre, M. Gérard in H, Chartreux, 193. This particular act is on ff. 4^v-5^r and is the same as that published by Catel. The appropriate passage tells us that Bernardus gave Moissac and Cluny ‘illud hospitale quod construxi et ecclesiam et domos ad honorem Dei in parrochia Sacti Petri Coquinarum et omnes honores et oblias cum pertinentibus dominationibus et omnia bona mobilia quae ad opus illius hospitalis acquisivi vel in futurum ad honorem Dei et utilitatem pauperum adquirere potero. ‘Bernardus and his wife retained the direction of the hospital until their deaths. The dating of this act is conjectural because the original act is missing. The final protocol reads: ‘Hoc fuit factum in capitulo ecclesiae beatae Mariae Deauratae cum concilio Guillelmi abbatis Lezatensis priorisque praedictae ecclesiae Mariae Deauratae et conventus eiusdem loci. Huius totius rei sunt testes Raimundus prior claustralis et Berengarius sacrista et Stephanus celerarius et arbiter [an obvious mistranscription] et Robertus et Bernardus Montis Esquivi monachi … et Arnaldus Ferrucius qui illam cartam scripsit de qua hec fuit extracta, mense Augusti, feria sexta, …’ in 1184. Hence, 1184 is the date of the copy and the act itself may have been before that year. According to the list of the Daurade priors in H, Daurade, 117, Bernardus de Montesquive became prior in 1184. He is described as a simple monk in the text above and his predecessor Guilelmus, is called both prior of the Daraude house and abbot of the monastery of Lézat. Following the same list of priors, Guillelmus became prior in 1177. The act, however, could not have predated 1179 because bishop Folcrand, who is mentioned in the act, took the see of Toulouse in that year. There is something strange about the final protocol of this act. It does not conform to the well-known formulae of the notaries of Toulouse.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Bernardus was certainly dead by November, 1190, according to an act in D, Saint Bernard, 138 (Capdenier cartulary), fol. 135^r, but it seems probable that he had died before. Perhaps his death was the occasion for making the copy of 1184 mentioned in the note above. Google Scholar

⁴⁸ As we have secn in note 27 above, the cult of the B.V.M. was generally introduced into Toulouse by Cluny. Later on, when the Virgin's cult had become much more common, it became customary to call the Mainaderie's church after Sainte-Radegonde. Google Scholar

⁴⁹ This and much other information is to be found in a small roll containing eleven acts in E, 973. A brief description of these acts follows: Google Scholar

i-iii: Acquisitions by Willelmus Arnaldus medicus in October, 1187.

iv: Willelmus places the ‘domum quam ad honorem Dei et ad hutilitatem pauperum Xristi edificavi que est foris portam Narbonensem’ under the protection of three notables. In this act, the notary who copied the originals in July of 1202 presumably slipped on the feria. The date is either the Annunciation, 1198 or, more probably, the same feast in 1199.

v-vi: Identical acts recording an aquisition by Willelmus in March, 1197.

vii: Willelmus appoints Raimundus Arnaldus de Bovilla resident protector of the hospital. The notary who copied this act has again slipped on the feria and the act may be probably dated as around February 10, 1200.

viii-x: Records of acquisitions of property in December, 1180 and February, 1193. One act, dated December, 1167, refers to the history of one of these properties before Willelmus acquired it.

xi: The testament of Arnaldus de Paratge of April, 1191. This act mentions that Arnaldus was going with his ‘dominus’ Willelmus Arnaldus on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Because it is obvious from this will that Paratge was not a serf and because the title dominus was often accorded to those who headed hospitals, it seems probable that the good doctor was already the director of his foundation. This hospital was several times mentioned in other charters. E, 505, dated March, 1190, calls it ‘hospitale porte Narbonense,’ and H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 167, dated April, 1197, ‘de porta Narbonensi.’

⁵⁰ E 973, dated February, 1211, contains a gift of tithings etc. by domina Sarracena to the ‘hospitali et domui de Longaticis quod fuit Willelmi Arnaldi medici qui fuit.’ The act contains the postscript: ‘Item predicta domina Sarracena et frater Willelmus de Sancto Andrea dixerunt et concesserunt quando hoc donum fuit factum quod transactos habebat vii. annos et amplius quod predictum donum fuerat eis factum.’ A dorsal note in a firm thirteenth century hand on this document reads: ‘De Sancte Katherine.’ The reasons for the guess at the date 1202/1204 are the following: 1) Looking at the act above, seven from 1211 gives 1204, and 2) the small roll of Willelmus Arnaldus’ house and its properties was compiled in July, 1202. Google Scholar

⁵¹ The reference in the quittance list published in Appendix I, infra reads: ‘Bertrandus Faber pro opera Sancte Caterine et [infi]rmis porte Narbonensis de ii. d. Tol., …’ The essential problem here is the meaning of the word infirmus. Although infirmi always meant the sick generally, it usually — though not invariably — referred to lepers in documents of the late-twelfth and early-thirteenth centuries. This had changed by the late-thirteenth century, partly because of the greater popularity of the word miselli and partly because what passed for leprosy was on the way out. Google Scholar

⁵² For the lepers, see the references in note 92 below. For the hospital, note a gift of December, 1242 to the ‘hospitali Sancte Katerine que est extra portam Narbonensem in H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 65 and another of May, 1265 to the ‘hospitali beate Katerine’ in ibid., 17, 69. The two institutions were clearly separate even before the use of the title Sainte-Catherine. In Arch. Nat., J330, 12, ii, dated October, 1216, a testament records gifts to Saint-Antonin, the lepers, and the hospital ‘porte Narbonensis.’ Google Scholar

⁵³ The acts recording the introduction of this cult into Toulouse and the comital grant of the location in front of the Narbonne Gate have been extracted from the Lézat cartulary and published in Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. de Languedoc, 5. nos. 453–54, dated respectively November and August of 1115. We may remind ourselves that this hospital was attached to Lézat and was therefore not a part of the famous hospital order of Saint Anthony, an order that later had a house of its own in Toulouse. Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The church appears to have been handled separately from the hospital. Its chaplains or priests were appointed by the abbot and chapter of Lézat for life. There are two such gants recorded in the Lézat cartulary, one to Vitalis Portarius in 1151 (?) and another of 1233 to Sancius Anerius (Bibl. Nat., ms. lat. 9189, 220^r-b and 229^v-b). The first is magnificent in its simplicity. The abbot granted Vitalis ‘in omni vita sua, ecclesiam Sancti Antonii de Tholosa … tali conventu quod nec abbas nec prior nec conventus possint eum removeri [sic] de ecclesia iamdicta in aliquo modo.’ Obviously, the title of prior refers to the head of the priory of Toulouse. Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Note, in Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. de Languedoc, 5. no. 453, how the sick and maimed rushed to be healed by the relics brought from Lézat. Google Scholar

⁵⁶ E, 579, viii, February, 1193 and ibid., v, March, 1197. The first reference in the cartulary of Lézat to the hospital of Saint-Antonin ‘extra portam Narbonensem’ is of December, 1202 (Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 9189, fol. 219^v). Google Scholar

⁵⁷ E, 2, a bequest of 12 d. to the hospital. Google Scholar

⁵⁸ This much is certain. Note also that Gatel, Mémoires, 150, cited an act of 1197 describing a piece of property as ‘versus ripam Garonne, que est versus hospitale de Grava.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Daurade, 58, dated December 5, 1228: the Daurade gave the Novellus hospital ‘.vi. brachiatas de amplitudine fluminis Garonne, id est rippe que est extra barbacanam pontis novis iuxta murum eiusdem barbacane, scilicet totam illam rippam de longo in longo sicut tenet et est de superiori capite cornu muris eiusdem barbacane quod est versus hospitale de Grava usque ad aliud capud cornu muris eiusdem barbacane quod est versus pontem Badaculi, et tenet de muro eiusdem barbacane in quo est situm caput dicti pontis novi usque ad flumen Garonne, videlicet sex brachiatas de amplitudine a predicto muro versus Tolosam, ad faciendam et tenendum ibi semper hospitale quod vocatur Novellus …’ From this, it may seem that the hospital of La Grave lay to the south of the barbicane instead of to the north. I feel, however, that such an interpretation is impossible. Owing to the phrase ‘extra barbacanam,’ we are obliged to assume that the Novellus hospital was sufficiently large to enclose the barbicane, running from the direction of the Bazacle Bridge in the north to the La Grave in the south. If this is the case, the property given the Novellus hospital by the Daurade could not be described as a rippa by any stretch of the imagination. It is far more reasonable to assume, therefore, that the barbicane had an exit into Saint-Cyprien and that the quadrants of the Novellus’ property were based upon the northern half circle of the barbicane and thus read clockwise from the northwest corner in the following sequence: toward La Grave, toward the Bazacle Bridge, ‘ad capud cornu’ of the barbicane at the end of the New Bridge, and ‘ad capud cornu’ of the same toward Saint-Cyprien. My conclusion is therefore that the hospital La Grave lay toward the north of the New Bridge at the end of the Bazacle Bridge. Google Scholar

⁶⁰ The bridge of Saint-Pierre of the Bazacle is mentioned in E, 510, dated August, 1218, copied in October, 1223. It was defended during the siege of 1219 according to the Chanson de le Croisade, ed. Paul Meyer 2 vols. (1875–79) line 9542. It is probable that this bridge was a temporary construction of wood. Note a passage in Guillelmus Usclacanus’ will of August, 1253 in H, Malte, Toulouse, 123 (Estaquebiau), 116: ‘Et ego Guillelmus Usclacanus dimitto et dispono de bonis meis xv. miliari[a] de tegula plana bene cocta ponti de Badaeleo et iubeo largiri ibi dictam tegulam a predictis meis sponderiis a bonis meis in primo pilario quod ibi inceptum fuerit ad faciendum.’ Google Scholar

⁶¹ Arch. Nat., J324, 5, dated February, 1207, published in Gustave Saige, Les Juifs de Languedoc (Paris 1881) no. 12: ‘frater Julianus qui tunc erat preceptor et constitutus dominus hospitalis et domus Roscidevallis Tolose et frater Cissameno et frater Stephanus hospitalarii eiusdem domus hospitalis Roscidevallis,’ who acted for themselves and ‘pro domino priore hospitalis domus Roscidevallis.’ Incidentally, the hospital at Roncevaux was itself an object of charity among Toulousans. The first extant example at this is found in Arch.-Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 81, dated December, 1230, where sixpence was given to the ‘hospitali de Ronsavals’ in the testament of Willelmus Probus. That this hospital was not the ‘domus Roscidevallis Tolose’ is shown by the fact that this donation was listed after those to all Toulousan churches, monasteries, hospitals and bridges. As is evident, also, this will clearly indicates that no Roncevaux hospital existed in Toulouse by 1230. Google Scholar

⁶² On the monastery of Roncevaux and the services it offered transients, see Emile Lesne, Propriété écclésiastique, 6. 105–06. That the order was headed by the prior of Roncevaux and had a few houses largely in Normandy and northern France is indicated in Jean Imbert, Les Hôpitaux en droit canonique (Paris 1947) 213–14, n. 1. Google Scholar

⁶³ Willelmus served as the executor or spondarius of a will in in H, Malte, Toulouse 118 (La Devèze), 180, dated May, 1202. The hospital bearing his name was also mentioned in H, Malte, Toulouse, 58, nn., dated January, 1211. Google Scholar

⁶⁴ This is a guess based on the order in which the bequests were paid in the document of 1246, for which see Appendix I, infra. The quittances are arranged in a sort of tour of Toulouse. They begin at the Arnaud-Bernard Gate, continue around the gates of the Bourg and the City to the Narbonne Gate in the south, enter the City at that point going northward, cross over the New Bridge to Saint Cyprien, return to the Bourg by the Bazacle Bridge and then zigzag to various churches and hospitals in the Bourg and the City. Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 92, i, dated April, 1213, copied October, 1240, records a sale of property to ‘Bernardo Geraldo hospitalerio et Willelma eius uxore et Bernardo magistro [ie. Bernardus Novellus, a master mason] eorum socio et habitatoribus hospitalis quam ipsi hedificaverint in villa Sancti Cipriani.’ The frontiers of this plot were the following: the property of the Daurade, another plot already owned by Bernardus Novellus, and the ‘rivam que est iuxta Garonnam.’ From this and the fact that we know Bernardus had a house next to the bridge (see note 67 infra), we may assume that the Novellus hospital began immediately north of the bridge and, with the above acquisition and that recorded in note 66 infra, gradually extended toward the north and west. Google Scholar

⁶⁶ H, Daurade, 58, dated December, 1228: Acting for the prior, the chaplain of the Daurade gave ‘Roysscio et Bernardo Novello, dominis et procuratoribus hospitalis Novelli et habitatoribus,…. vi. brachiatas … [as above in note 59] …, ad faciendam et tenendum ibi semper hospitale quod vocatur Novellus … et si forte domus [etc.] … que ibi facta fuerint ullo tempore fuerint destructa vel deteriorata vel aliquid inde pro [sic] flumine Garonne vel ullo alio modo, quod habitatores dicti hospitalis Novelli … restaurare valeant omni tempore ipsas domos …’ The fiefholders were to pay an annual rent of 12 d. and a rachat of 12 d. upon the death of the Daurade's prior or that of the dominus of the hospital. They were also to erect no church, altar or oratory without the express consent of the Daurade, which also retained its rights in the New Bridge, the street of Saint-Jacques, etc. The hospital was also liable in case of damage to the mills of the Daurade and the Bazacle and their facilities. It may be noted parenthetically that, in this document and in others throughout these notes, the fact that the gender of the word hospital could be either feminine or neuter (hospitalis, hospitale) frequently caused the notaries to slip up with their relative pronouns, gerundive constructions, etc. This is not to say that these professionals were illiterate. They were not, but they were in haste. Google Scholar

⁶⁷ H, Daurude, 117, dated March, 1239, recording a compromise of the dispute between the consuls of Toulouse and the Daurade over the maintenance of the New Bridge. The arbiters provided that the two parties should together elect new pontonarii and settled a number of other disputed points. Anent our business, the charter says: ‘De domo constructa juxta pontem per Bernardum Novellum tunc temporis pontonarium, dixerunt predicti arbitratores quod remaneat ad servicium pontis et qui pontonarius fuerit reddat oblias pro dicta domo predicto priori quas Bernardus Novellus reddere tenebatur et hoc si predicto priori placuerit.’ Further provisions inform us that this house had been built by Bernardus partly at the expense of the municipality. If future pontonarii do not pay the stated rent, the Daurade may tear down or remove the house so long as the consuls were compensated ‘cognitione dominorum magistrorum.’ These masters were the master masons of the town who, as experts, were normally consulted in such cases. In Toulouse as elsewhere, the masters of the building trades were the first to be accorded the title of master by the town's notaries in public and private acts. Note the master builder who did some work on the Bazacle for the town in 1207 in my Toulouse, no. 11, p. 204. Because of the title magister and because, according to Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 92, ii, ‘Magister Petrus Poncii minister domus hospitalis Novelli’ headed Bernardus’ foundation in March of 1240, it may be thought that the tradition of the inceptor was being carried on in his hospital, in that one of his successors was also a master mason. This seems most unlikely, however. Masters of the liberal arts, as letters and law, traditionally carried their title before their forenames; those of the crafts, after their surnames. Google Scholar

⁶⁸ A testament in H, Malte, Toulouse, 15, 133, dated October, 1230, mentions the church of the Sainte-Trinité and one in 1G, 838, dated May, 1232, the hospital of the same name. The Trinitarian convent in Toulouse was mentioned in a papal bull of 1248 printed in Paul Deslandres, L'Ordre des Trinitaires pour le rachat des captifs (Paris 1903) 2.48. At this period, the Trinitarians gave a third of their resources to the maintenance of the convents, a third to the repurchase of captives, and another third to their hospital services. Google Scholar

⁶⁹ The hospital was ‘in pede Castri Narbonensis,’ according to a charter published in Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. Languedoc, 4. 706, dated 1237, but removed into town during the Hundred Years War. Google Scholar

⁷⁰ In H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 46), dated April, 1232, copied October, 1273, two ‘hospitalarii hospitalis pontis de Cardonariis … pro se ipsis et pro aliis hominibus fratribus eiusdem hospitalis … recognoverunt et concesserunt quod ipsi habent et tenent predictam hospitalem et omnia bona eiusdem hospitalis domini Dei et Sancti Saturnini et dompni Jordani abbatis eiusdem ecclesie.’ Google Scholar

⁷¹ See note 125 infra. A further complication may derive from the fact that the Pré Carbonnel is often thought to have been placed outside of the Villeneuve Gate. This is mistaken. Two charters refer to it as being in the general region of the Bazacle to the north of the Bourg. The first of these is H, Saint-Sernin, 689, (Cresty: 21, 73, 1) dated October 1206, which speaks of a ‘pratum Vitalis Carbonelli.’ The second is Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, AA1:20, published in Roger Limouzin-Lamothe, Commune de Toulouse, p. 299, dated March, 1193, where reference is made to the bank of the Garonne near the Bazacle in the following words: ‘… quod omnes ripe ille, sicuti tenent a porta que dicitur Vitalis Carbonelli usque ad punctam que est subtus pratum ubi Brassolum se coniungit cum Garonna, erant publice, et ipsum pratum et gravaria erant publica …’ This was perhaps the property once acquired by Vitalis Carbonellus in a charter in H, Daurade, 117, dated April, 1141, copied October, 1198, where it is described as being ‘ad Cavalem’ or ‘ad Canalem.’ At any rate, it seems clear that the Pré Carbonnel was near the Bazacle and the Garonne river. Also, in D, Saint-Bernard, 25, a seventeenth- or eighteenth-century map of Combe Salomon clearly shows the Prat Carbonnel placed immediately north of the Bazacle fortifications, hard against the shore of the Garonne. Google Scholar

⁷² It has been conjectured that there was no Villeneuve Gate in the Bourg and that, instead, an adjacent opening in the City wall made during the Albigensian war (hence, Neuve Gate) really bore this name. This does not seem to be so. The Villeneuve Gate is mentioned in many charters and gave its name to a quarter of the Bourg (see note 125 infra). Besides, according to several parchments, ‘Nova’ was just an abbreviated form for ‘Villanova.’ E, 502, dated September, 1242, mentions the ‘infirmi micellarie porte Ville Nove’ acting with the consent of Bernardus de Caturcio. E, 569, dated March, 1296, records a number of the inhabitants ‘miscellarie porte Nove’ acting with the consent of ‘Raimundi de Caturcio patroni eiusdem domus.’ This was the leper-house of Gausbertus de Caturcio, for which see p. 27 infra. Google Scholar

⁷³ The only authority for the existence of this gate in this early period is the Chanson de la croisade where it is mentioned as being in the Bourg (ed. Martin-Chabot, 2. 126–17, with appropriate note). It is not mentioned in the list of the defenses of Toulouse during the siege of 1219 (ed. Paul Meyer, lines 9494–9506), but it may have been termed the ‘porta Galharda’ there. In this text, the Gaillarde Gate was placed between the Matabiau and Villeneuve Gates. On the other hand, the Gaillarde Gate may have been merely a temporary opening. During this siege, Toulouse punctured its own walls at many places in order to threaten the besiegers with frequent sallies. Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Arch. Hôtel-Dieu: Saint, M.-Charles, Inventaire des archives de l'Hôtel-Dieu Saint-Jacques et l'Hôpital de la Grave, 146. This is a manuscript inventory housed at the Departmental Archives.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ See infra pp. 234. Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See Appendix I, Document 1, infra. Google Scholar

