1 Ladner, Gerhart B., The Idea of Reform: Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers (Cambridge, Mass. 1959); ‘Erneuerung’, Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum 6. 240-275; ‘Die mittelalterliche Reform-Idee und ihr Verhältnis zur Idee der Renaissance’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 60 (1952) 31-59; ‘Two Gregorian Letters: On the Sources and Nature of Gregory VII's Reform Ideology’ Studi Gregoriani 4 (1956) 221-242; ‘Vegetation Symbolism and the Concept of Renaissance,’ De artibus opuscula XL: Essays in Honor of Erwin Panofsky (ed. Meiss, Millard; New York 1961) I 303-322; ‘Reformatio,’ Ecumenical Dialogue at Harvard (ed. Miller, S. and Wright, G. E.; Cambridge, Mass. 1964) 172-190; ‘Religious Renewal and Ethnic-Social Pressures as Forms of Life in Christian History,’ Theology of Renewal (ed. Shook, L. K.; New York 1968) II 328-357. The most recent works on reform following Ladner's methodology have been those of John W. O'Malley, S.J., Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, (Leiden 1968); id., 'Historical Thought and the Reform Crisis of the Early Sixteenth Century/ Theological Studies 28 (1967) 531-548; id., ‘Reform, Historical Consciousness and Vatican II's Aggiornamento,’ Theological Studies 32 (1971) 573-601; McNally, Robert E. S.J., ‘Pope Adrian VI (1522-23) and Church Reform,’ Archivum historiae pontificiae 7 (1969) 253-286; Minnich, Nelson H. S.J., ‘Concepts of Reform Proposed at the Fifth Lateran Council,’ Archivum historiae pontificiae 7 (1969) 163-251; and my own work, John Gerson: Principles of Church Reform, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought, (Leiden 1973). See also Congar, Y. M.-J., Vraie et fausse réforme dans l'Église (2nd ed.; Paris 1968).Google Scholar

2 Ladner, , The Idea of Reform 9–35.Google Scholar

3 Olsen, Glenn, ‘The Idea of the Ecclesia Primitiva in the Writings of the Twelfth-Century Canonists,’ Traditio 25 (1969) 61–86, and Miccoli, Giovanni, Chiesa Gregoriana (Florence 1966) 225-199. Both Olsen (66-70) and Miccoli (225-244) give a brief historical survey of the various interpretations of the ecclesia primitiva from the appearance of the term in the fifth century to the period of the Gregorian Reform. Olsen is currently working on a comprehensive study of the idea of the ecclesia primitiva from its origins through the twelfth century. For evidence of the continuity of the idea of the ecclesia primitiva in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries see. McDonnell, Ernest W., The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture (New Brunswick 1954). For fifteenth-century evidence cf. Kamisky, Howard, A History of the Hussite Revolution (Berkeley 1967). In both these works see the index under ‘primitive church.’ For a study of the idea of the primitive church in the documents of the Council of Constance as well as in the writings of Martin Luther see. Stockmeier, Peter, ‘Causa Reformationis und Alte Kirche,’ in Von Konstanz nach Trient , (ed. Bäumer, Remigius; Munich 1972) 1-13. In an earlier article, Stockmeier analyzed the tendency of reformers and reform movements to idealize the life and example of the primitive church. Cf. ‘Die Alte Kirche-Leitbild der Erneuerung,’ Tübinger Theologische Quartalschrift 146 (1966)385-480. In his articles Stockmeier cites the unpublished dissertation of M. Ditsche, ' Die Ecclesia Primitiva in Kirchenbild des hohen und späten Mittelalters (Bonn 1958). I have thus far been unable to see this dissertation.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4 Contra haeresim de communione laicorum sub utraque specie (P I 463 B): ‘Non obstante quod Evangelium Christi revelatione habuisset; tamen ut authentizaretur, ascendit ad Barnabam Jerusalem ubi primitiva Ecclesia principaliter residebat, et contulit cum illis Sanctis Apostolis et aliis in quibus Ecclesia consistebat et seorsim cum illis qui videbantur aliquid esse, Evangelium; ne forte in vacuum curreret aut cucurrisset.’ For Paul's visit to Jerusalem see Gal. 2. 1-10. As far as possible references to Gerson's writings will be cited according to the new edition of his works by Palémon Glorieux, Œuvres complètes (Paris 1960—). Seven volumes of this edition have been published thus far. Works not yet edited by Glorieux will be cited according to the older edition of L. Ellies du Pin, Joannis Gersoni opera omnia (Antwerp 1706). This edition contains five volumes. The letters G and P will stand for these respective editions in all footnotes throughout this article.Google Scholar

5 De communione laicorum (P I 459 C): ‘Scriptura sacra in sui receptione et expositione authentica finaliter resolvitur in autoritatem, receptionem, et approbationem Universalis Ecclesiae; praesertim primitivae, quae recepit earn et ejus intellectum immediate á Christo, revelante Spiritu sancto in die Pentecostes, et alias pluries.’ Google Scholar

6 Ibid. (P I 459 C, 463 B). This passage used frequently by Gerson throughout his writings is found in Augustine's Contra epistolam Manichaei 5 6 (CSEL 25 197).Google Scholar

7 De vita spirituali (G III 139): ‘ Ibidem enim Ecclesiam sumit pro primitiva congregatione fidelium eorum qui Christum viderunt, audierunt et sui testes exstiterunt.’ Google Scholar

8 Ibid. (G III 138): ‘Ex his aperitur intellectus qualiter dicta Apostolorum et discipulorum Christi sunt alterius auctoritatis, quoad aliquid etiam pure de fide, quam successorum suorum, quoniam primi a Christo doctrinam immediate susceperunt; ejus insuper facta viderunt et ad eos expresse dictum est: qui vos audit me audit; et rursus: quae dico vobis in tenebris praedicate super tecta, etc.’ Google Scholar