⁷⁷ H, Malte, Toulouse, 10, 21, a testament of May, 1257. That the confraternity may have had some relation to the Temple is hinted at in a further reference in the same will where the testator gave the Temple's church ‘unam capam officialem de signo Sancti Jacobi usque ad xx. sol. Tol.’ Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Variant versions of the act of January 5, 1258, are to be found in Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 27, and Arch. Hôtel-Dieu: Sainte, M.-Charles, Registre de Testaments, no. 1, p. 18. The prior gave Saint-Jacques ‘et ponti novo qui est iuxta ecclesiam supradictam et communitati et universitate civitatis Tholose et confratribus confratrie Sancti Jacobi, scilicet NN [thirteen in number] tunc confratribus et bajulis, totum illum murum qui est in barbacana capitis dicti pontis novi, qui murus est iuxta rippam fluminis Garonne, tantum videlicet quantum tenet dictus murus cum loco in quo est et ultra dictum murum ex parte inferiori juxta dictum murum continue et recte x. brachiatas ad virgam mercatoris; dedit etiam libere de loco ubi Garonna est juxta dictum pontem tantum quantum necesse fuerit predicto ponti vel domui dicti pontis ad voluntatem ipsorum confratrum, et hoc donum fecit ad edificandam … ibi domum vel domos … et ad faciendum alia omnia que semper sint ad hutilitatem … dicti pontis et bajulorum et rectorum confratrie dicti pontis.’ That the hospital was bulding at this time, we know from H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 68, a testamentary grant of November, 1263 to the ‘operi domus confratrie Sancti Jacobi in capite pontis novi constitute.’Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Instead of ten brachiatae, it was now fifteen. The confraternity received confirmation of these agreements at Moissac from the abbot in December, 1269. The agreements of 1269 are to be found only in the version of the Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 27. Google Scholar

⁸⁰ H, Daurade, 58, dated January, 1304. Google Scholar

⁸¹ Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 39, dated January, 1312: the consuls sued seven ‘confratres et rectores … domus confratrie Sancti Jacobi site in capite pontis novi fluminis Garonne Tholose super quadam capella quam … confratres … hedifficare intendebant in capite dicti pontis supra dictum pontem …’ Six master masons were to determine whether or not the new chapel would weaken the New Bridge. Google Scholar

⁸² See p. 222, infra. Google Scholar

⁸³ In H, Saint-Sernin, 625 (Cresty: 14, 43, 14), dated March 2, 1249, the members of the ‘confratrie Sancti Saturnini martyris pro seipsis et pro hospicio dicte confratrie quod hospicium est propre puteum Pelheriorum et pro omnibus aliis confratribus et confratricis ipsius confratrie’ reorganized the management of the confraternity. In map no. 2 of his Les ‘Estimes’ Toulousaines des xiv ^e et xv ^e siècles (Toulouse 1956), Philippe Wolff has guessed that a Rue Puits Pelhiers ran from Saint-Sernin to the Rue Pouzonville that itself debouched into the Place Arnaud-Bernard. Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Auriol, A. and Rey, R., Saint-Sernin de Toulouse (Toulouse 1930) 244 -46, mention an altar to Saint Sernin in the basilica of that name, sculpted by Bernardus Gelduinus, and erected by the ‘confratres beati martyris Saturnini.’ Judging from the style of this piece, they estimate it to be either of late eleventh- or early-twelfth-century provenance and propose that it was the very altar of Saint Sernin that was consecrated in 1096 by Urban II when he visited Toulouse. I am indebted for this reference to Andr, M.é Gouron. A will of February, 1208 in H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 32) ii, contained a donation to the church of Saint-Sernin and also 4 d. to the ‘confratrie eiusdem [Saint-Sernin's] operis.’Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Other than the confraternity of Saint-Sernin itself, the first confraternity associated with this church is that of Saint-Sauveur and Sainte-Croix mentioned in Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 413: ‘De altare Sancti Salvatoris quod est in eclesia Sancti Saturnini. Confratribus [sic] Sancti Salvatoris et Sancte Crucis donaverunt ad plant la terra que est ad Montem Vincentium, ad vineas edifficare, ad Esperandeu, et ad Amelio et ad eorum ordinium; et illi debent reddere quartum omni anno fideliter et debent portare ad domum baiuli Sancti Salvatoris et Sancte Crucis, qui tenet confrairiam…. Videntes et audientes sunt NNNNN, et toti confratres Sancti Salvatoris et Sancte Crucis debent … garentiam facere … Signum. NNN … et alios multos confratres, qui ad altare serviebant. Willelmus ianitor scripsit.’ My Liberty and Political Power, 252–3, n. 56, records that Willelmus drew acts between 1122 and 1148. The second confraternity is that called ‘des Corps-Saints.’ Claude Cresty's manuscript Repertoire … Saint-Sernin, I, fol. 259^v, refers to a rent roll of 1215 for the lights of the basilica in the section under the rubric of the confraternity ‘des Corps-Saints.’ Célestin Donais, Documents sur l'hist. de Languedoc, 2. xxv, leaves the impression that this confraternity was a later title embracing all of the confraternities mentioned in these pages. Google Scholar

⁸⁶ To my knowledge, the ‘confratria beati martyri Sancti Saturnini’ was last mentioned in H, Saint-Sernin, 625 (Cresty: 14, 43, 15), dated May, 1271. For the confraternity of Saint-Jacques, see the statutes of 1255 published in Document 2, Appendix I. Google Scholar

⁸⁷ D, Saint-Bernard, 52n, dated May, 1294. Here, the testament of Arnaldus Clavellus mentions a gift ‘hospiciis confratrie Sancti Jacobi de Burgo et de Civitate.’ The scribe could have been cutting corners by using the genitive singular of confratria, but I doubt it. Certainly, however, he could not have erred in regard to the hospices. François Galabert's manuscript inventory of the Hôtel-Dieu archives now in the departmental archives lists the first catalogued act under the rubric of foundations as of 1306 and the first act under that of donations as of 1314, so that the testament cited above gives us the first evidence for the existence of this hospice-hospital in the thirteenth century. Google Scholar

⁸⁸ For Prouille's hospital, note a list of rents to be paid on Saint Thomas’ day (December 21) ‘pro hospitali porte Arnaldi Bernardi,’ dated 1322, contained in the episcopal archives (1G, Archevêché, 705, a paper register, fol. 1^r). For the lepers, see the testament of 1403 published by Célestin Douais, ‘Des fortunes commerciales à Toulouse,’ Mém. de la Soc. archéol. da Midi 15 (1894) 49, where a gift is given to the ‘domus leprosorum porte Arnaldi Bernardi que erat in dicto hospitali,’ the latter referring to the hospital of Saint-Jacques. Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, AA5:300, dated 1505, where it states that the hospital was particularly devoted to the pilgrims of Saint James of Compostella. Google Scholar

⁹⁰ E, 973, ix, dated December, 1167, mentions a ‘nausam leprosorum’ outside of the Narbonne Gate. H, Grandselve, 1, dated October, 1171, copy of November, 1190, refers to a lot owned by the ‘leprosi habitantes extra portam Narbonensem.’ H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 69, dated December, 1179, mentions a ‘domum leprosorum’ in the same region. It is possible that the location of this house changed. In Arch. Nat., J 307, viii and J 304, lxx, copied in Arch. Hotel-Dieu, Répertoire 1B, liasse 1, 103D and in Arch. Nat., JJ 19 (Cartulary of Raymond VII), nos. 142 and 143, there are two acts of September, 1245, in one of which the vicar of Toulouse, Berenguer de Promilhac, gave the lepers a piece of property bounded by the ‘caminum Francigenum’ and a well in return for a gift by the lepers to him of a lot bounded by the same road and by the road going to Auterive. This makes it look as if the lepers moved further out from the Narbonne Gate into the quarter of Saint-Michel. Google Scholar

⁹¹ It will be recalled that the mother house of Fontevrault had a leper colony attached to it. Google Scholar

⁹² See Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 9189 (Lézat cartulary), fol. 240^v-24^r, dated March, 1217 and H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 141, dated November, 1218. Most important is the evidence in the acts of September, 1245, cited in note 90 supra, in which two inmates of the leper-house acted for the other inhabitants on the advice of representatives of the consuls of Toulouse and of the bishop. Similar evidence for the independence of Sainte-Catherine's hospital was given in notes 49 and 50 supra. Google Scholar

⁹³ See note 51 supra. Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Bruno or Brunus was alive in 1157 and 1166. G, Saint-Etienne, 227 (Cresty: 26, DA, 2, 102), dated January, 1157 and D, Saint-Bernard, 138 (Capdenier cartulary), fol. 2^r-3^r, dated May, 1166. Google Scholar

⁹⁵ H, Daurade, 117, dated July, 1196, copied June, 1204, records that Willelmus Brunus, son of Bruno Baranonus, ‘presentavit domino Fulcrando episcopo et Bernardo de Monte Esquivo priori beate Marie unum hominem Bernardum Vitalem et eius uxorem Ermengardam. Et tunc Bernardus Vitalis et eius uxor Ermengarda dederunt et tradiderunt se ipsos et totum illud genus quod de eis est ortum vel oriturum et totum hoc quod habebant aut erant habituri quicquid sit mobile vel inmobile Deo et ecclesie Sancte Marie quam Brunus Baranonus edificavit ultra Garonnam et domui ipsius ecclesie pro servire Deo et pauperibus ibi manetibus presentibus et futuris …’ And they further agree to give ‘ad opus et ad utilitatem infirmorum leprosorum’ who live in the said house all the rent and revenue which they customarily paid Willelmus Brunus. Google Scholar

⁹⁶ The eighteenth-century Inventaire of the archives of the Order of Malta, I, 27^v-28^r, records a suit of May, 1309, between the ‘Dames Augustines de Toulouse’ and the Hospitalers caused by the fact that the ‘Maison des lepreux de la Porteneufve’ had exchanged certain properties with the sisters. An entail was the grounds for the litigation: ‘Mais parceque lesdits maisons et terres desdits lepreux avoient esté substitues a la Religion de Saint Jean par le testament de Gausbert de Cahors qui portoit qu'en cas la maison desdits lepreux viendroit a estre destruitte en telle sorte qu'il n'y eust pas sept Infirmes ou qu'ils n'y pourroient pas habiter, Ladit maison viendroit auxdits Religieux de l'hospital de Saint Jean, lequel testament est inseré dans le present instrument en datte de l'annee mil cent septante cinq …’ This Gausbertus is mentioned in Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 350, dated early eleven-forties, H, Grandselve, 1, i, dated April, 1166, and Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, AA1: 3, published in Limouzin-Lamothe, La commune de Toulouse, p. 265, dated November, 1164. Google Scholar

⁹⁷ That Gausbert's house was that of the Villeneuve Gate may be seen in the above cited act of 1309, where the lepers acted with the consent of Bernard de Cahors, their patron. That this was also true during the thirteenth century may be seen in note 151 below. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 27, 65, dated January, 1240, furthermore, a division of a de Cahors’ inheritance tells us that the bulk of their property lay ‘inter portam Villanove et Matabovis.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁸ According to the lawsuit of 1309 cited above, the lepers were obliged to move ‘a cause de certaines Inhibitions qui leur avoient este faittes et commandemant d'esloigner ladit maison des Lepreux comme estant trop pres des autres maisons.’ Google Scholar

⁹⁹ D, Saint-Bernard, 138 (Capdenier cartulary), fol. 135^r-136^v, mentions an honor’ de misellis’ in November, 1199. There are other references thereafter. E, 575, dated February, 1204 (another copy in the Capdenier cartulary—D, Saint-Bernard, 138, fols. 34^r-36^r), mentions a plot ‘de misellis de messelaria de porta Arnaldi Bernardi.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ D, Saint-Bernard, 21: ‘ecclesiam messellorum foris portam Arnaldi Bernardi.’ Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ 1G, 838, dated May, 1232: ‘miscellaria Balsani.’ The spelling varied widely. E, 579, dated January, 1234, called it the ‘miscellaria Bertrandi Baissani.’ Bausanus is the form used in the list of quittances of 1246. As to its existence before this date, see what looks like an early thirteenth-century testament, unfortunately undated, in E, 579. Also, note the Baussane barbicane of the siege of 1219 mentioned in note 102 infra. Google Scholar

¹⁰² I favor Saint-Cyprien as the location of this house for a variety of reasons. The cellarer of the Taur's gifts of 1246 list it in Saint-Cyprien. Furthermore, it is known that there were two leper-houses in that region. For proof of this, see a testament of April, 1243, in H, Malte, 133 (Larramet), 149, in which are recorded gifts to ‘hospitali Novello et hospitali de Grava et duabus misellariis que sunt ultra pontem et recluse eiusdem loci cuique vi. d.’ Since the locations of all the other leprosaria are known, the two in Saint-Cyprien were those of Bruno Baranonus and the above. This does not mean that the barbicane called Baussane — ‘la Baussana barbacana’ mentioned in the Chanson de la Croisade, ed. Paul Meyer, line 9469, also lay in Saint-Cyprien. This construction clearly lay in the Bourg, being listed in the poem between the barbicane of the Bazacle and that of Lascrosses. Besides, property ‘de Baissano’ adjoined that of Poncius de Capitedenario whose lots and farms lay only in and outside of the Bourg. For one of several references to this property, see E, 508, i, dated February-August, 1212. On the location of this barbicane, see also H. de Malafosse, ‘Note sur l'emplacement du Pré Comtal à Toulouse,’ Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Midi, ser. 2, 9–10 (1891–92) 60ff. Google Scholar

¹⁰³ This conjecture is based on the order of the quittances given in the list of the cellerar of the Taur. According to this list, this leper-house lies between the miscellaria of the Pousonville Gate and the institutions clustered around the Villeneuve Gate. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ According to a list published in my Liberty and Political Power 180, Bernardus was consul in 1203–04. He was dead by May, 1218, when we hear of Geraldus Raterius, son of Bernardus Raterius ‘qui fuit’ in D, Saint-Bernard, 138 (Capdenier cartulary) 187^v. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Geraldus Raterius was not infrequently mentioned in documents from the Bourg. He died between December 1225 (E, 510) and October 1242 (H, Grandselve, 8). Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ E, 973, viii, copied July, 1202. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ See note 109 infra. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ See note 102 supra. Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ The normal procedure may be exemplified from H, Saint-Sernnin, 678 (Cresty: 20, 69, 7), iv, October, 1195. There, the deceased left sixpence to each mesellaria, hospital and reclusania in the town. Notice the difference of tone in a testament of 1398 published by Célestin Douais, ‘Des fortunes commerciales,’ Mém. de la Soc. archéol. du Midi 15 (1894) 47, where gifts were made to the ‘domibus Bequinorum et Bequinarum Tholose’ and to ‘reclusanis Tholose et pertinentiarum suarum.’ The contrast is between the house and the individual. Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ In the same article, p. 43, Douais’ testator of 1275 contributed to a hospice the Beguines were building in Toulouse. As is well known, the expansion of this religious movement was not without difficulties. At the time of the Olivite effervescence in the early-fourteenth century, the good Dominican inquisitor, Bernard Guy, was happy to describe them as ‘Bequini igitur utriusque sexus moderni temporis sic vulgariter appellati, qui se dicunt Fratres Pauperes de penitentia de tercio ordine Sancti Francisci …’ in his Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis, ed. Douais (Paris 1886) 5. 4. 2 on p. 264 — identical text to be found in Mollat's edition, 114. As was usually the case, however, the Dominicans were almost as important for these conversi or quasi-religious as the Franciscans. In 1403, we hear of a ‘domus Bequinarum prope conventum minorum Tholose,’ a ‘domus Bequinarum prope conventum predicatorum Tholose,’ and a ‘domus Bequinorum Tholose’ in roughly the same quarter of the town. See the document of this date cited in Douais’ article ‘Fortunes commerciales,’ 49. Google Scholar

¹¹¹ In the document of 1403 cited in the notes above, we find sorores recluse in Saint-Michel and Saint-Cyprien, both places where they had been in the thirteenth century. The two women involved were obviously entrusted with the collection of charitable donations in the gardiage or region immediately around Toulouse. The gifts given by the executors of 1403 to the bruscie or boxes of the two churches and hospitals of the villages of Saint-Orens and Saint-Martin-du-Touch as well as to the ‘domus leprosorum porte fontis Sancte Marie’ in or outside Saint-Cyprien were handed over to the recluse of Saint Cyprien — as the text says on p. 49: ‘quas bruscias dicta reclusa Sancti Supriani habebat penes se.’ On p. 50, we learn of similar gifts to the parish church, hospital and recluse of the bastide of Saint-Agne being entrusted to sister Johanna, the recluse of Saint-Michel. The nearest approach to a concierge may be seen in the fact that the Carmelites boasted their own recluse — see p. 51, where the executors gave three pennies to ‘sorori Johanne recluse conventus Carmeli Tholose’ — and so did the parish church of Saint-Barthelemy. At this time, only one installation boasted more than one such sister. There were two recluses on the New Bridge, a busy structure crowded with traffic and hedged about with hospitals. Google Scholar

¹¹² The monastery of Boulbonne had a hospice in the City given by Raimundus Mascaronus, a canon and onetime cellarer of Saint-Etienne, sometime before the Albigensian war, according to Catel, Mémoires, 181. Jules Chalande locates the Tour Mascaron on the present Rue des Arts in his ‘Histoire des rues de Toulouse,’ Académie des Sciences, Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, ser. 12. 4 (1926) 175. In G, Saint-Etienne, 221 (Cresty: 22, 3, nn.), we learn that Mascaronus was still alive in September, 1214. There may also have been a hospice of the monastery of Belleperche. A ‘frater Petrus hostalerius hostalis Pulchrepertice’ is mentioned in H, Saint-Sernin, 599 (Cresty: 10. 35. 17) iv of a bundle of seven acts, dated January, 1235. But Petrus may have been merely the head of the hostel at Belleperche itself. Google Scholar

¹¹³ Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, AA1:19, published in Limouzin-Lamothe, Commune de Toulouse, p. 295. According to Jules Chalande, ‘Histoire des rues,’ Acad. des Sciences, Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, ser. 11. 5 (1917) 455, the Jews were centered on the street described in the text above. In our period, the street was called after the Jews. H, Malte, Toulouse, 9, 92, i, dated November, 1219, copied January, 1229/30, records the testatement of ‘Aimericus qui stabat in carraria de scola Iudeorum.’ Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. de Languedoc, 10 Note 35, pr. no. 1 166. Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ The existence of the scola is also attested by an enfeoffment of 1217, performed ‘consilio et voluntate Alacris iudei, qui inde erat baiulus pro omni conventu scole Iudeorum.’ That this institution belonged to all the Jews of Toulouse is shown by the further provision that ‘quisquis iudeorum eis [rents] acceperit, postea alii iudei non requirant’ the rents again. This act is published in Casimir Barrière-Flavy, L’ Abbaye de Calers (Toulouse 1887) 151–53. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 138, dated May, 1242, an honor ‘communis scole Judeorum’ is mentioned. A later document of January, 1281, in H, Malte, Toulouse, 4, 232, tells us that three ‘iudeos procuratores seu syndicos universitatis seu comunitatis scole iudeorum Tolose seu actores eorumdem a predicta universitate et a singulis eiusdem universitatis seu comunitatis eorumdem scole iudeorum constitutos ab eisdem iuxta licentiam et potestatem et mandatum eisdem concessam et speciale’ sold the Temple six pennies of rent the Templars had paid the Jews ‘pro quibusdam honoribus incertis’ — in short, a money rent based upon fictive property — for the price of fifty shillings of Tours. What attests that the schola Judaeorum fell under the same legal protections that Christian and charitable organizations did is the fact that the said proctors acted ‘attendentes utilitatem dictorum iudeorum et universitatis et communitatis eorundem….’ After the expulsion of 1306, the scola Judaeorum and its garden was sold by the crown in 1310. See Siméon Luce, ‘Catalogue des documents du Trésor des Chartes relatifs aux Juifs sous le règne de Philippe le Bel,’ Revue des Études Juives 2 (1881) no. 93, 66. Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 45, undated early twelfth century gifts and promises of obits by ten members ‘De confratribus parrochie Sancte Marie de Albate.’ By chance, we hear more about the organization of the Dalbade parish than that of any other church in Toulouse. In Julien, Dalbade, 141ff., we learn of a treaty between the parishioners and the clergy of the Dalbade drawn up in 1296, following an arbitral decision between the two parties. The costs and types of church services were delineated in this compromise and it was provided that future changes were to be made with the consent of the parishioners assembled. Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Ibid., 123–24, based on an inquiry of 1776.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ The celebrated case is that of the confratria de Carmello in the City in Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. de Languedoc, 8. no. 522, i, vi, and xvii, dated 1267–69. Reputed to have 5,000 members, both men and women, this organization elicited Alphonse of Poitiers’ gravest suspicions save when it acted against the Jews. Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ The political confraternities were the following: that of the Bourg active in governmental matters in 1172/3 and 1184 (for which, see my Liberty and Political Power, 54–5, 65, 267 n. 52 and 277 n. 28) and those of the Whites and the Blacks at the time of bishop Fulk's attack on usury and heresy during the preliminaries of the Albigensian war (ibid. 82ff.). Google Scholar

¹²⁰ With the exception of parish organization which he does not consider, there is an excellent discussion of the various types of confraternities or caritates in Languedoc by André Gouron in his La réglementation des métiers en Languedoc (Geneva, Paris 1958) 325–45. I might note, however, that Gouron, M. has inadvertently misinterpreted my remarks on the confraternity of the Bourg mentioned in note 119 supra. Google Scholar

¹²¹ See the document published in Doc. 1, These, Appendix I. statutes date from 1255. When they were recopied in 1265, new provisions were added.Google Scholar

¹²² See supra pp. 224–25 together with the appended notes. Google Scholar

¹²³ H, Saint-Sernin, 625 (Cresty: 14, 43, 14), dated March 2, 1250 in which over seventy members elected twenty-five bailiffs, granting them the power of ‘vendendi et alienandi totam illam domum … et omnes illos alios honores quos aliquis vel alique dederat vel contulerat seu dederit vel contulerit in futurum pro helemosina vel aliter dicte confratrie Sancti Saturnini, petendique et recuperandi omnia illa debita que confratres vel confratrices dicte confratrie debent eidem confratrie ullo modo, recipiendi et recognoscendi nomine confratrie predicte helemosinas et legata quas vel que confratres vel confratrices dicte confratrie vel aliquis alius reliquerint seu reliquerit eidem confratrie Sancti Saturnini, volentes et concedentes dicti confratres pro se ipsis et pro aliis confratribus et confratricis … quod omnis illa venditio et alienatio … et totum hoc quod dicti baiuli vel successores eorum … fecerint vel dixerint consilio et assensu xxx. confratrum dicte confratrie quos ipsi baiuli supradicti … elegerint sit totum bonum et firmum.’ That the number of bailiffs continued large may be seen in H, Saint-Sernin, 625 (Cresty: 14, 43, 15), dated May 1271, recording a gift to twenty-three bailiffs of the same confraternity. Google Scholar

¹²⁴ See the end of the first paragraph of the statutes of 1255/65 published in Doc. 2, Appendix I. Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Arch. Hôtel-Dieu, 1 B/2, fol. 5^r, the bailiffs were listed by name in the following partidas: Google Scholar

NN de la partida de Vielanova

NN de la partida de Mathabuou

NN de la partida de Pozamila

NN de la partida den Arnaud Bernard

NN de la partida de las Crozas

NN de la partida de San Peire [de Cozinas].’

¹²⁶ This document rarely mentions hospitals attached to larger orders or to churches. It usually mentions the church in such cases, as, for example, in the reference to Saint-Antonin. The same is true of Sainte-Catherine with the additional peculiarity that the lepers are listed together with this chapel and hospital. Naturally, unless it be as the hospital of the Villeneuve Gate, there is no reference to the hospital de Cardonniers. Nor, for obvious reasons, is that of Roncevaux mentioned. I have also not counted Roncevaux in my analysis because of the outside chance that it had been renamed after the order of Roncevaux had given it up. Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Note the complaints of Toulouse's parishioners against their clergy cited in note 14 supra. Google Scholar

¹²⁸ See the astonishing charges against Peter, abbot of Lézat, recorded in Arch. Dept.-Tarn-et-Garonne, G, Moissac, 722b, dated 1253. According to the charges, the cloister housed soldiers, the monks gambled, and the simoniacal abbot corrupted everyone, including the village girls, whose husbands he apportioned out of the monastery's means. The cloister must have been a very lively place for a time. Google Scholar

¹²⁹ Note the dilapidated condition of the bishop of Toulouse's office and properties at the accession of Fulk in 1206 and also his vigorous counterattack before and during the Albigensian war in my Liberty and Political Power 79–84. Google Scholar

¹³⁰ H, Daurade, 65, undated, records the arguments advanced by Vitalis, chaplain of the Dalbade, against the design of Bernardus de Monte Esquivo, prior of the Daurade, to raise the census paid by his church to the Daurade from six to fifty shillings. Vitalis argued his case on the basis of the law, demonstrating no mean knowledge of Gratian and of the legislation of Alexander III. He also refused on practical grounds: ‘Preterea idem capellanus impotentiam allegavit, dicens oblationes et ea que ecclesie obveniunt sibi et clericis in servicio eiusdem [ecclesie] vigilantibus in necessariis non posse sufficere cum multo minores sint solito, cum propter ereticos quorum perversa secta in partibus Tolosanis habundat tum propter ecclesias in parrochia prefate ecclesie noviter edificatas ad quas in festivis diebus et in aliis omnes parrochiani fere confluunt.’ This act may be dated sometime between 1200 and 1214 because it refers to bishop Folcrand († 1200) as in the past and because the above mentioned prior of the Daurade was replaced by Arnaldus de Aragone by 1214 (see list of priors in H, Daurade, 117). Google Scholar

¹³¹ See note 219 infra. Google Scholar

¹³² See also the description of these institutions infra pp. 243–48. There would have been yet another hospital so named, had not that of Willelmus Arnaldus medicus been taken over by Longages. Google Scholar

¹³³ For secondary literature on this subject, see supra n. 15. The reader will pardon the oversimplified nature of these observations. Quite evidently, for example, the serious attack on the pignus had begun as a result of Alexander III's legislation of 1180, etc. Google Scholar

¹³⁴ For the information contained in this paragraph and much of the text below, see the check-list of the officers of Toulouse's hospitals and leper-houses contained below in Appendix II. No attempt has been made to complete this file after 1250. Also, the lists concerning the hospitals of the Sainte-Trinité, Saint-Raymond, Saint-Rémézy and the hospice of Grandselve have been left incomplete because these institutions were merely parts of larger organizations. Pertinent analogies for the material presented in this section is to be found in Emile Lesne, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France, VI: Les Églises et les monastères: Centres d'accueil, d'exploitation et de peuplement (Lille 1943) sect. 2, Jean Imbert, Les Hôpitaux en droit canonique (Paris 1947) and Siegfried Reicke, Das deutsche Spital und sein Recht im Mittelalter 2 vols. (Stuttgart 1932). What is lacking for Toulouse are statutes of hospitals and leper-houses like those published in Léon Le Grand, Statuts d'Hôtels-Dieu et de Leproséries: Recueil de textes du xii ^e au xiv ^e siècle (Paris 1901). Google Scholar

¹³⁵ As an example, gifts were usually made to the Hospitalers of Saint John as an order, sometimes to the prior, the brethren and to the ‘pauperibus atque infirmis eiusdem domus hospitalis,’ as in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 20, dated November, 1214. Obviously, however, the hospital itself was a particular part of this enterprise and therefore had its officers and nurses, as, for example, ‘Papars hospitalerius hospitalis Sancti Remegii’ in November, 1222 in E, 510 and the two ‘sorores hospitalis’ who, together with their superiors, acceded to an alienation of property by the Hospital in September, 1234, as recorded in H, Malte, Toulouse, 9, 99.; and, finally, in H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 165, dated February, 1260, copied in in July, 1272, ‘Ugo Rotbertus hospitalarius hospitalis Sancti Johannis.’ Google Scholar

¹³⁶ In the Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, edited by Célestin Douais, starting with no. 546, a series of fifty-one titles list the acquisitions of this hospital during the twelfth century. The same editor also published the inventory of its property in 1246 in his Documents sur … Languedoc, 2. 27ff. Google Scholar

¹³⁷ The regular series of twelfth-century eleemosinarii fails us with the end of the cartulary mentioned in the note above. See Douais, , Cartulaire, lvii. After that we hear of individual canons dealing with the hospital's property but they appear to have been shifted to other posts relatively frequently. The first mention of the new eleemosinarius is of July, 1237. For this information, see Appendix 2.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ The testimony of the following acts in unequivocal. In H, Grandselve, 5, the hostalerius Petrus Willelmus both sold and enfeoffed land in November, 1213 and July, 1214. In H, Grandselve, 8, ii, copied in February, 1248, ‘Dompnus Oldrichus Maurandus monachus et cellerarius maior domus Grandissilve et frater Bertrandus hostalerius de hospicio Tolose domus Grandissilve’ together enfeoffed hospice property in March, 1243. By November, 1257, in H, Grandselve, 8, the cellarer alone enfeoffed land with the consent of the two hostalerii, fratres Bernardus Esperonerius and Willelmus Bernardus. Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Novellus hospital: In Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 92, dated March, 1240, the minister of the ‘domus hospitalis Novelli’ sold a lot with the consent of a sacristan who stood for the prior of the Daurade. Saint-Jacques in Saint-Cyprien: In H, Daurade, 58, dated January, 1303, the prior of the Daurade, with the consent of Moissac, gave over the administration of this hospital to the Daurade sisters. The act expressely states that this hospital ‘spectat dicto domino priori,’ and then issued statutes for the sisters: ‘Quas sorores dictus dominus prior in dicto loco seu hospitali statuit et ordinavit debere vivere ut mulieres singulas et honeste viventes sine collegio et conventu …; et quod ibidem divinis officiis dicte sorores et eius successores deserviant et pauperibus serviant et provideant secundum posse suum bene et fideliter absque omni dolo et fraude. Et si contingat quod dicte sorores seu earum successores dictam pencionem dicto domino priori seu eius successoribus in dicto termino solvere recusarent vel eidem domino priori seu eius successoribus contradicerent hobedire vel in dicto loco inhoneste conversarentur, prefatus dominus prior et eius successores ex tunc talem sororem seu tales sorores contradicentem seu contradicentes hobedire vel inhoneste conver-santem sue conversantes vel omnes, si omnes erant contradicentes vel inhoneste conversantes, auctoritate sua propria expellare posset de dicto loco seu hospitali predicto.’ Among other provisions, the sisters agreed to receive no members without the consent of the prior, to accept as donations no fiefs or superfiefs held of the prior, to accept as donations no fiefs or superfiefs held of the Daurade, and admitted that, if there were any controversy among the sisters, the prior, as ‘patronus et dominus’ may settle it with no appeal outside. The sisters then promised to be the prior's obedientiaries and, placing their hands in his, ‘flexis genibus,’ took oath to him. The prior then invested and placed sister Guillelma, daughter of ‘quondam Bernardus Deide de Castro Sarraceno,’ as ‘maiorissam et gubernatricem aliarum sororum.’ For other affiliates of the Daurade, see notes 143 and 150 below. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ The best survey of the Gregorian age at Toulouse is to be found in Elisabeth Magnou L'Introduction de la réforme Grégorienne à Toulouse (Toulouse 1958) where she has corrected several details of my Liberty and Political Power 17–20, 80–82. The difference of tone in these two treatments is that Miss Magnou thinks of these events in terms of a ‘reform’ and does not find this reform to be quite so combative or warlike as I do. Whatever the interpretation, it is worth noting that Cluny momentarily gained control of almost every church in Toulouse, excluding the cathedral, in the late-eleventh century. Saint-Sernin and its affiliate of the Taur broke free shortly thereafter. Indeed, aided by the popes and by the introduction into the Toulousain of new orders like the Hospitalers, Templars, Cistercians and Fontevrault, the local church was more than able to hold its own. All the same, Cluny retained much. Saint-Pierre-des-Cuisines was held of Moissac. So was the Daurade which, with its dependency of the Dalbade, controlled most of the riverine section of the City and dominated Saint-Cyprien. As we also know, the Cluniacs of Lézat had their priory of Saint-Antonin outside of the Narbonne Gate. In short, until the appearance of new parish churches in the early-thirteenth century, almost half of Toulouse's parishes were Cluniac dependencies. Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ The case of Saint-Etienne is particularly interesting because it shows how closely related the conception of patronage was to that of simple lordship in twelfth-century practice. G, Saint Etienne, 329 (Cresty: 30, 3, nn.), charter dated April, 1162: the provost and canons of Saint-Etienne ‘dederunt ad fevum libere hospitali de porta Sancti Stephani et habitatoribus ipsius hospitalis presentibus et futuris et Atoni de Hospitale et Poncie uxori sue qui tunc tenebant illud hospitale’ a lot of land ‘tali conventu … quod si habitatores illius hospitalis pro necessitate aut pro melioramento hospitalis volebant illum casalem vendere, faciant consilio prepositi aut cellararii et reddant ei de tota venditione vi. d. et non plus. Et si volunt illum casalem dare ad fevum, hospitalarii faciant et totum hoc quod ibi retinuerint, oblias scilicet et dominationes, sint omni tempore hospitalis predicti …’ This control over the hospital was enforced on later occasions. See G, Saint-Etienne, 320 (Cresty: 27, 3, 24), dated March, 1262, where a ‘hospitalerius hospitalis Sancti Stephani’ alienated property with the consent of the provost, cellerar and the heleemosinarii of Saint-Etienne. For an analogous case, see the relationship of the Daurade to the hospital of Saint-Jacques on p. 224 supra. It is apparent that, even in the mid-thirteenth century, a recognitive rent seemed to be, if not a necessary, at least a suitable part of such relationships. Google Scholar

¹⁴² H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 46), dated April, 1232: ‘Sciendum est quod NN hospitalarii hospitalis pontis de Cardonariis, eorum bona propria voluntate pro se ipsis et pro aliis hominibus fratribus eiusdem hospitalis pro presentibus et futuris, recognoverunt et concesserunt quod ipsi habent et tenent predictam hospitalem et omnia bona eiusdem hospitalis domini Dei et Sancti Saturnini et dompni Jordani abbatis eiusdem ecclesie et quod ipsi et dicti hospitalarii et bona ipsius honoris sunt eiusdem abbatis et de suis sucsessoribus. Et ibidem dicti fratres … mandaverunt et convenerunt dicto abbati et suis successoribus obedientiam et plus quod ipsi nec alii fratres eiusdem hospitalis qui modo ibi sunt non accipiant illi hospitali fratre nec sorore ullo modo sine consilio et voluntate dicti abbatis vel de eius successoribus… Et ibidem dictus abbas … accipit predictam hospitalem et omnibus fratribus et donatis[!] eiusdem hospitalis … et omnia bona mobilia et immobilia eiusdem hospitalis in suo capteinio et in sua manutenentia de omnibus hominibus et feminis pro bona fide et mandavit et convenit eis quod in dicto hospitali non mittant nec accipiant sine consilio et voluntate eiusdem abbatis vel de conventu eiusdem loci homines nec feminas ullo modo.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴³ Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, Layette 27, dated November and December of 1269, copied in August, 1273. The confraternity ‘Sancti Jacobi civitatis Tolose’ was granted the right to build an oratorium or chapel by the Daurade on the condition that the prior of the Daurade confirm the chaplain. The actual head of the hospice or hospital of Saint-Jacques was clearly elected by the members of the confraternity. He was listed among the witnesses to this charter: ‘Vitalis Furnerius confrater ipsius confratrie tunc hostalerius domus dicte confratrie civitatis Tolose que est sita super flumen Garonne iuxta pontem novem et Vizianus confrater ipsius confratrie donatus dicte domus confratrie supradicte.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ A small cartulary of eighteenth-century provenance in H, Chartreux, 193, fols. 4^v-5^r also in Catel, Mémoires, 215–16: ‘Verumtamen ego Bernardus Mandatarius hanc donationem facio ut ego et Guillelma mea uxor quamdiu vixerimus predictum hospitale et omnia bona ad illud hospitale pertinentia habeamus et possideamus ad honorem Dei et ad sustentandam necessitatem pauperum et ad utilitatem ecclesie Sancti Petri Moyssiacensis, ita tamen ut nec ego nec Guillelma mea uxor possimus inde aliquid alienare vel pignori obligare vel deteriorare nec aliquem confratrem vel donatum sine consilio et voluntate predicti abbatis et suorum successorum ibi recipere. Si vero Guillelma uxor mea mihi superstes extiterit, ipsa teneat et possideat predictum hospitale et tractet et disponat res et negotia predicti hospitalis consilio et voluntate predicti abbatis vel successorum suorum ad honorem Dei et utilitatem pauperum Christi… Praeterea ego Bernardus Mandatarius retineo mea bona mobilia et fructus et obventiones quae de honoribus predicti hospitalis exierint pro mea voluntate facienda quamdiu vixero. Hac donatione libere et absolute facta, ego Bertrandus prenominatus abbas … recipio et participem facio te Bernardum Mandatarium et Guillelmam uxorem tuam in omnibus bonis temporalibus et spiritualibus et elemosinis et orationibus domus Moyssiacencis et convenio pro me et pro meis successoribus ut subveniam vobis et predictis pauperibus in omnibus necessitatibus vestris si quocumque casu de bonis predicti hospitalis sustentari non possetis et quod predictum hospitale teneam condrictum et ornatum …’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ E, 579, dated October, 1262, copied January, 1279: ‘Domina Maria hospitalaria hospitalis foris portam Arnaldi Bernardi et Petrus Cinglerius procurator dicti hospitalis, ut procurator et ipsa ut hospitalaria, et pro domino priore et toto conventu domus de Prulhano presenti et futuro, vendiderunt et dederunt ad feodum …’ Anent Longages, see the document cited in note 50 above, dated February, 1211, in which mention was made of a frater Willelmus de Sancto Andrea who was presumably the baiulus of Sainte-Catherine's hospital for Longages. In E, 973, dated April, 1243, copied in June, 1244 and January, 1274, i, Domina Sibilla de Marcafabba, prioress of Longages, and her chapter, together with the male prior, the chaplain and another brother, ‘posuerunt et constituerunt Guillelmum de Dalbs procuratorem et executorem dicti monasterii in Tolosa, ad dandum scilicet et concedendum ac laudandum feoda et recipiendum oblias et pax ac donationes feodorum omnes dicto monasterio pertinentium et ad recipiendum helemosinas et legata que dicto monasterio reliquantur, ad faciendum absolutiones, compromissiones et transactiones * * * gatorum et helemosinarum, ita videlicet …’ that said Guillelmus had full power to act for the nunnery. In E, 973, ii, dated May, 1246, Guillelmus de Dalbs ‘pro domina Sibilla de Marcafabba priorissa domus de Longagiis et pro toto conventu’ enfeoffed property. In this act, he is described as a baiulus. Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ The abbot of Moissac promised that he would do all he could for the hospital of the Mainaderie ‘et, si aliquid de his que predicta sunt permutavero vel pretermisero, emendem illud et perficiam cognitione domini Fulcrandi Tolosani episcopi quamdiu superstes extiterit, sed post eius decessum nulli successorum eius hoc ius concedo. Emendem autem et perficiam si aliquid de his predictis permutavero vel praetermisero cognitione abbatis Grandissilvae et abbatis Pulchrae perticae et abbatis Gimondi et abbatis de Elnis et successorum illorum in perpetuum et cognitione Bernardi de Sancto Romano et Guillemi Poncii Astronis et Geraldi Membrati vel eorum ordinii vel illorum quos ipsi constituerint.’ The following sentence then follows the donation which, we recall, is to take effect upon the death of the donor and his wife: ‘Post mortem vero nostram, predictum hospitale et omnia bona tam mobilia quam immobilia ad illud hospitale pertinentia, integra et immutilata habeat et possideat ecclesia Sancti Petri Cluniacensis et ecclesia Sancti Petri Moyssacensis, et tu Bertrandus prefatus abbas et tui successores et habitatores domus Moyssiacensis teneatis et gubernetis pro vestra voluntate sicut suprascriptum est.’ The reference to this act is contained supra n. 144 On patronage or advowson, see Schindler, H., ‘Zur geschichtliche Entwickelung des Laienpatronats und des geistlichenpatronats nach germanische und kanonische Rechte,’ Archiv für katholische Kirchenrecht. 85 (1905) and Thomas, P., Le droit de propriété des laïques et le patronage laïque au moyen-âge (Paris 1906).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ E, 973, iv: ‘Ego Willelmus Arnaldus medicus mitto me et meam domum quam ad honorem Dei et ad hutilitatem pauperum Xpisti edificavi, que est foris portam Narbonensem inter honorem Bernardi Bonihominis et inter honorem hospitalis, sub protectione et in defensione et in manutenentia de te Petro Rogerio et de te Bernardo Petro de Cossano et de te Willelmo Bertrando, et omnia alia bona mobilia et semoventia ut sunt animalia qui modo in predicta domo sunt et in antea fuerint quecumque sint illa bona et ubicumque sint. Et per illam manutenenciam, ego Willelmus Arnaldus illam eandem retribucionem quam ante tribunal omnipotentis spero habere, illam eandem vobis concedo. Et supradicti viri Petrus Rogerius et Bernardus Petrus et Willelmus Bertrandus sub hac eadem sperantia receperunt supradictum captannum et manutenentiam.’ On the dating of this act, see note 49 supra. Willelmus Bertrandus was a consul in 1197–98, a grade attained by Petrus Rogerius and B. P. de Cossano in 1198–99. Here, as in the act mentioned in note 154 infra, the spelling of captennium is irregular, being either captannum or captennum. It is worth observing that the word captennium shows us that the notion of being under, or of being taken under, protection was commonly applied to persons as well as to institutions in this period. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 111, dated February, 1219, we learn that ‘Petrus Martinus de Insula misit seipsum et Arnaldam suam uxorem et omnia eorum iura et bona … in capteinnio et in manutenencia et in amparancia hospitalis’ in return for 3 d. ‘de captein’ yearly and 2 s. at death. The Hospital received them ‘in suo capteni et in sua amparancia et in sua deffensione.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ The evidence for the hospital of Willelmus de Trenis is much less certain. Although the dominus and hospitalarii were quite capable of acting alone in 1216 (See Appendix 2). an act in E, 501, dated November, 1232, shows us that a private act was done ‘consilio … Vitalis Willelmi et Bernardi Vicecomitis … pro bailia hospitalis Willelmi de Trenis qui fuit.’ Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ G, Saint-Etienne, 227 (Cresty: 26, DA, 2, nn.): when the ‘hospitalerius de hospitali de caput de ponte’ sold some property in Braqueville, he explained his reasons: ‘Hoc fecit quia illi honores non erant utiles hospitali, et voluit istos denarios similiter dare in honorem qui esset melius utilis hospitali.’ He also acted ‘consilio proborum hominum de caput de ponte, scilicet per Bernardum Barravi et Petrum Arnaldi et Bruno de Tabule et Bernardo Arnaldo Mancipii et Petri Paissacamba.’ The notary who wrote this in March, 1145/46 or who copied it in April, 1189, lost track of his cases when listing the notables. The Barravi was a family famous in the City. Brus or Bruno de Tabula is heard of among the town's leading notables (boni homines) around 1120 and again in 1150. Petrus Arnaldi was also a bonus homo in 1150. The hospital of the Arnaud-Bernard Gate was even more directly under the town government. See H, Saint-Sernin, 688 (Cresty: 21, 79, 6) iii, published in my Liberty and Political Power 175: ‘Istum casalem predictum dederunt ad fevum predicti hospitalarii consilio proborum hominum capituli, scilicet NNNN, qui ex hoc facto petierunt consilium aliis probis hominibus capituli et capitulum recognovit quod hoc fevum dare potuerant pro utilitate hospitalis, et ideo dederunt hoc fevum consilio capituli.’ Google Scholar

¹⁵⁰ H, Daurade, 117, dated July, 1196, copy of June, 1204: Willelmus Brus, son of the founder Bruno Baranonus, ‘presentavit domino Fulcrando episcopo et Bernardo de Monte Esquivo priori beate Marie unum hominem Bernardum Vitalem et eius uxorem Ermengardam. Et tunc Bernardus Vitalis et eius uxor Ermengarda dederunt et tradiderunt se ipsos et totum illud genus quod de eis est ortum vel oriturum et totum hoc quod habebant … Deo et ecclesie Sancte Marie quam Brunus Baranonus edificavit ultra Garonnam et domui ipsius ecclesie pro servire Deo et pauperibus leprosibus ibi manentibus presentibus et futuris. Et ibi tunc Bernardus Vitalis mandavit et convenit querere et colligere et congregare omnes fructus et omnes redditus et omnes exitas de omnibus honoribus prefate domus. Et quando habuerit omnes fructus illius anni collectos et congregatos quod reddat inde [comput]um Willelmo Brunoni bene et fideliter et postea computo inde * * * quod Bernardus Vitalis mittat illos fructus et illas exitas cum consilio Willelmi Brunonis ad opus et ad utilitatem infirmorum et abitatorum prefate domus presencium et futurum et sic semper tenentur et ex hac predicta ratione * * * prefate domus et per Willelmum Brunonem ut hec omnia sicut supradicta sunt faciat et teneat Bernardus Vitalis * * * vat pro bono et fide sine enganno ad opus et ad utilitatem infirmorum leprosorum qui prefata domus degerint mandavit per fidem sui corporis et iuravit super sancta Dei evangelia.’ Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ The heirs appear to have managed the properties of their leper-house directly at first. See E, 501, dated January, 1186 — another copy in D, Saint-Bernard, 138 (Capdenier cartulary), 61^r-63^v — where a sale of rents is recorded. Among those who owed a rent was Geraldus de Caturcio for a half arpent ‘pro leprosis.’ Later on, they merely acted as patrons. In E, 502, September, 1242, the lepers enfeoffed a piece of land with the consent of Bernardus de Caturcio. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 7, 64, dated March, 1286, Petrus Barreria ‘infirmus et minister ut fuit ibi dictum domus miscellarie porte Villanove Tholose’ acted in the presence of four brethren ‘et in presentiam etiam concilio et assensu Raimundi de Caturcio patroni domus miscellarie predicte et idem Raimundus de Caturcio tanquam patronus eiusdem domus’ enfeoffed and sold a casal. In E, 569, dated March, 1296, Arnaldus Barosa ‘frater et minister micellarie porte nove et … fratres et habitatores ut asseruerunt dicte domus constituti in presencia Raimundi de Caturcio patroni eiusdem domus et de consilio et voluntate et expresso assensu eiusdem Raimundi de Caturcio patroni predicti qui totum hoc voluit et ita fieri concessit, promiserunt’ to pay a debt contracted by a previous minister of the house. The change from lay dominium to the ius patronatus as seen in Toulouse appears to have followed the general evolution of ecclesiastical ideas on this question. See the description of this evolution and, particularly, of the cardinal role of Alexander III in formulating this legislation in the first two chapters of part two of Paul Thomas’ pellucid Le droit de propriété des laïques sur les églises et le patronage laïque au moyen-âge (Paris 1906). For the application of this law to hospitals in France other than those in Toulouse, see Imbert, , Hôpitaux, 204, 223ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵² D, Saint-Bernard, 21, dated March, 1229. Poncius attached provisos of this kind to all his donations. Although more developed, the provisions in Poncius’ will were similar to that of Bernardus Mandatarius when he urged the abbot of Moissac ‘et quod aliquid de bonis praedicti hospitalis aliquo modo alienare sive pignori obligare non presumatis, sed omnia predicto hospitali pertinentia integra et immutilata ad honorem Dei et utilitatem pauperum Christi predicto hospitali in perpetuum servetis.’ The reference to Bernardus’ gift is in note 144 supra. As to the erosion through time of these rich men's perpetual memorials, one might note a comment in an eighteenth-century hand on the foundation charter of the Mainaderie in Arch. Dept.-Tarn-et-Garonne, G, Sainte-Radegonde, 711. This later commentator remarked about Bernardus Mandatarius’ provision to maintain twelve poor men: ‘Ce qui prouve qu'il avoit un revenue plus considerable que celui des 200 livres qu'il vaut aujourd'huy.’ Google Scholar

¹⁵³ D, Saint-Bernard, 21, dated March, 1229: namely his wife, daughter and son-in-law. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ The only difference between the act transcribed below and that published in note 147 supra is the final provision, wherein the founder clearly assumed that R. A. de Bovilla would live in his hospital. E, 973, vii, dating in note 49 supra: ‘Ego Willelmus Arnaldus mitto in captanno et sub protectione de te Raimundo Arnaldo de Bovilla illam domum quam in honore Dei edificavi et ad utilitatem pauperum Xristi foris portam Narbonensem iuxta caminum Francigenam et iuxta honorem Bernardi Bonihominis … ita quod si aliquis sublimis vel mediocris vel infimus illam domum vel bona illius domus armata vi vel ullo alio modo molestare temptaverit quod tu Raimundus Arnaldus illam domum et bona illius domus manuteneas et defendas ab illis infestacionibus quamdiu ius et ratio domui habundaverit. Et per istud captannum et per istam manutenenciam quam ibi fecerit illam eandem retributionem quam ego Willelmus Arnaldus per illam domum ante tribunal Xristi spero habere tibi concedo et in benedictis illius domus tam in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus que ibi dicta vel facta fuerint te recolligo, et quod tibi liceat ingredere [!] prefatam domum et ibi permanere absque omnibus expensis et absque ulla missione et sine ullo dono quod ibi non facias nisi solummodo teipsum quod ibi Deo servias. Et ego Raimundus Arnaldus hoc totum sicut melius intelligi potuit in remissionem omnium vero peccatorum meorum recipio ad laudem et ad honorem Dei.’ Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ H, Chartreux, 193 (small eighteenth-century register or cartulary), fols. 1^v-2^r: ‘In Dei nomine, anno ab incarnacione eiusdem millesimo ducentesimo xiiii., regnante Philippo Francorum rege, coram Willelmo Carcasonensis episcopo, notum sit omnibus quod ego Raimundus abbas Moissiacensis, consilio et consensu totius conventus, dono et concedo tibi Raimundo de Ricaudo firmitatem et societatem in omnibus beneficiis ecclesie Moissiacensis temporalibus et spiritualibus. Et dono tibi hospitale dictum de Mainaderia cum omnibus suis pertinentiis, quod hospitale est Tolose in parrochia Sancti Petri Coquinarum, salvo tamen jure ipsius ecclesie Coquinarum, et liberam facultatem ingrediendi possessionem tibi promitto. Et in ecclesia beate Marie que est in ipso hospitali ius patronatus tibi concedo, ea lege et ea conditione ne possis vendere vel donare vel impignorare vel aliquo modo alienare possessiones vel honores ad predictum hospitale vel ad predictam ecclesiam pertinentes, et ne tui creditores occasione tui debiti possint aliquas res ad ipsum hospitale pertinentes pignorare. Et ego R. de Ricaudo predicta conditione prefatum domum recipio et promitto quod impendam omnes redditus predicti hospitalis qui supererint, deductis expensis necessariis in utilitatibus ipsius hospitalis, et quid in predicto hospitali melioravero vel ad opus ipsius acquisiero, volo quod post mortem meam predicto hospitali in pace et sine omni contradictione in perpetuum remaneat. Et voveo et promitto Deo et beatis apostolis Petro et Paulo et tibi R. abbati Moissiacensis et conventui quod, cum habitum religionis recipere voluero, predictum hospitale causa manendi ingrediar vel in Moissiacensis monasterio tantum monasticum habitum recipiam. Et nullum donatum vel donata in ipso hospitali recipiam nisi consilio et assensu domni abbatis Moissiacensis et conventus et promitto quod in omni vita mea tenebo in prefato hospitali unum monachum Moissiacensis et ei honorifice in necessariis providebo et unum sacerdotem ibi tenebo.’ This was enacted at Moissac on December 5, 1214. Ibid., 1^r-v, dated May, 1229: the abbot of Moissac ‘dedit … Petro de Montibus dum ipse Petrus de Montibus vivet domum et hospitalem Bernardi Maynaderii qui fuit, ecclesiam predicti hospitalis et domos et maloles et terras et hortos et casales et oblias … predicte hospitalis … et ipsum Petrum … idem dominus abbas procuratorem et ministrum de omnibus predictis instituit, dans et concedens predictus abbas eidem Petro … licentiam et posse dum vixerit laudandi feoda ex parte dominationis et collocandi honores et alia faciendi que necessaria fuerint …’ There then follow restrictions upon Peter's freedom similar to those imposed above on Raimundus de Ricaudo. It is to be noted that one-third of the rents were to go to the prior of Saint-Pierre-des-Cuisines, a dependency of Moissac in whose parish this hospital lay. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ In 1228. See note 66 supra. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 9189 (Lézat cartulary), f. 219^v-2205, dated December, 1202: ‘Id-circo … ego Johannes hospitalarius … duco te Sebeliam in uxorem et ego Sebelia duco te Johannem pro viro; et dono ego Sebelia et concedo domino Deo omnipotenti et beate Marie et predicto hospitali corpus meum ad serviendum Deo et pauperibus presentibus et futuris ibi permanentibus …’ Sebelia then gave two half arpents of new vineyard and 200 shillings. ‘Item Raimundus Calvetus predictus recepit predictam Sebeliam per sororem et per participem predicti hospitalis et omnium bonorum mobilium et inmobilium … predicti hospitalis.’ Ibid., fol. 220^r-a, dated December, 1202: Raimundus Calvetus ‘mandavit Johanni … et Sebelie uxori sue ut ipse Raimundus Calvetus ammodo non accipiat in predicto hospitali aliquem hominem nec aliquam feminam aliquo modo absque consilio et voluntate ipsius Johannis predicti et Sibilie uxoris sue et ipse Johannes et uxor ejus Sibilia sint domini de predicta domo post obitum ipsius Raimundi Calvete predicti et uxoris sue Ricarde uti melius Raimundus Calvetus et uxor eius predicta modo sunt domini de predicta domo et de predictis honoribus.’. For other examples, see notes 160 and 221 infra. For analogies drawn from similar histories in northern France and Germany, see Imbert, , Hôpitaux, 203ff. and 219ff. and Reicke, Deutsche Spitale, 1. 278ff., with particular attention to 287ff. and 290ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 141, dated November, 1218: the leading ‘infirmus domus leprosorum extra portam Narbonensem,’ together with three brothers and one sister, sold some property to the Temple. No consent was given by anyone other than the brethren of the leper-house. Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ In G, Saint-Etienne, 230 (Cresty: 27, 2, nn.), ii, dated February, 1231, copied in 1231 and 1236, two ‘hospitalerii et ministri hospitalis’ of La Grave sold property and, further, ‘concesserunt predicti venditores quod pro necessariis domus et pro multis debitis que debebant, faciebant hanc venditionem’ with the consent of thirteen brothers and sisters. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ The first act of the membrane cited in the note above, dated October, 1213, shows the control of the brethren over admissions to the hospital. Bernardus de Grava and his wife Willema ‘dederunt se ipsos, scilicet Bernardus per fratrem et Willelma per sororem domino Deo et Sancte Marie et hospitali de Grava et Bernardo Estraderio domino et ministro predicti hospitalis,’ together with their property. With the consent of five brothers and sisters, the minister then ‘per participes eos posuit in spiritualibus et in temporalibus bonis predicti hospitalis’ and offered them the usual allotment of food and clothing. The minister further agreed that ‘non accipiat fratrem nec sororem sine eorum consilio et voluntate nec faciat ullam baratam in predicto hospitali de v. sol. sursum sine eorum consilio.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ The only clear hint is from later documents. Note the insistence by the prior of the Daurade in January, 1304 (H, Daurade, 68) that the sisters of the Daurade in Saint-Jacques should be single and honest women living ‘sine collegio et conventu et sine aliqua priorissa, abbatissa seu alia prelata per ipsas eligenda set solum spectetur [Saint-Jacques] ad regimen et gubernationem eiusdem prioris et eius successorum vel illius quam dictus dominus prior vel eius successores duxerit deputandam.’ An act of September, 1326, in H, Daurade, 68, shows that the prior had perhaps lost his case. The head of Saint-Jacques was there titled prioress. Analogies are plentifully available in the monographs of both Imbert and Reicke cited so frequently in these pages. The latter's Deutsche Spitale, 2. part one, particularly 95ff., contains an especially useful treatment, partly because the author is so interested in the question of the secularization of hospitals in the later Middle Ages. Google Scholar

¹⁶² Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, AA1:79, dated September, 1222, published in Limouzin-Lamothe, Commune de Toulouse, 415–16. Google Scholar

¹⁶³ In September, 1245, the lepers outside the Narbonne Gate exchanged pieces of property with the count. In the act recording their alienation, the following clause was inserted: ‘Item hoc fuit factum consilio et voluntate Amelii de Savarriis capellani ecclesie Sancti Stephani sedis Tholose et Petri Bernardi Boaterii et Raimundi de Lambes et Petri Vitalis capelerii qui a domino Raimundo Dei gratia episcopo Tholose et a consulibus Tholosanis erant procuratores constituti predicte domus misellarie …’ The full reference to this act may be read in the latter part of note 90 supra. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ On the role of bishops see Imbert, , Hôpitaux, Ch. 1 particularly 68–73 and 233–42. Bishops had many more powers in theory than they were ever able to obtain or enforce in practice. There was also constant conflict over hospitals between the ecclesiastical and secular powers. At Toulouse, as elsewhere, the bishop acted as custodian of institutions founded or ruled by ecclesiastical authority. In H, Grandselve, 5, dated July, 1214, the bishop recorded his consent to a sale by the ostalerius of the hospice of Grandselve, ‘salvis et retentis ibi suis censibus et usibus, scilicet i. medelate pro custodia quam inde ei vel suo baiulo reddat omni anno, et si predictum fevum venditur aut inpignoratur fiat consilio domini episcopi vel sui bajuli qui habeat inde de unoquoque solido venditionis’, one and a half pence This right of custodianship is strikingly similar to a simple ius dominium. The bishop of Toulouse was also naturally involved in the foundation and maintenance of hospitals and leper-houses boasting chapels and churches. Cases in point are the leperhouse of Bruno Baranonus and the Mainadarie. See supra nn. 46 and 95.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ For Raimundus’ appointment, see note 155 supra. The reason for the bishop's action is to be seen in the chronicle of Guillaume de Puylaurens, edited by Beyssier in ‘Guillaume de Puylaurens et sa chronique d'après le manuscrit latin 5212,’ Bibliothèque de la Faculté des Lettres de Paris 18 (1904) 139: ‘Dicamque, quod audivi diebus illis dici, virum ingenuum Raimundum de Recaudo militem, qui de majoribus fuerat consiliariis comitis Tolosani, accessisse ad dominum Fulconem, episcopum Tolosanum, petentem ab eo domum hospitalis quod dicitur Mainaderie, in quo in obsequi Dei clauderet dies suos, eique episcopum in parabola respondisse: “ipsum qui consiliis suis pravis comitem occiderat per occasionem, quasi qui totum egerat, nunc petere dare sibi beneficium hospitalis, ad instar cujusdam folli qui, cum quemdam lapide percussum cerebro occidisset, ad helemosinam pro mortuo dividendam venit, cum pauperibus recepturus. Quem sedentem in ordine, cum qui dabat helemosinam nichil illi dato ut aliis, pertransiret: “Annon inquit, mihi qui totum feceram erogabis?” Sicque episcopus petitionem ejus hoc duxit similitudine repellendam.’ Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ M.-Hyacinthus Laurent, Monumenta historica Dominici S. P. N., fasc. I: Historia diplomatica Dominici S. (Paris 1933) no. lxvii: ‘Notum sit presentibus et futuris, quod nos F., Dei gratia Tolosane sedis minister humilis, voluntate et consensu domini Iordani, abbatis Sancti Saturnini, et domini M. prepositi Sancti Stephani, dedimus hospitale, quod est ad portam Arnaldi Bernardi, cum omnibus iuribus et pertinentiis suis, fratri Dominico, Oxomensi canonico, ad opus dominarum conversarum et fratrum, eis temporalia et spiritalia aministrancium, presentium et futurorum.’ The act is dated 1215 ‘comite Montisfortis principatum Tolose tenente.’ Laurent dated this gift 1216 while the distinguished Molinier, editor of Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. de Languedoc, 8. no. 184, vi, left the date as 1215. I prefer Laurent's dating because, with one exception, Toulousan notaries did not list Simon as count of Toulouse until March 29, 1216. For this, see my Liberty and Political Power 85 and the appropriate notes. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Laurent, , Monumenta, I, no. 74: on December 22, 1216, Honorius confirmed the gift to Dominic by the bishop of the ‘hospitale Tolosanum, quod dicitur Arnaldi Bernardi.’ In no. 78, the same pontiff wrote the consuls of Toulouse on January 28, 1217: ‘Cum igitur, sicut accepimus, dilecte in Christo filie, priorissa et sorores domus hospitalis Tolosani quid dicitur Arnahii [!] que ad religionis observantiam de seculo venientes ut retribuant misere filie Babillonis secundum retributionem quam retribuit illa ipsis, valida paupertate graventur; ne, quod absit, necessitate compulse ad delitias Egipti suspirent, ubi possent esse sibi et aliis in laqueum et ruinam, universitatem vestram rogamus, devotionem vestram attentius et monemus, per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes et in remissionem peccaminum iniungentes, quatenus, fenerantes Domino, misereamini pauperum predictarum, grata eis caritatis subsidia porrigendo, certi quod vobis thesaurizatis in celis quicquid in earum necessitatibus erogatis.’Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ See Appendix 2, act of October, 1262. Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ That the bishop's coercive power and right of inspection had grown is evidenced by a sentence in H, Daurade, 68, dated January, 1304, in which the prior of the Daurade expressly informed the Daurade sisters of the hospital of Saint-Jacques that they must pay for all litigation in the episcopal court themselves and that, were they to be condemned there, the prior could confiscate the hospital without even paying for improvements the sisters may have made. Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ The letter of September 19, 1245 from Innocent IV to the bishop of Toulouse reads: ‘Fidelium pietas, que hospitalia edificare decrevit, ut Christus in suis membris pauperibus caput ubi inclinet inveniat, cum in eisdem benedictio seminatur, pro ipsis vitam seminantes metent copiosius sempiternam. Quocirca fraternitatem tuam monemus attentius in Domino et hortamur, per apostolica scripta mandantes, quatinus scholares pauperes, qui desiderio discipline et a propriis domibus longius recedentes et vigiliis et laboribus pluribus macerantur, in hospitalibus de Tolosa, extra viam publicam positis, egenorum necessitatibus deputatis, recipi facias et prout eorum requirit paupertas, caritative tractari, ne in eterni judicis merearis audire examine: “Vos non novi, qui Christi minimos, quos gravis affligit miseria, in misericordie hospitio recipere recusarunt.” ‘ See Devic and Vaissete, Hist. gén. Languedoc, 8. no. 388, iii. Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ To add to the case of Willelmus Arnaldus medicus, see in Bibl. Nat., ms. lat. 9994 (a Grandselve cartulary), fol. 175^r, dated July, 1188, a ‘Gausbertus medicus qui tunc cum prefato domino episcopo [of Toulouse] manebat’ and, in H, Malte, Toulouse, 17, 35 and Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 9189 (Lézat cartulary) fol. 240^v-a, dated respectively June, 1224 and 1236, references to Arnaldus de Planis medicus or fisicus. The physici were those who had studied the physsics of Aristotle and natural philosophy. Google Scholar

¹⁷² That medieval hospitals were often expressely designed for their special function is well-known. For a pleasant and graphic introduction to this topic, see Ulrich Craemer, Das Hospital als Bautyp des Mittelalters (Köln 1963). For a description of the personnel in hospital service, see Appendix 2. Google Scholar

¹⁷³ H, Malte, 123 (Estaquebiau), 16, dated August, 1253, in which Guillelmus Usclacanus willed ‘cuique missellarie Tolose x. vestes de pannis huius ville Tolose secundum quod mei spondarii noverint esse faciendum, scilicet camisiarum, bratarum, tunicarum, caligarum et sorularium, ita videlicet dimitto cuique missellarie Tholose x. vestes, et in hunc modum quod, si in unaquaque missellariarum Tholose non manebant x. infirmi in quibus ille x. vestes essent bene misse cognitioni spondariorum, quod ipsi spondarii donent et distribuant illas vestes infirmis aliarum missellariarum.’ Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ And cede the property to the Hospitalers. See note 96 supra. Figures cited in Appendix II below also seem to confirm this guess. The largest number of infirmi, both male and female, to participate in an action of Gausbertus’ house was five, in 1242. In 1218, four male inmates acted for the house of the Narbonne Gate. Add to these estimates the medieval love of the canonical numbers 12 and 13. Ten then seems about average. Google Scholar

¹⁷⁵ Douais, , Documents sur … Languedoc, 2. 27. The inventory of 1246 describes the house at Toulouse thus: ‘In hospitali Sancti Raimundi sunt L et due culcitre de bola, et XL^a et IX de pluma, et XXX et V bance, et XL et I lodices, et X et VII cervicalia sive coissis, et L auricularia de pluma, et IIIIor de bola, et VIIII feutres, et L sex lecti lignei, et XXX et VI linteamina al taris … et est dictum hospitale dicti monasterii; et ibidem sunt V^e operatoria, horum unum quoque conducitur V. sol…. operatorium quod conducitur XIIII sol.’Google Scholar

¹⁷⁶ In fact, since the endowment of Saint-Raymond, although large, could not compare with that of the Hospitalers, it is probable that Saint-Rémézy was much the larger of the two in spite of the military functions of the order. There is no record of the size of the Hospital of Saint-Rémézy during the period under discussion. By 1413, the Hospitalers had made over the Temple of Toulouse into a hospital, for which see Antoine du Bourg, Histoire du Grand-Prieuré de Toulouse (Paris-Toulouse 1883), no. 24, pp. XVII-XVIII. When destroyed by fire in 1446, the Temple had ‘centum fere lectis, necnon multis aliis utensilibus ad hospitalitatem necessariis’ according to an act in Heinrich Denifle, La Désolation des églises, monastères et hôpitaux en France pendant la guerre de cent ans, 2 vols. (Paris 1897–99) 1. no. 297, 211.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ H, Chartreux, 193 (small eighteenth-century register), fol. 4^v and Catel, Mémoires, 215: ‘Hanc supradictam donationem facio ego Bernardus Mandatarius … tibi Bertrando abbati …, ita ut de reditibus et fructibus honorum et bonorum ad illud hospitale pertinentium, tu prefatus abbas Bertrandus et tui successores et habitatores domus Moyssacensis tredecim pauperes in perpetuum ibi teneatis, quorum duo sint presbiteri, caeteri vero quicumque pauperes clerici vel laici qui singulis diebus pro cognitione tua et successorum tuorum vel administratoris illius hospitalis possint permutari.’ Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ According to Reicke, Spital, 1. 307–08 and Schreiber, Gemeinschaften, 42ff., the numbers twelve and thirteen were conventional and derived from the cult. Reicke also shows that most German hospitals appear to have housed this number of old or feeble folk. Google Scholar

¹⁷⁹ This seems likely because, with the exception of the two ministri et hospitalerii, the thirteen others were simply titled fratres et sorores in the act of 1230. The same was true in 1213, except that there was only one dominus et minister. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ See supra, nn. 166 and 167. Google Scholar

¹⁸¹ A testament of October, 1275, published by Douais, ‘Fortunes commerciales,’ Mém. de la Soc. archéol. du Midi, 15 (1894) 41, records a gift ‘domui confratrie Beati Jacobi que hedificatur juxta capud Pontis Nove c. sol. Tol. et unum lectum de pannis sue domus communibus bona fide munitum, in quo pauperes Christi ibidem recipiantur et jaceant.’ As we learn from a document of May, 1299, Saint-Jacques also performed every conceivable sort of function: ‘Cum igitur in hospitali beati Jacobi … die noctuque recipiantur infirmi, debiles, pauperes et egeni a quibuscumque Christianorum partibus venientes et eis, prout ipsius hospitalis facultates suppetunt, necessaria ministrantur …’ This text was published by François Galabert, ‘Archives des hospices,’ Bulletin de la Société archéologique du Midi, 44–45 (1919) 356. Also, in H, Daurade, 68, dated September 1325, we learn that the sisters of the Daurade at Saint-Jacques were very poorly off, and that a donatrix gave them property in order ‘quod ibi tenetur hospitale pro mendicantibus recolligendis et infirmis curandis …’ Google Scholar

¹⁸² See note 177 supra. It is obvious that the aged could not be removed at the will of an administrator as is provided in the charter. Google Scholar

¹⁸³ These examples are purely illustrative. There is much more material of this kind in the charters. Google Scholar

1) A typical marriage charter is H, Grandselve, 7, dated April, 1242, where a bride gives her husband a house and 40 s. If the wife outlives the husband, he promises to return her the house and the 40 s. ‘et ultra hoc, dono tibi in augmento 1. s. Tol. et omnes tuas vestes et i. lectum de pannis munitum.’ After her husband's death, the widow may dispose freely of their property, nor is it to be diminished by her ‘victus et vestitus’ during their life together.

2) Obviously, all sorts of problems could complicate these arrangements, one of them being non-payment of dowry. In H, Grandselve, 8, dated August, 1244, copied in January, 1247, we learn that Johannes Astro married Matheva and was promised a dowry of 1,000 s. Toulouse of which he received 600 s. The following act, dated January, 1247, tells us that Johannes was dead and that his widow confessed to have received from one of his brothers and two of his sisters the sum of 1,026 s. She then agreed to surrender all further claims on his inheritance.

3) Some of the problems and solutions are quite odd. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 105, dated November, 1206, a dying man made his minor son his heir — ‘sit eredatus de meis bonis.’ His wife, Bernarda, was given her sponsalicium and a ‘lectum munitum de pannis mee domus bona fide et dimitto ei pannum ad opus mantelli et tunice de panno virido vel de bruneta vel de rosseta.’ The oddity of the will is that it further provides: ‘Item mando … quod si Bernarda mea uxor est pregnans de filio vel de filia, dimitto et dispono illi infanti illos d. sol. Tol. quos Bernardus Ramundus Garnerius predictus [one of his executors, absent at the time the will was drafted] mihi debet de baratis minudas [a slip for minutis] de quibus non est carta et c. sol. Tol. plus de meis bonis. Et predictus Bernardus Raimundus Garnerius teneat et faciat nutrire illum infantem cum predicta peccunia … Tamen si Bernardus Raimundus Garnerius discognoscebat quod non deberet mihi Guillelmo Raimundo usque ad d. sol. de quibus non est carta nec aliquid de illis et non posset ei aprobari, volo et mando et statuo ego Guillelmus Raimundus quod ille infans de qua mea uxor Bernarda esset pregnans sit eredatus cum predictus. c. sol. sine plus [sic] de meis aliis bonis.’ Indeed, one wonders who the testator thought the father of this putative child to be.

¹⁸⁴ In E, 2, dated September, 1194, Petrus Arnaldus, sick to death, appointed four executors (sponderii) one of whom was his brother-in-law. He then went on to provide for his children by placing them in charge (commendatio, commendare) of his brother-in-law. ‘Item Petrus Arnaldus dimisit et misit predictos suos filios in posse Bernardi Bonihominis et domine Brune, uxoris ipsius Bernardi. ita ut illos nutriant et donent eis victum et vestitum et ut eos custodiant usque sint perfecte etatis, scilicet quod Deusadiuva debent tenere de primo festo veniente de Martrore ad. vi. annos et Poncium predictum de primo festo veniente de Martrore ad. xi. annos, et hoc totum cognitione aliorum sponderiorum. Et pro ilio nutrimento et pro illis missionibus quas Bernardus Bonushomo fecerit in illis in victu et vestitu et per<eorum> tenere ad custodiendum et regendum illos, Petrus Arnaldus mandavit ei dare. lx. sol. Tol. pro unoquoque anno dum illos tenuerit quoadusque sunt completi prescripti termini, scilicet pro unoquoque illorum predictorum filiorum eius. xxx. sol. Tol. quoque anno dum eos tenuerit. Et Bernardus Bonushomo et domina Bruna uxor eius ita receperunt predictos filios Petri Arnaldi in Dei miseratione et eorum et sub custodia eorum per tenere et dare illis victum et vestitum bene et fideliter.’ +tenere+ad+custodiendum+et+regendum+illos,+Petrus+Arnaldus+mandavit+ei+dare.+lx.+sol.+Tol.+pro+unoquoque+anno+dum+illos+tenuerit+quoadusque+sunt+completi+prescripti+termini,+scilicet+pro+unoquoque+illorum+predictorum+filiorum+eius.+xxx.+sol.+Tol.+quoque+anno+dum+eos+tenuerit.+Et+Bernardus+Bonushomo+et+domina+Bruna+uxor+eius+ita+receperunt+predictos+filios+Petri+Arnaldi+in+Dei+miseratione+et+eorum+et+sub+custodia+eorum+per+tenere+et+dare+illis+victum+et+vestitum+bene+et+fideliter.’>Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 105, dated November, 1206. Outside of real property of which his heir had the enjoyment only while he lived, the inheritance of Guillelmus Raimundus de Insula to his son Bernardus consisted of 1,000 s. Toulouse. This was disposed of in the following manner, presumably to await his son's arrival at majority: ‘Item ego Guillelmus Raimundus dono et dimitto et dispono Bernardo meo filio. m. sol. Tol. quos Bernardus meus filius mitat et ponat in societate cum predicto Guillelmo Ugone et cum Raimundo suo fratre, et Guillelmus Ugo et Raimundus eius frater mitant et ponant in predicta societate omnes illos denarios quos habuerint, et duret et maneat predicta societas per. vii. annos; ita et tali modo quod totum hoc quod potuerint lucrari cum predictis denariis sit per medium, ita quod Bernardus habeat inde medietatem et Guillelmus Ugo et Raimundus eius frater aliam medietatem. Et volo et statuo ego Guillelmus Raimundus quod predictus Guillelmus Ugo sit tenens et potens de predictis. m. sol. usque ad caput. vii. annorum. Et volo et statuo ego Guillelmus Raimundus quod Bernardus meus filius et Guillelmus Ugo et Raimundus eius frater veniant ad computum singulis annis semel ante meos sponderios ad eorum ammonitionem et, si predicti mei sponderii cognoverint quod ipsi non bene se captineant de predicta societate, Guillelmus Ugo teneatur firmare peccuniam mei filli meis sponderiis eorum cognitione.’ It is also obvious that the father suspected that something may have been wrong with this boy. He further provided that ‘si Bernardus meus filius bene se habuerit et sapienter usque ad caput. vii. annorum, cognitione predictorum meorum sponderiorum recuperet deinde omnem suam peccuniam ad faciendam inde totam suam voluntatem. Et si mei sponderii cognoverint quod Bernardus meus filius sit stultus et male sit verssatus infra predictos. vii. annos et quod ilia predicta peccunia non sit salva in eo, volo et statuo quod de predictis. m. sol. habeat. c. sol. pro sua voluntate et. dcccc. sol. qui remanserint mei sponderii mitant et ponant in honore et Bernardus meus filius habeat explectas illius honoris ad suum furnimentum. Et post mortem predicti Bernardi, medietas illius honoris’ was to go to charity and the other half was to be reinvested by the Hospital and one of his executors. For another case of guardianship by executors, see n. 205 infra. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁶ A curious example may be seen in Douais, Travaux pratiques d'une conférence de paléographie (Toulouse, Paris 1892) no. 10, dated September, 1193, in which Poncius Rogerius de Burcafolis near Fanjeaux, gave himself into the care of another family: ‘ego … trado meipsum et omnes meas rectitudines in fide et cautela tibi Guillelmo Jacens-in-Amorem et uxori tue, sub tali vero conveniencia ut in vita mea victum et vestitum bona intencione michi donetis in vestra domo. Et si ab egritudo ista eripiar, operabo de meo officio et de aliis rebus secundum meum posse, et omnem lucrum quem facere potero vobis fideliter adducam et donem, et ero vobis et vestris bonus et fidelis in omnibus rebus intus ac foris, et obediam vestris preceptis secundum meum posse in vita mea, moriar vel vivam.’ He then gave them a vine held of the Temple together with the charter that proved his ownership, promising that he would not alienate it to anyone, even to members of his own family. ‘Si vero ego de cetero causa fragilis sensus, vel cum consilio aliquo, contra hoc insurrexero ad damnum vestrum, non teneatur firmum coram probis hominibus nec in alio loco. Sit notum omnibus hominibus quia hoc donum facio, quoniam uxor mea defecit michi in necessariis.’ It cannot be imagined that contracts of this kind were either very practical or normal. For analogous contracts in an institutional setting, see infra n. 211. In those, the individual was better protected not only because he was affiliated with an institution but also because there was no express clause prohibiting the revocation of the contract. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁷ In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 129, iii, dated September, 1174, a father gave his property to his son ‘tali convenientia quod ille [the son] donet ei … suo patri predicto tantum quantum vixerit ad manducandum et ad bibendum et ad vestiendum et ad calciandum et ut teneat illum insimul secum et illum gubernet et illum capdel et illum fromiscat et totum pro bene et pro fide secundum suum locum et secundum suum posse, ita quomodo bonus filius debet facere suum patrem.’ The agreement was signed with a kiss upon the mouth. Provisions for mothers and grandmothers appear more frequently in the charters. Here are two typical examples. In H, Saint-Sernin, 678 (Cresty: 20, 69, 7), dated October, 1190, Ricsenda gave her grandson (nepotus) her property in return for which he promised to provide her food, clothing and necessaries together with 20 s. to distribute in her testament. In H, Grandselve, 5, dated August, 1216, a widow gave her sons all her property and money in return for her keep. Were she to leave the family home, she would be given 300 s. ‘et suos pannos.’ She is also to be given 100 s. for charities to be provided for in her testament. It is worth noting that women's wills are less frequently found among the charters than men's for the obvious reason that women rarely had real property to donate. As a result, they were not usually retained in the archives of ecclesiastical institutions. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Burial was often acquired through testamentary gifts. See H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 105, dated November, 1206, where a very common type of entry is to be seen. Gravely sick, a man gave the Hospital his bed, 200 s., and himself ‘pro fratre ubi volo iacere et esse sepelitus et volo esse particeps omnium beneficiorum predicte domus …’ H, Malte, 148 (Laurmont), 6, dated August, 1229/29, contains a similar grant by a dying man to the Temple. He was to be buried as a ‘donatus et particeps’ of the order. Typical clauses are to be seen in a woman's will in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 110, ii, dated February, 1215, where a testatrix gave the Hospital 15 s. for her burial and ordered her executors and the Hospital to sell a piece of property in order to buy some masses at Saint-Etienne and to give bequests to various people and institutions. Burial could also be a sort of fringe benefit, attached to others. In Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 448, undated early twelfth century, dateable between 1122–1139, an individual gave Saint-Sernin a tithing in exchange for which he received a property in Blagnac for his heirs, were he to have any, together with the promise of a free burial. H, Saint-Sernin, 563 (Cresty: 6, 19, 9), i, dated February, 1202, records the ample donations of a rural gentleman, Otto de Lerano, who, ‘positus in extremis,’ gave himself as a canon to Saint-Sernin de Paulac, requesting a burial and a perpetual lamp. He also gave ‘matrem suam Tolsanam per canonicam,’ to be looked after there after his death. Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ H, Grandselve, 5, dated January, 1219. With the consent of her father's executors and of her uncle, Bermunda ‘dedit et concessit seipsam domino Dei’ and to Grandselve, together with a half of a new vineyard given her in usufruct by her father and uncle, who here surrendered it to her completely. Another example is H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty 1, 1, 57), December, 1259, where Petrus Anerius, ‘spontanee et bona voluntate, non deceptus nec coactus, de certa scientia donavit et concessit Deo’ and to Saint-Sernin ‘seipsum, scilicet suum corpus et suam animam, et omnia sua bona mobilia et immobilia que habebat vel habere debebat vel inantea habebit vel adquiret …, mandans et promittens predictus Petrus Anerius predicto domino abbati et suis successoribus obedientiam in omnibus licitis et honestis semper dum vixerit. Et ibidem predictus dominus Bernardus abbas … recepit ipsum Petrum Anerium per donatum et per fratrem et participem bonorum spiritualium et temporalium predicte domus Sancti Saturnini … ita quod semper idem Petrus Anerius habeat omnia sua necessaria victus et vestitus de bonis eiusdem domus Sancti Saturnini …’ The Templars and Hospitalers also liked to stress the added advantages of being attached to a crusading order. H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 122, April, 1226: ‘Item … preceptor domus milicie Tolose et fratres … pro domino Raimundo Folcaldo magistro … receperunt predictum Bernardum Durandum per donatum domus milicie et per participem omnium benefactorum[!] domus que ibi fuerint facta et data ultra mare et citra mare et dederunt et concesserunt ei in predicta domo panem et aquam et pannos humiles sicut uni fratrum domus, et quando B. D. fiet frater domus debent ei dare crucem et habitum secundum formam ordinis.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁰ H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 31), May, 1203: A person gave himself, a half arpent of new vineyard, and generally ‘omnes suas res’ to Saint-Sernin. ‘Item … prior … accepit predictum N per redditum et donatum predicte domus et per participem in omnis temporalibus bonis et spiritalibus eiusdem domus, et dedit et concessit ei … panem et aquam in predicta domo … semper sicuti uni fratri eiusdem domus dum vixerit.’ The prior also returned the vineyard to him by the usual lifetime grant of a bail-à-commande: ‘tali pacto commendavit … quod de omnibus explectis et redditibus quod inde exierint faciat predictus N totam suam voluntatem et suum libitum semper dum vixerit ad induendum se et ad suum necessarium. Post suum autem hobitum sit et remaneat predictus honor et omnes alias suas res mobiles et immobiles predicte domui.’ The return of the property to the donor in usufruct was often a separate act, one that quite frequently made no mention of the preceding act of admission to the order. Sometimes, however, a reference is there. See H, Malte, Toulouse, 7, 75, dated August, 1214, on the Saturday ‘postquam ipsa Bruna habuit factam donum de seipsa et de omnibus aliis suis bonis domino Deo’ and the Hospital, where the prior ‘comendavit’ her house to Bruna for life, prohibiting her from selling or alienating it. Google Scholar

¹⁹¹ Simple formulas run as follows: H, Dames Maltaises, 5, dated February, 1187: Bernardus de Sancto Romano and his wife gave the large farm in Saint-Cyprien later called the Cavalaria to the Hospital together with their own persons, retaining their property in usufruct. The prior promised ‘ut quando domum predicti hospitalis ingredi volueritis ac habitum accipere quod ego recipiam vos et faciam vobis necessaria sicut aliis fratribus et sororibus eiusdem hospitalis.’ In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 113, dated August, 1214, the prior of the Hospital received a widow ‘per sororem … et per participem … quando ipsa Bruna voluerit venire ad sanctam religionem et ordinem predicti hospitalis ut faciat ad suum libitum et ad suam voluntatem secundum ordinem et secundum formam ipsius ordinis predicti hospitalis.’ Particularly during the twelfth century, some of these contracts were more explicit. Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 553, dated 1125, records a gift to Saint-Raymond in return for which the officers of that hospital, when ‘se intrare in domum voluerit [the donor], debent eum recipere minus quam alium; et si ad tantam paupertatem devenerit quod nichil habeat, debent eum tenere quasi unum ex pauperibus.’ Another and more curious example is in H, Grandselve, 2, Roll One, recto, i, dated September, 1147 in which Bernadus de Maso and his wife Petrona — founders, we recall, of the hospital of Grandselve — gave themselves, a casal and two arpents of vineyard ‘tali pacto quod dum vivimus et maneamus in seculo, maneamus propter consilium et voluntatem predicti abbatis … Et si interim ego Bernardus volo relinquere seculum et recipere religionem cum consilio et voluntate mee uxoris Petrone, faciam in pace cum tota medietate tocius predicti honoris que sit predicti abbatis et conventus loci de Grandissilva et ipsi recipiant me ad fraternitatem in pace. Et si moriebar ego Bernardus absque religione, medietas tocius predicti honoris sit predicti abbati … et ipsi faciant pro mea anima sicut pro uno aliorum fratrum in domo.’ Then follows a similar provision in favor of Petrona ‘sicut pro uno aliorum fratrum domus. Et tamen si penuria recognita victus et vestitus superveniebat nobis duobus, reverteremus ad predictum honorem …’ In the fifth act of the same roll, dated December, 1178, Bernardus’ widow received in commendation the properties she had given Grandselve for life with the express provision that, if there were not sufficient income from them, ‘domus Grandissilva subveniat ei sicut uni de fratribus domus Grandissilve bona fide.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹² H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 31), dated May, 1203: et predictus N … non tenetur accipere crucem nec portare abitum religionis predicte domus in sua vita nisi cum sua propria voluntate et suo bono animo.’ H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 68, dated September, 1277: upon giving the Hospital some real property, moveables and 300 s., an arquerius was received ‘per fratrum et per participem in spiritualibus et temporalibus bonis ipsius domus, promittens [prior] et concedens ei ibi panem et aquam et pannos humiles dum vixerit et quod donet ei habitum religionis in predicta domo quando ipse Geraldus illum assumere voluerit secundum formam ordinis.’ Sometimes, the beneficiaries cut it too fine and were caught unrobed by sudden death. Provision was therefore made for this eventuality. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 89, dated May, 1195, Bernardus Barravus and his mother Prima gave the Hospital much property in return for the usual benefits and usufructuary grants, ‘et si eos in seculari abitu mori contigerit, in cimiterio hospitalis sepelire debent.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹³ H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 148, dated September, 1254: a sartor and his wife gave themselves to the Temple, committed their bodies to burial in the cemetery of the house and gave, ‘ratione donationis inter vivos et in vera helemosina,’ a half interest in a house which both or either of the principals were to hold and exploit until their deaths. The donors also retained the right to dispose of the other half of the house. In return for this modest gift, they were received in all spiritual benefits of the Temple and were promised an annual eleemosinary gift on the feast of Saint Michael of ‘.ii. cartones boni et pulcre frumenti et unum modium boni et puri vini’ measured by the standard of Toulouse. The full pension was to be accorded as long as either beneficiary survived. H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 12, dated November, 1199: the prior granted — ‘comendavit’ — to two sisters a half arpent of new vineyard for the duration of the life of either or both. ‘Item predictus dominus prior … pro multa bona que … olim fecerant [the two sisters together with their brother and his sons] ‘dedit et concessit predicte Ricxende et Willelme sue sorori panem et aquam et mansionem in omnibus diebus vite eorum in domum hospitalis Tolose … Item Ricxenda et Willelma soror eius pro ista predicta comendatione fecerunt de caritate. d.ccc.lxx. et v. sol. Tol. qui fuerunt paccati in istos predictos honores.’ Naturally, these arrangements could be very complex. In H, Daurade, 158, dated March, 1192, a layman cleared a pignus from a fourth portion of a very substantial property recently donated to the Daurade by putting up 500 s. In return, he received the income from this property but gave the principle advantage to his brother who was a clerk. Were his brother to die within twelve years, the layman was to enjoy the income for the remaining part of the twelve-year period. Named Guillelmus Rotbertus, the clerk was to have it for life. ‘Preterea prefatus prior et conventus laudaverunt et concesserunt Guillelmo Rotberto victum et vestitum in domo beate Marie quamdiu vixerit sicut aliis monachis eiusdem domus, et ipse debet facere servicia domus et ecclesie pretaxate sicut alii monachi eiusdem domus ita scilicet hoc dederunt et concesserunt predictus prior et conventus Guillelmo Rotberto predicto ut nec idem prior nec conventus nec successores eorum ne aliquis alius possit eum a prefata domo vel beneficio removere. Si autem Willelmus Rotbertus ibi non steterit nec servicia domus et ecclesie fecerit, debet inde habere suum victum sicut unus monacorum eiusdem loci singulis diebus cum vixerit ubicumque steterit in hac villa, nisi fuerit prior Coquinarum. Et si idem Willelmus Rotbertus non steterit in hac villa, nuncius suus, qui collegerit redditus predictorum honorum, debet habere de domo beate Marie suum convivium a nativitate beati Iohannis baptiste usque ad festum Sancti Michaelis singulis diebus.’ A similar arrangement concerning another part of the same property was made with two Daurade monks on the same date in H, Daurade, 157. These charters are very similar to the acquisitions of prebends by canons. Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ The testament of the noted usurer Poncius David in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 17, dated January, 1208, copied five times of which the last was dated September, 1239, granted so many benefits to the Hospital that that institution was obligated to pay a pension in kind to one of Poncius’ executors and to the executor's brother. Indicative of the immense flexibility of this system were the further bequests Poncius made to an old domestic and to his own brother. To ‘Audiarda pedisseca eiusdem Poncii’ went 100 shillings ‘vel sua necessaria victus et vestitus infra domum hospitalis Ierusolimitani Tolose ad electionem ipsius Audiarde.’ To ‘Bertrando David fratri suo omnia sua necessaria victus et vestitus, infra domum hospitalis Ierusolimitani Tolose sicuti uni dominis [for dominorum] prefate domus, in tali conditione si ipse Bertrandus non habebat aliquid aliud unde se exiberet. Tamen si dictus Bertrandus David, frater meus, noluerit capere et accipere sua necessaria infra predictam domum, iussit et disposuit dictus Poncius David quod fratres et domini predicte domus donent quoque anno eidem Bertrando David pro stipendia. ii. cartones frumenti et. i. modium vini et. xx. sol. Tol. pro indumenta.’ In short, the pension system could be used as an insurance against bankruptcy. In H, Daurade, 118, dated September, 1287, a widow gave the Daurade her property, retaining the use of a house for her lifetime. This usufructuary provision was called a retentio or salvatio in the document. The prior also ‘dedit … et etiam assignavit dicte Johanne, tanquam bene merite, victum et vestitum omnibus diebus vite sue in omnibus bona et superbona dicti prioratus et ecclesie.’ H, Malte, Toulouse, 7, 131, dated November, 1234, tells us of a loan to the Hospital, the interest of which was in form of a pension. The prior ‘comendavit … Bernardo Petro de Hospitali illos. v. sol. Tol. oblias et dominationes illis pertinentes quos Petrus Lavanderius debebat eis reddere et servire annuatim in festo Sancti Thome pro illo locali que est extra murum inter honorem ipsorum fratrum hospitalis et flumen Garonne et inter honorem Bernardi Clavelli et carrariam publicam et illud premium quod exierit deinceps de illa domo ipsorum in qua dictus Petrus Lavanderius permanebat et de illa alia eorum domo que est ibidem juxta istam domum, per tenere et explectare dictas oblias et dictum premium domorum et recipere omnibus diebus vite sue. Et quod totum hoc que inde habuerint quoque anno reddat eis ultra. xx. v. sol. quos ipse debet inde habere quoque anno pro sua voluntate dum vixerit et superplus ultra dictos. xx.v. sol. Tol. convenit reddere preceptori dicte domus quoque anno. Istas predictas oblias et dominationes illis pertinentes et iamdictum premium dictarum domorum comendavit dictus dominus prior … eidem Bernardo Petro pro illis. ccc. sol. Tol. quos de sua propria peccunia dederat et miserat in emptione de Estacabove’ — an important farm recently acquired by the Hospital. Furthermore, the prior ‘convenit dare eidem Bernardo Petro omnibus diebus vite sue infra iamdictam domum hospitalis quoque die dum ipse Bernardus Petrus vixerit. ii. panes de penso et. ii. livrales puri vini quod panem et vinum idem Bernardus Petrus deferat et comedat extra domus hospitalis ubicumque eidem Bernardo Petro placuerit.’ In short, for the duration of this contract, the Hospital established a new rent on the houses placed on this lot, namely any sum in excess of the old rent of 25 s. surrendered to Bernardus Petrus. In the meantime, Bernardus was to receive the old rent for the lot of 5 s. plus the premium or rent on the houses of 25 s., together with a pension in kind. Even without adding the cost of the pension in bread and wine, Bernardus’ annual return on his investment was ten percent, a good rente in this or any other age. On the legal implications of these ‘purchases’ or prebends, see Reicke, , Deutsche Spital, 2. 189ff. Although — following his master Ulrich Stutz — overesteeming the importance of the Germanic-Eigenkirche root of these contracts, Reicke's discussion of the purchase of prebends (Pfrundkauf) is full and clear. It is also particularly rich in describing the early evolution of annuities (Leibrente), although, as the texts cited above clearly show, the origins of the system can be pushed back before the time for which most of his evidence comes, namely the fourteenth- and fifteenth centuries. What interested Reicke was not the system of annuities or pensions so much as its secularization in the later middle ages.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ In fact, the church's need for financial aid resulted in some rather wonderful arrangements, especially when they were combined with a donor's desires for a monument more enduring than brass. Note H, Saint-Sernin, 686 (Cresty: 8, 27, 2), dated December, 1148, published in Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, Appendix no. 40: ‘Ego Constantinus … dono totum meum honorem … quem habeo foris burgum Sancti Saturnini, Deo et Sancte Marie de Porto de Blaniaco et habitatoribus qui ibi regulam monacalem tenebunt, scilicet. iiii. monache et. ii. clerici qui canant ecclesiam. Et Petrona mea uxor teneat et habeat totum predictum honorem et totam meam peccuniam ad honorem Dei et hobedienciam predicti loci et de hoc proximo Pascha ad duos annos habeat ibi factam ecclesiam et claustrum de mea pecunia ad honorem Dei et Sancte Marie. Ad istum terminum, aut opus sit perseveratum aut non, Petrona et Maria mea filia sumant et induant pannos monachales et serviant ibi Deo …’ Nor was this property to be alienated or pledged. ‘Et de hoc proximo Pascha ad duos annos Petrona uxor mea det. c. sol. Morl. Willelmo meo filio vel habitatores loci et in antea ad aliud Pascha det illi. 1. sol. Morl. in pace et vinea de Gratacab dat Petrona Willelmo meo filio dum vivat Petrona, quam suus frater dedit illi in sua vita Petrone. Et quando Willelmus meus filius voluerit venire ad religionem, faciat in pace et stet in loco mei in eadem societate et in obedienciam cum Petrona mea uxore ad bonum et ad fides ad servicium Dei et Sancte Marie predicti loci. Et si Lortmanda mea filia habet infantes de suo marito, habet mandatum quod unum vel unam det Deo et predicto loco.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ Bibl. Nat., ms. lat. 9189 (Lézat cartulary), f. 222^v-b, dated September, 1185. Petrus Ruffatus was received ‘per fratrem et per monachum quando ipse Petrus voluerit sumere habitum religionis.’ Saint-Antonin was not permitted to alienate the properties given it ‘nisi pro melioratione alterius honoris ita quod preciam et peccuniam quam inde habentur detur in alio honore qui magis valeat.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ In H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 151, a nauta gave the Hospital his body, soul and half of a house in May, 1257. In return, his wife was to be given 100 s. and he was to receive burial. H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 36, dated April, 1260: in failing health, Laurencius de Saugueda entered the Hospital ‘per donatum ac confratrem’ and received promise of bread, water etc. in return for three half arpents of arable land and one arpent of vine. Bernarda, his wife, was to have the usufruct of all these properties until her death. As in H, Saint-Sernin, 599 (Cresty: 10, 35, 8), dated July, 1233, an act of this kind was not infrequently combined with one of a different nature. Here, Bruna, widow of Oldricus Maurandus, ‘sua bona propria voluntate dedit et concessit seipsam et Oldricum suum nepotem, scilicet earum corpora et animas, Deo’ and Saint-Sernin. The canons received Bruna ‘pro eorum donatam’ and ner grandson ‘pro eorum canonicum,’ and both as participants. A more curious case may be seen in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 31, dated December, 1251, in which Deusajuda entered the Hospital when sick, making over certain properties. The Hospital was not to enjoy them immediately upon his death, however, because he also provided: ‘Et post decessum ipsius Deusajuda quod Ricarda que tunc manebat cum eo, si viva fuerit, teneat et explectet omnibus diebus vite sue ad totam suam voluntatem omnes illas domos in quibus ipse Deusaiuda tunc manebat …’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁸ In H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 130, dated August, 1233, a gentleman of distinguished family, Raimundus de Sancto Barcio, entered the Hospital as a ‘donatus et particeps’ and exacted the usual promise, namely that he would not be forced to become a brother with cross and habit until or unless he wished to. In the meantime, he was to receive bread and water as one of the brothers, plus the income of his property. The Hospitalers further promised ‘quod teneant eum bene indutum et calceatum usque ad pannum Estamfortis in estate et in yeme et munitum de braguis et camisiis … dum ibi permanere voluerit casi laicus …’ See also the second reference in the note below, where a lady is provided with a companion and with her own vineyard. Another interesting set of contracts may be seen in Bibl. Nat., ms. lat. 9189 (Lézat cartulary), fols. 222^v-b to 223^v-a. Petrus Ruffatus gave Saint-Antonin a half arpent of new vineyard. The prior accepted him ‘per fratrem et per monachum quando ipse Petrus voluerit sumere habitum religionis et collegit eum in omnibus beneficiis spiritualibus eiusdem ecclesie beati Antonii’ in September, 1185. In October of the same year, Petrus drew his testament, giving his wife a half arpent of new vineyard, a house, and ‘omnia vascula maiora et minora …, scilicet vinariam suam et omnes suos vasculos et tonellos et arcas et omnes suos pannos et omne suum blatum et vinum et omnia aptamenta domus illius predicte et supellectilia.’ Petrus died shortly thereafter. In December, 1186, his wife entered Saint-Antonin. ‘Tamen si domina naDeports deficiebat in aliquo quod prior predictus vel successores vel habitatores eiusdem domus non darent nec ministrarent ei victum et vestitum secundum posse ipsius domus bene et fideliter, predictus prior [of Saint-Antonin] dedit et concessit ei ut ipsa predicta naDeports habeat illam minusfallitam de explectis quas exibunt illius aripenti malolis.’ Google Scholar

¹⁹⁹ H, Malte, Toulouse, 58, 4, dated May, 1195: Bernardus Barravus and his mother Prima gave themselves to the Hospital together with the rents on seven shops which the prior returned to them in usufruct. The prior agreed ‘ut in eadem domo hospitalis predicti, scilicet in Tolosa, semper permaneant et ibi habeant semper eorum panem et aquam …’ In H, Malte, Toulouse, 58, nn., dated April, 1203, Guillelma ‘dedit et concedit [for concessit] seipsam cum. cl. sol. Tol.’ to the Hospital. The prior ‘dedit … Guillelme panem et aquam in predicta domo hospitalis Tolose semper dum vixerit vel Columbario vel domo de Devesa … sicut unam de sororibus … semper dum vixerit, et permaneat ibi predicta Guillelma cum sorore vel cum alia femina que ibi debet habere.’ When she wants the habit, she shall be received ‘per sororem.’ ‘Item predictus prior comendavit et tradidit predicte Guillelme medium aripentum malolis … per expletare … ad induendum se et ad suum necessarium’ for her lifetime. As in H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 31), dated, May, 1203, a common phrase delimiting residence is something like this: the receiving officer ‘dedit et concessit ei [the beneficiary] panem et aquam in predicta domo semper, sicuti uni fratri eiusdem domus dum vixerit … ita quod aliquis non possit eum removere nec permutare de predicta domo … dum vixerit.’ Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ Such arrangements were often made in testaments. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 31, December, 1251, ‘Deusajuda, infirmitate detentus tamen cum suo bono sensu et memoria perfecta, fecit suum ultimum testamentum et suam supremam dispositionem.’ In this, he gave the Hospital certain houses, ‘talibus vero conditionibus … ut ipse Deusajuda teneat et explectet omnes predictas domos omnibus diebus vite sue … et quod fratres … donent eidem … quoque anno dum vixerit. iv. cartones boni et pulchri frumenti ad communem mensuram Tolose et. ii. modios boni vini puri sine aqua et, in ultimis diebus suis, quod fratres … donent ei. ccc. sol. Tol…. ad persolvendum sua debita et ad faciendum restitutionis omnibus illis personis a quibus usuram acceperat.’ The experience of the Hospital with the testaments of usurers had not always been happy. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 17, dated January, 1208, Poncius David not only made the Hospital his principal heir but also chose four of his seven spondarii or executors from that order. The first action in his will read as follows: ‘In primis dictus Poncius David iussit et disposuit reddi de suis bonis conquerentibus suis de usura. ii. milia sol. Tol. qui reddantur cognitione proborum hominum [his executors] …’ The difficulties the Hospital had with the properties of this unpopular figure and the fine it had to pay for failing to make restitution to one claimant are outlined in my Liberty and Political Power, 83 and 208, n. 15. It was also very common for donors or purchasers to ask for, or to retain, a sum of money in order to give bequests in their last testaments. See H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 38), dated March, 1215, in which a man and wife entering Saint-Sernin give all their property ‘exceptis tantummodo. cc. sol. Tol. quos, vestro consilio, retenemus de nostris bonis mobilibus, et quos possimus dare et dividere ubi nobis placuerit et quando nobis placuerit.’ More rarely, individuals obliged religious institutions to provide special pensions for charitable purposes along with the other benefits they acquired. For this, see infra n. 224, second part. Google Scholar

²⁰¹ An interesting example is H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 55, dated 1155, recording a gift to the Hospital of 9 d. of rent by two persons in return for burial as participes. One of these men also promised that, ‘in fine dierum meorum, dispono et dono [to the Hospital] terciam partem tocius pecunie quam per animam meam dare disponam nisi prius delinquens seculum me rendam prefato hospitali pro fratre.’ The other promised a flat sum of 100 s. upon death. They then both made a ‘pactum ut, deferentes seculum, ad aliud non possimus pervenire abitum preter ad vestrum et hospitalis.’ Although the charters naturally do not refer to shifts from one house to another — a practice forbidden by canon law except under certain circumstances, they mention revisions of contracts with individual houses. For example, in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 114, dated February, 1216, the donor or purchaser specified: ‘Et, ego … volo ut omnia alia instrumenta que inter me et predictum domum et fratres erant facte conventionum quod deleantur et frangantur et, si in aliquo tempore inveniebantur, quod non habeant ullam stabilitatem.’ Google Scholar

²⁰² H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 73, dated January, 1182. The Templars promised ‘et ipsi debent eum diligere et honorare uti fratrem unum et in domo de Laramet debet manere Johannes predictus vel in aliis domibus in quibus fratres voluerint, et debet eis esse fidelis et obediens et, quando habitum fratrum Johannes accipere voluerit, fratres debent eum recipere cum his qui habuerint, et interim debet stare sub obedientia eorum et facere precepta eorum donec habitum recipiat. Et quando ipse voluerit, in vita vel in morte, fratres debent eum recipere et habitum dare et fratres non debent eum cogere de habitu donec ipse voluerit et ipse pecierit.’ H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 125, dated February, 1229, contains the usual entry of a person as a donatus and particeps into the Temple where he was to receive the customary benefits and also the cross and habit when he wanted them. In the meantime, the pensioner promised ‘quod sit obediens suo maiori.’ It is worth noting that, as far as I can see, the Templars’ charters always contained provisions of this kind. The other orders were not so consistent but such clauses appear not infrequently. See Douais, , Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 401, dated October, 1161, where a man, his wife and his grandson give selves and property to Saint-Sernin ‘et debent esse veri et fideles … et debent esse ei [the abbot] obedientes in omnibus rebus.’ As is sometimes the case in charters with clauses of this kind, the notion of the corresponding protection owed by the institution is underlined. The abbot ‘debet eis dare victum et vestitum, dum vivent, pro bono et fide; et debet eos conducere sanos et egros.’Google Scholar

²⁰³ The question of the age of majority at Toulouse has yet to be wholly settled. As Mireille Castaing-Sicard, Les contrats dans le droit Toulousain, 409–11, rightly remarks, the custom of Toulouse placed majority for the female at twelve and for the male at fourteen. She also notes that the Roman tradition of twenty-five years of age gradually entered Toulouse in spite of local custom. Two additional remarks may be made about this problem. One is that majority may have been at the end of the fourteenth year or, as we would say, the fifteenth birthday. See the text cited by the above author from H, Malte, Toulouse, 15, 133, dated January, 1246, in which it is attested that ‘Petrus Martinus … erat perfecte legitime hetatis. xiiii. annorum et amplius et quod de tempore nativitatis ipsius Petri Martini hucusque habebat. xiiii. annos et amplius …’ Also, consider H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 44, dated March, 1190: ‘Sciendum est quod Petrus Sancius … se cognitus perfecte etatis. XV. annorum et plure …’ It is also certainly true that, from the point of view of those drawing contracts involving the alienation of property by young people, the later the age the better. According to D, Saint-Bernard, 138 (Capdenier cartulary) fols. 80^r-81^r, dated June, 1213, Raimundus de Capitedenario confirmed and repeated a sale of properties made by some of his relatives to Bernardus de Capitedenario. Not by accident, on the same day of the same year, a charter in E, 579, tells us that ‘NNN dixerunt pro testimonio quod Raimundus, filius Fortonis de Capitedenario qui fuit, habebat. xx. annos et amplius et quod erat etatis. xx. annorum et amplius, qui testes … unusquisque illorum plivito per fidem sui corporis et iurato super sancta Dei evangelia testificando dixerunt se hoc totum ita vidisse et audisse et verum esse sicut predictum est.’ That there may be more to this than a simple conflict between Roman and local law, however, is shown by the fact that, in the Middle Ages, the age of majority for gentlemen under arms was higher than that for commoners. On this point see the texts cited in Guilhiermoz, P., Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France au moyen-âge, 395ff., 409–10, 419–20.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ In H, Grandselve, 4, dated May, 1209, Bernardus furnerius gave his son, Petrus Bernardus, a half arpent of new vineyard and ‘misit in posse et in bailia dompni Willelmi Rotberti abbatis Grandissilve … filium suum … ut ipsi [monks] teneant eum et nutriant ubi ipsi voluerint de primo festo omnium sanctorum quod venit ad. x. annos de explectis predicti honoris … sub tali vero condicione quod tunc Petrus Bernardus … faciat se monachum vel fratrem domus Grandissilve si ipse voluerit et quod predictum honorem donet habitatoribus domus Grandissilve pro tota sua voluntate inde facienda. Set si forte ipse Petrus Bernardus noluerit tunc se facere monachum vel fratrem domus Grandissilve, mandavit et statuit Bernardus furnerius quod totus supradictus malolis … sit et remaneat habitatoribus domus Grandissilve … cum. cc. sol. Tol. quos eidem Petro Bernardo donent in primo festo natalis Domini ultra constitutum terminum pro tota sua voluntate inde faciendam.’ The piece of property was a half arpent of new’ vineyard, free of tithe, and paying a rent to its lords of 6 d. annually, as we learn from H, Grandselve, 4, dated September, 1201. Since the value of the vineyard could not have been above 200 shillings, it seems likely that the father had done very well by his boy. Google Scholar

²⁰⁵ H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 138, dated May, 1242: Petronetus Oliverius gave the Hospital a house and, before assuming the habit of a brother of the Hospital, he gave his son, Guillelmus Oliverius, another house together with ‘omnia debita que eidem Peyroneto debebantur et totam laborantiam suam et omnem blatum et vinum suum et omnes pannos et archas et vaxella et abtamenta ipsarum domorum.’ He then placed his son ‘in posse, protectione et custodia NN cultellerii [his executors] usque in festo Omnium Sanctorum proximo futuro et de ipso festo ad. x. annos, ita scilicet ut dicti duo probihomines teneant in suo posse et custodia ipsum Guillelmum Oliverium cum toto dono supradicto usque ad terminum supradictum. Sciendum tamen est quod dictus Petronetus Oliverius fecit hoc donum dicto Guillelmo Oliverio filio suo sub tali pacto et conditione quod ipse G. O. filius suus, ad cognitionem dictorum duorum proborum hominum, prosequatur Studium licterarum usque ad dictum terminum, scilicet usque in festo Omnium Sanctorum proximo futuro et de ipso festo ad. x. annos et quod interim, similiter ad eorum cognitionem in omnibus se habeat atque regat et, sub pacto similiter et condictione, quod ipse G. O. assumat habitum dicti hospitalis ad capud dictorum. x. annorum et ingrediatur ordinem eiusdem hospitalis vel deinde quando prior vel habitatores ipsius hospitalis super hec eum monuerint; et interim dicti duo probihomines de bonis et juribus mobilibus dicti doni, ad eorum cognitionem, faciant eidem G. O. omnia sua necessaria vestitus et expensarum librorum et mercedis magistrorum et inde similiter persolvant omnia debita que ipse Peyronetus suis creditoribus persolvere tenebatur. Sua autem necessaria comedendi et bibendi habeat interim dictus G. O. in domo et de domo dicti hospitalis Sancti Johannis que sita est in Tholosa … Tamen si forte dictus G. O. non prosequatur Studium licterarum et non stabit in omnibus mandato et cognitioni dictorum duorum proborum hominum usque in termino supradicto vel si forte non ingredietur ordinem et non assumeret habitum dicti hospitalis in dicto termino … deinde totum hoc donum’ was to go to the Hospital, ‘exceptis. c. sol. Tol. quas inde habeat dictus G. O. sine plure.’ Were the son to enter the Hospital, these properties, after payihg for his education and for his father's debts, were to go the Hospital. ‘Tamen dictus G. O. non possit compelli citra dictum terminum quod ingrediatur ordinem nec quod assumat habitum dicti hospitalis nisi hoc facere vellet de sua libera voluntate.’ Google Scholar

²⁰⁶ Douais, , Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 349, dated March, 1140/41. The abbot of Saint-Sernin ‘suscepit et collegit Arnaldum Petri in societate et fraternitate et in omnibus beneficiis ecclesie beati Saturnini, ita ut sit quasi unus ex fratribus eiusdem ecclesie. Et si forte quandoque instinctu divino voluerit recedere a seculo, et habitum religionis suscipere, sanus vel infirmus, libere secundum voluntatem suam suscipiatur ab abbate et canonicis Sancti Saturnini cum pecunia vel sine pecunia. Et ipse non habeat facultatem alicubi habitum religionis suscipere nisi in predicta ecclesia.’ The abbot then ‘dimisit ei honorem de Castegenest cum decimis de Villaigone et de Bonovilar … ut habeat et teneat in omni vita sua ad cognitionem suam, et ipse Arnaldus Petri debita quingentorum solidorum Morlane monete, quibus predictus honor obligatus et impeditus erat, exsolvit. Predictus etiam abbas, gravitatem debitorum considerans, indulsit ei per. vii. annos debitum solitumque servitium, ita videlicet ut, transactis. vii. annis,. viii. modios frumenti per singulos annos solita mensura que tunc erat in pistrino, abbati et canonicis fideliter reddat. Et hoc faciat de decimis et primitiis, si sufficere potuerint ad hoc servitium, sin autem, compleat de suo. Si vero quod absit, gravitas temporis ingruerit propter communem aeris intemperiem, vel guerram, vel combustionem, predictus abbas servitium illud, arbitrio et voluntate Arnaldi Petri, secundum ipsius temporis qualitatem, illo minoratum recipiat.’ After Arnaldus Petri's death, the real property was to return to Saint Sernin but all moveables, ‘preter boves arantes,’ were to be his. In no. 350, an undated ‘carta concordie et societatis,’ half of the honor described above was given to Bernardus Raimundi Malet. The abbot gave Bernardus Raimundi the same benefits he had granted above to Arnaldus Petri ‘preter illam convenientiam que est de habitum religionis suscipiendo, quod habeat Bernardus Raimundi libertatem veniendi ad religionem ubicumque voluerit. Si vero habitum religionis susceperit alicubi, remaneat eius pars honoris predicti libera ecclesie Beati Saturnini, cum omni melioratione, sicut est in precedenti carta.’ For further evidence, see note 195 supra. Google Scholar

²⁰⁷ On the use of these terms — confrater, confratrix, frater, soror, donatus, donata, datus, data, see the notes in the section immediately above and the express provisions about them contained in charters from Toulouse's hospitals in notes 142, 144, 155, 157. Google Scholar

²⁰⁸ On the development of legal language and legislation concerning these categories see Jean Marchal, Le Droit d'Oblat: Essai sur une variété des pensionnés monastiques (Paris 1955) particularly 6–7, Roger Généstal, Le privilegium fori en France 2 vols. (Paris 1921–24) 1. chapter 2 and Imbert, Hôpitaux, 278–83. As is obvious, not all the fratres and sorores of Toulousan leper-houses and hospitals were clerks, although they all came under the protection of canon law. As to the pensioners we have just seen, unless wholly in residence and very frequently even then, they remained laymen until clothed the habit on their deathbeds. According to Marchal, the principal legislative codification took place at the two Lateran councils, that of 1179 and that of 1215. Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ This is certainly true of lepers and sometimes of folk in hospitals. Hospitalarii were received by means of contracts very similar, if not identical, to those of the sick or aged. In fact, one can scarcely distinguish between them in some cases. For an example, see G, Saint-Etienne, 230 (Cresty: 27, 2, nn.), dated October 1213, where Bernardus de Grava and his wife Willema ‘dederunt seipsos, scilicet Bernardus per fratrem et Willelma per sororem, domino Deo et Sancte Marie et hospitali de Grave et Bernardo Estraderio domino et ministro predicti hospitalis,’ and also contributed an arpent and a half of real property and a house. In return for this, the minister, with the consent of the brethren, received them as brothers and sisters ‘et per participes eos posuit in spiritualibus et in temporalibus bonis predicti hospitalis et concessit et dedit eis … victum et vestitum in predicto hospitali … sicut sibi ipsi.’ Further clauses of this contract are contained in note 160 supra and show that these persons were hospitalerii or members of the directing chapter of inmates. In general, as we see above and in notes 155 and 157, the chief difference between inmates and hospitalarii lay in the fact that the latter did not receive their property back in usufruct. But this was not always the case. Founders did, as we know from the cases of Bernardus Mandatarius and Bernardus de Maso. Note also an instance in H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 77, dated January, 1183, in which an individual gave himself and 500 s. and a vineyard to the Hospital. ‘Et ego … prior … recipio te … per fratrem et per hospitalarium predicti hospitalis et participationem te concedo in orationibus et helemosinis et in bonis hospitalis … in temporalibus et in spiritualibus. Et accipio helemosinam quam facis predicto hospitali, scilicet de predicta vinea et de. c. sol…. et concedo tibi pro me et pro meis successoribus panem et aquam in domo … Item ego … prior … concedo et dono pro me … tibi … predictam vineam quam predicto hospitali dedisti, ita scilicet ut explectas que de predicta vinea exierunt … omnibus diebus vite tue, et post tuum obitum remaneat predicta vinea hospitali.’ Google Scholar

²¹⁰ H, Malte, Toulouse, 123 (Estacabiau) 6, dated December, 1187, where Arnaldus Belis enters hospital: ‘dono et concedo memetipsum per servum et per servientem.’ The prior received him and granted him bread, water, and humble cloth ‘sicut uni servienti hospitalis.’ He and his brother had donated tithes and income from tithes. This act is very close to one of voluntary servitude, the difference there being that the individual usually made express provision for his children, whether born or yet to be born. For an interesting example, see E, 508, dated August, 1190, copied May, 1267, in which an individual ‘dedit domino Raimundo [count of Toulouse] … seipsum, scilicet suum corpus et omnes suos infantes exceptis. ii. filiabus quas habebat, quarum vocantur una Arnalda et alia Willelma, et omnes suos honores et omnia bona … ‘For the appointment of a dependent or serf to a hospital, see note 150 supra. Google Scholar

²¹¹ H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 72bis, dated September, 1180, in which Petrus notes that his father and mother had given property to the Temple. He then gives himself ‘per servum et per famulum ipsius domus quando voluerit venire ad sanctam religionem fratrum et militum Templi …’ He also gives his property, retaining, however, the right to leave a quarter of it to his brother if he is alive. ‘Et quamdiu voluerit manere Petrus in seculo sine religione fratrum milicie Templi debet dare. vi. d. Tol. de helemosina fratribus ipsius domus quoque anno in festo Omnium Sanctorum.’ This type of conditional entry with a penalty clause shows that the famuli were not simply dependents or serfs. There were also other restrictions upon the powers of the order. See H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 83, dated December, 1188, where Raimundus Bovarius gave himself and his property — a house and a vineyard — to the Hospital. He was made a participant in all benefits ‘citra mare vel ultra mare’ and retained usufruct of his property. Furthermore, the said Raimundus ‘debet permanere semper in eadem domo Tolose predicti hospitalis et debet ibi servire sicut melius possit et debet ibi esse verus et fidelis sicut melius possit ad bonum et ad fidem et ad utilitatem domus et fratrum eiusdem domus Tolose secundum suum locum et posse.’ In return for this promise of service, the Hospitalers gave him bread and water as a brother ‘et ultra debent ei dare quoque anno. vi. sol. Tol. per vestem et non debent illum permutare in alio loco.’ Even a cook could limit his service. In H, Malte, Toulouse, 8, 58 bis, dated December, 1213, Bernardus Petrus ‘mandavit et convenit servire omnibus diebus vite sue’ in return for food and keep. ‘Et pro suo vestitu dum vixerit quod ipse Bernardus Petrus teneat et explectet’ a vineyard promised to the Hospital upon his death. Bernardus Petrus promised ‘quod serviat in coquina vel apud bovariam de Columbario vel apud bovariam que vocatur de Podio David vel apud bovariam de Devesia.’ If the prior revoked this contract, the vineyard was to be returned to Bernardus and he agrees to pay a rent of 6 d. on it. Google Scholar

²¹² A normal testamentary clause about this matter may be seen in H, Grandselve, 2, Roll One, verso, vii, dated May, 1166, where the testator leaves his daughters Esclarmunda and Petrona ‘ccc. sol. Morl. cum quibus fuerint facte monache usque de Pentacosta ad. vi. annos. Et tamen si Lumbarda [his wife] et sui fratres infra predictum terminum volebant maritare Esclarmundam, habeat. c.l. sol. de predictis. ccc. sol.’ Google Scholar

²¹³ H, Saint-Sernin, 501 (Cresty: 1, 1, 28) published in Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, appendix no. 31, dated June, 1191: ‘Raimundus Vitalis, qui dicor Novemsolidos, dono meipsum Sancto Saturnino et Sancto Raimundo pro dato ac canonico ecclesie Sancti Saturnini,’ together with all of his property and promising full obedience. The abbot accepts him as a canon, promising ‘ut tibi donem victum et vestitum, et totum quicquid tibi necesse fuerit quamdiu vixeris, sine omni labore quod non facias ullo tempore nisi pro beneplacito tuo; concedo etiam tibi … ut omnes honores quos tu adquisisti vel in antea adquisieris, vel de tua pecunia expedieris, habeas et teneas ad totam tuam voluntatem faciendam ad explectandum … quamdiu vixeris, et post mortem tuam teneat illos honores Bernardus Iordanus [presumably a relative] ad suam voluntatem faciendam ad explectandum quamdiu vixerit.’ For a clerk, see the latter part of n. 193, supra. Google Scholar

²¹⁴ In return for other favors, persons also sometimes surrendered these pensions or salaries. Note, in Douais, Cartulaire de Saint-Sernin, no. 597, dated August, 1164, where one such recipient surrendered ‘totum convivium quod habebat ullo modo et omnes convenientias quas habebat pro manducare in domo et in hospitale Sancti Raimundi de Burgo et in domibus Sancti Raimundi ad Mata Pediculum.’ Google Scholar

²¹⁵ For examples, see Marchal, , Droit d'Oblat, 19ff.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ With the exception of some of the charters cited in notes 193, 194, 199, and 206 supra most of the instances recorded in the documents concern gifts of money together with real property or money rents, as in notes 192, 201 and 209. Google Scholar

²¹⁷ Among other vicissitudes, the Hôtel-Dieu archives of Toulouse were partially burned during the last war. Also, many documents may have been discarded after the edicts of hospital unification in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. At any rate, when Claude Cresty drew up his Repertoire des titres … concernants l'establisscment de l'hopital general Saint Joseph de la Grave etc. (3 vols., 1746–48) and his Repertoire des titres … concernants la fondation de l'hopital Saint Jacques etc. (1 vol. begun in 1749), he found fewer documents from the early thirteenth century than those cited in these pages. These inventories are housed in the Departmental Archives. Google Scholar

²¹⁸ A dorsal note on an H, Malte, Toulouse, 15, 77, written in an eighteenth-century hand. Google Scholar

²¹⁹ Some measure of proof may be seen in the fact that, at Toulouse as elsewhere, ecclesiastical institutions fought over burial rights and permission to receive the sick. Note a partially destroyed record of an arbitral decision rendered between prior Guillelmus of the Daurade and prior Petrus de Alsen of the Hospital. The Daurade claimed that the Hospital wrongly buried parishioners of the Dalbade and Daurade. The Hospitalers replied that those whom ‘susceperant vere fratres hospitalis fuerant et habitum h[abuerant],’ with the exception of two. The Daurade argued that these folk should not have been received at all, ‘quoniam [the Hospitalers] parrochianos suos infirmos non debebant recipere,’ according to an earlier decision on these same questions. The exact tenor of the arbitral decision is not clear, except that the right to bury parishioners was returned to the Daurade. The arbiters further decreed that ‘si qui alii contra tenorem instrumenti [the older decision] sepulti fuerant, extumulari faceret …’ The document is in H, Malte, Toulouse, 25, 3. It may be dated between 1179 and 1181 because the head of the board of arbiters was bishop Folcrand who took office in 1179 and, according to Antoine Du Bourg, Ordre de Malte (Toulouse 1883) 23, Petrus de Alsen was no longer prior in 1181. The earlier regulation of these problems seems to date from the time of bishop Raymond de Lautrec, sometime, then, between 1140 and 1163. Google Scholar

²²⁰ Note the example of the arquerius (carder, cleaner) in H, Malte, Toulouse, 2, 152, dated July, 1259, who acquired the right to enter the Hospital as a particeps when he wished, by donating his house, a half arpent of vineyard, 300 s. owed him and his household equipment, to be held by him in usufruct. Examples of really small endowments are also known. See ibid., 1, 78, dated April, 1185, of 4 d. rent from a meadow and ibid., 193, dated January, 1275, in which a wife and husband, together with another man, give themselves and their souls ‘dominis infirmis pauperibus dicte domus hospitalis’ and bring with them a total endowment of 50 s. in cash. Indeed, as may be seen in note 211 supra, not a few of the really poor must simply have promised service in return for maintenance in their declining years. Certainly, small institutions were obliged to alienate the properties given them in order to cover expenses. In Bibl. Nat., MS lat. 9189 (Lézat cartualry) fol. 227^r-v, dated November, 1183 to January, 1185, Guillelmus de Baiovila gave himself to Saint-Antonin together with a half arpent of new vineyard and the third part of a mill. He provided that the monks could sell the mill but not the vineyard, which he was to have in usufruct until death. Two years later in January of 1185, Guillelmus was prevailed upon to concede the right to sell the vineyard also. Google Scholar

²²¹ By ‘formally’ I mean that the charters usually stipulate all property. There are exceptions, however. Note H, Lespinasse, 58, ii, dated October/November, 1196, in which a man and his wife enter that nunnery, giving a piece of land. All other property was expressly exempted from this contract but it was added that everything they might possess ‘in extremis diebus vite eorum infra domum de Espinassa’ was to become Lespinasse's. Not dissimilar provisions were to be seen in the cases of those who entered to serve as hospitalerii. See H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 77, dated January, 1183: ‘Notum sit … quod ego Arnaldus Gaucerandus … dono metipsum … hospitali … et dono … quandam vineam … et. d. sol. Tol…. Reliqua vero que habeo michi ad meam voluntatem faciendam retineo.’ The prior then received Arnaldus as brother and hospitalarius, ‘et accipio helemosinam quam facis predicto hospitali, scilicet de predicta vinea et de. d. sol., et concedo tibi ut reliqua que habes sit tuum pro tota tua voluntate facienda …’ In the meantime and until death, the hospitalerius had his vine in usufruct. Google Scholar

²²² H, Malte, 116 (La Devèze), 9, dated September, 1186: a one-time vicar of Toulouse, Yspanolus, entered the Hospital bringing with him a substantial endowment of lands in and around Ramerville. Most of the very considerable properties of this notable had been given to his sons sometime before and, in H, Malte, 116 (La Devèze), 11, dated December, 1187, the sons proceded to divide them. It might be added that this is only one of several acts concerning the vicar's quondam properties. Google Scholar

²²³ A common phrase was that the testator had his will drawn ‘in infirmitate de qua obiit.’ But this does not prove that a draft of the will had not been drawn up before, as, indeed, we know some were. Besides, rich and busy men, not to speak of others, were not likely to leave so important a matter to the last moment. Here are some examples of such prevision: D, Saint-Bernard, 21 and Bibl. Nat., Collection Doat, XL, fol. 216^v, dated March, 1229: ‘Haec est carta ulterioris testamenti et ultimae dispositionis quam fecit Poncius de Capite Denario, sanus et incolumnis, volens pergere apud Franciam …’ On 229^v, Poncius continued: ‘et mando … quod si forte aliud testamentum feceram nec aliquis cartam alius testamenti trahere tentaverit non valeat contra istud testamentum nec habeat firmitatem nec stabilitatem immo penitus rumpatur et ad nihilum redigatur …’ E, 973, xi, dated April, 1191: Arnaldus de Paratico ‘quando voluit pergere in illo viatico cum domino suo Willelmo Arnaldo, scilicet ultra mare…,’ drew his testament. H, Malte, Toulouse, 3, 152, September, 1213: Bernardus ganterius rendered his testament ‘volens ire ad exercitum apud Murellum.’ The next act on the same membrane, dated April, 1225, tells us that he did not return from this disastrous engagement. H, Daurade, 117, dated March, 1237: Arnaldus Guido drew his will ‘volens ire in partibus transmarinis ratione penitentie sibi iniuncte a domino Romano apostolice sedis legato …’ Another act of the same month in the same year in E, 505, informs us that Petrus Sobaccus, consul in 1220–1221, performed the same act, ‘dicens se velle exire ab hac villa Tolose et ire ultra mare causa penitencie sibi injuncta …’ Also, entry into a religious order was another occasion for drawing up testaments. See note 205 supra. Google Scholar

²²⁴ In H, Saint-Sernin, 502 (Cresty: 1, 1, 38) dated March, 1215, Petrus de Yspania and his wife entered Saint-Sernin ‘per fratres et donatos’ bringing with them some houses and stores, a vineyard and a piece of arable land. These they received back in commende from the abbot. As we learn from titles 41 and 43 in the same liasse, Petrus and his wife were alive in March, 1226 and September, 1234, nineteen years, that is, after they became pensioners. According to H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 114, dated February, 1216, Petrus Niger sutor gave the Hospital a total of 9½ arpents of vineyard, receiving it back in usufruct. All he acquired for himself was burial and presumably care in his last illness, ‘set mando ego … quod non veniam nec mittam me ipsum ad aliam ordinem nisi tantum ad domum hospitalis et hoc quando mihi placuerit; set in omnibus modis volo sepelliri in domo hospitalis in omni loco ubi mihi mors evenerit et ibi eligo meam sepulturam,’ or, as he expressed it in another part of the act: ‘Preterea ego Petrus eligo meum locum et meam sepulturam quando Deus me inspiraverit in predicto domo hospitalis …’ Although he asked nothing other than burial and final care for himself, Petrus established a pension for others: ‘Item ego … rogo dictum priorem ut fratres predicte domus in perpetuum, pro Dei amore et mea, donent convivium cotidie in perpetuum. iii. pauperibus videlicet in vita mea et in morte.’ From H, Malte, Toulouse, 1, 1212, dated September, 1224, we know that the Hospital carried this pension ‘on the cuff’ for at least nine years because Petrus Niger sutor was still alive at that time when he gave a further gift to the Hospital. Google Scholar

²²⁵ See the last reference in note 194 supra, dated November, 1234, where the beneficiary received well over 10 percent annuatim on his investment. Google Scholar

²²⁶ In 1335, prior to the plague, the population of Toulouse was about 32,000 to 35,000 according to Philippe Wolff, Les ‘Estimes’ Toulousaines, 54. Google Scholar

²²⁷ H, Malte, Toulouse, 135 (Larramet) 20, dated 1210: ‘Ospitale Sancti Odonis,’ ‘ospitale Bernardi Bruneti,’ and the ‘domus infirmorum de Insula.’ Google Scholar

²²⁸ Bibl. Nat., Collection Doat, XL, fol. 202^v: a testament of August, 1226, gives a donation to the church of Fanjeaux, to each ‘scholari duos solidos, et hospitali Fanijovis sex sextarios ordei et leprosis sex sestarios ordi … et hospitali Podiisiurani ….’ Google Scholar

²²⁹ Arch. Dept.-Maine-et-Loire, H, Fontevrault, Lespinasse, (small cartulary) 9^v-10^r: ‘Notum sit quod NN capitularii de Sancto Jorio pro se et eorum sociis, scilicet pro NN et pro tota communitate Sancti Jorii cum consilio et voluntate N baiuli loco eiusdem, loco N * * * * sponderii testamenti Raimundi de Alfaro qui fuit, dederunt hospitale Sancti Jorii Lamberto de Burgundia et eius uxori Placentia ad tenendum, regendum et gubernandum bene et fideliter dum vixerit, ita tamen quod si dilapidantur bona dicti hospitalis quod capituiarii possent ibidem ponere rectorem alium bona cognitione cum consilio domini vel sui baiuli; et retinuerunt quod Raimunda Tutava revertatur, si voluerit, in dicti hospitali, cuius bona dictus Lambertus ***** et super sancta Dei evangelia * * * * et corporaliter juravit quod bene et fideliter gubernet et regat dictum hospitale ad honorem Dei et totius populi ville de Sancto Jorio.’ This act is dated September, 1266. Google Scholar

²³⁰ Douais, ‘Fortunes commerciales,’ Mém. de la Soc. archéol. du Midi, 15 (1894) 47–51.Google Scholar

²³¹ The text, for example, does not mention the hospitals of the Hospitalers, of Saint-Raymond or of the Mainaderie, but refers only to their churches. We know, however, that the Hospitalers maintained a large hospital in the old Temple of Toulouse in this period (see n. 176 supra) and there is no reason whatever to assume that the hospital of the Mainaderie had vanished. On the other hand, Saint-Raymond was probably a university college by this time. Google Scholar

²³² The figures from 1250 to 1400 break down as follows: Google Scholar

Probable continuations:

Nine hospitals: Saint-Esprit in the City (also called de corpore Christi, de Sainte-Anne, and du Pont Vieux. According to Cresty, Repertoire … Saint-Etienne, I. fol. 336^r, this hospital had moved from near Nazaret and the Montolieu Gate to the Garonne and the Rue des Couteliers in April, 1321), the Hospitalers’ Temple, the Mainaderie, Sainte-Catherine in Saint-Michel, Saint-Antonin-de-Lézat, N. D. de la Daurade, Saint-Jacques in Saint-Cyprien, La Grave and Saint-Jacques in the Bourg, if, as seems likely, that institution continued the old hospital of the Arnaud-Bernard Gate. Two or three leperhouses: Saint-Michel or the Narbonne Gate, that of the Arnaud-Bernard Gate and, possibly, the house ‘porte fontis Sancte Marie’ in or outside of Saint-Cyprien, if this may be counted as a continuation of one of the two thirteenth-century leper-houses in Saint-Cyprien, those of Bruno Baranonus and Bertrandus Bausanus.

Probable disappearances:

Four hospitals: the Saint-Etienne, Willelmus de Trenis, Villeneuve Gate and Sainte-Trinité.

Four or five leper-houses: Gausbertus de Caturcio at the Villeneuve Gate, Geraldus Raterius in the Bourg, the Pousonville Gate and either or both of those in Saint-Cyprien mentioned immediately above.

Possible new hospitals: seven in number:

Saint-Eutrope of the Carmelites.

The hospital of Petrus Poncius on Main Street in Saint-Cyprien, near the church of Saint-Nicholas. Nothing is known of this individual or of his hospital's foundation.

‘Hospitalis corporis Christi burgi Tholose’ in the text of 1403. Saint-Charles’ Inventaire des archives de l'Hôtel-Dieu in the Hôtel-Dieu archives, 146 finds the first reference to this hospital in 1342 and describes it as being for orphans and located on the Rue du Taur.

‘Domus pauperum orphanorum Tholose, que est in carreria Ymaginatorum’ in the text of 1403. This may have been adjacent to the hospital listed immediately above and to have fused with it in the course of time. In Arch. Comm.-Toulouse, AA5:300, dated 1505, the orphanage was on the Taur.

Saint-Antonin-de-Viana (Vienne). According to an act cited in Cresty, Repertoire … Saint Etienne, I. fol. 345^r, this hospital existed in 1294. It was located on the present Rue Saint-Antoine, near Montaygon, the modern Place Saint-Georges.

N. D.-du-Puy, first heard of in 1348, according to Saint-Charles. It was located in the Place-Saint-Georges.

‘Hospitalis Sancti Georgii Tholose’ in the document of 1403. Catel, Mémoires … Languedoc, 151, asserts that the church of Saint George replaced the old hospital of the B. M. de Podio mentioned immediately above. It is possible, of course, that the executors slipped up here, but … At any rate, the two institutions were on the Place-Saint-Georges.

²³³ For proof, see the note above. Note also that Saint Antonin-de-Lézat moved from outside the Narbonne Gate to the Rue Pharaon in the City and that, after its destruction during the Black Prince's raid in 1355, the Trinitarians also moved into town where they do not appear to have recontructed their hospital. Google Scholar

²³⁴ A seventeenth-century map of the region outside of the Arnaud-Bernard Gate in D, Saint-Bernard, 33, clearly shows the emplacement of the church and leper-house outside of that gate. Google Scholar

²³⁵ See the maps of Toulouse's hospitals and leper-houses published here on p. 214 and 276. Also, note the mutilated testament of Arnaldus de Paratico (E 973, xi, dated April, 1191, copied July, 1202) wherein a residual right to a piece of property was granted ‘ad domum leprosorum extra portam Narbonensis si unum leprosum * * * dare victum et vestitum in omnibus suis diebus dum diu vixerit in predicta domo vel in domo leprosorum porte Vilenove vel de [a slip for ‘in’] aliis que sunt circa vilam …’ The text clearly indicates that all leper-houses were thought to be ‘circa vilam.’ Indeed, as is well known, hygienic reasons inspired medieval townsmen to locate hospitals and leper-houses outside of town, or on riverine frontage. For the enforced movement of a leper-house from a thickly settled area at Toulouse, see n. 98 supra. Google Scholar

²³⁶ Notably, the Carmelites and the hospital order of Saint Anthony of Vienne. The one surely private hospital was that of Petrus Poncius in Saint-Cyprien. Google Scholar

²³⁷ This was not finally systematized at Toulouse until a decree of the parlement of Toulouse reformed the hospitals in 1505 (Arch.-Comm., AA5, 300). Then, each of the five major hospitals treated specific ailments or handled specific problems: syphilis, orphans, women, pilgrims etc. Google Scholar

²³⁸ Not that the corporative way either is or was necessarily the best way. Indeed, one guesses that a kind of oscillation between the poles of ‘corporatizing’ and ‘individualizing’ characterized the history of medieval as well as of modern institutions of charity. Here, as is evident, I am borrowing terms from others’ studies, most immediately from the prolegomena of Jordan, W. K.'s wonderful history of early modern English charity where he contrasts the individualist epoch of the seventeenth century with the statist age of the latenineteenth and twentieth centuries. It must be noted here, however, that this laudatory comment on Mr. Jordan's work is not to be taken as an unqualified endorsement of this author's method. His desire to contrast the individualist spirit of secular society with the corporative spirit of Catholic or medieval society is surely open to question. The very bluntness of his definition encourages historians to skip over the relatively non-corporative ages in medieval history — one of which has been mentioned in this study. Far worse, also, it lets them forget the fact that the western state, although essentially secular, has frequently exhibited a tendency toward organizing society corporatively, that is, in socially functional groups brigaded by coercion. Parenthetically, indeed, one imagines that Mr. Jordan's lively Englishman of the sixteenth- and seventeenth century was not half so busy disestablishing his church by his private and non-ecclesiastical benefactions as he was dismantling his late medieval corporate state. However that may be, it is surely true that Mr. Jordan has neglected the medieval background of his history, so much so that his passages on the Middle Ages are not portraiture but rather caricature. To assert that medieval testators gave only to the church and not to specific charitable ends is simply not true, save in those earlier ages and later simpler regions where and when institutions and needs were not differentiated. To claim that medieval bequest or donations were pro anima only and not for the good of the beneficiaries is not only inherently unlikely but equally untrue. To believe that the perfectly typical form of medieval charity was an indiscriminate dole given out at a monastery's gate is nonsense. See Philanthropy in England 1480–1660 (London 1959) 146–47 and passim. In short, although Mr. Jordan's handling of his own documents seems exemplary to me, I believe that, in regard to his contrast between the Middle Ages and modern times, he has confused a difference in degree with a difference in kind, as the pages above should help to show.Google Scholar

¹ The first three acts on this membrane contain quittances given Raimundus Vasco's executor, who is, however, not named until the fourth and last act published above. The first of these quittances, dated Thurday, February 8, 1246, was given by a guardian or parent of Raimundus Vasco's nepos Cerninus for a sum of twenty shillings of Toulouse. Involving a sum of the same amount and dated the same day, the second was given by Petrus de Claromonte cellarerius of the Cistercian monastery of Faunes, near Muret. In the third quittance, Raimunda de Notols, prioress of the convent of Lespinasse of the order of Fontevrault, admitted receiving a like sum. Notary of all the acts on this parchment, Guillelmus Durandi misdated this act, giving us the following elements: thirteenth day from the end of February, a Thursday, 1245 (n. s. 1246). This works for no date, but one may guess that Guillelmus simply slipped up and wrote thirteen (xiii) instead of eight (viii). The eighth day from the end of the month was a Thursday, February 22, 1246. As may be seen in the transcription above, the fourth and last act on the same membrane was dated earlier, in the month of January. Google Scholar

² Deleted by the notary. Google Scholar

³ The ‘de’ was omitted here by the notary and frequently thereafter, principally because he was hurried and because it almost went without saying. In other cases, as below in the word ‘hospitali,’ the notary tended to slip from the genitive into the dative for reasons that are obvious if one looks at the sentence. Google Scholar

⁴ This spelling of sartor is not only uniform throughout the document, but is also common in Toulouse. Google Scholar

⁵ The punctuation in the above transcription follows that of the text, save that some of the periods (the only sign used) have been converted into commas. The capitalization has been modernized. The notary used only four capitals (A, E, G, R). He was, however, systematic. Individual's first names were usually capitalized; surnames never. As is usual in the Middle Ages, words like saint, blessed, God and lord were not capitalized. I might add that my capitalization of surnames deriving from craft names is not authoritative, being based solely upon feelings derived from reading many charters. As is known, craft names had frequently become surnames by this time in Toulouse. Also, the ‘frater Bernardus monachus ecclesie Sancti Antonii’ may be cited as a further example of the problem of capitalization. Although Bernardus was obviously a monk of this priory, monachus may very well have been his surname because the Monachi were a well-known family in Toulouse. Google Scholar

¹ With the exception of the beginning of the sentences, the rather random capitalization of the original has been followed here. In the original, most of the sentences were introduced by rubric signs. At the suggestion of Philippe, M. Wolff, who kindly checked this transcription, the punctuation has been somewhat modernized and the many elided words of the original have been separated.Google Scholar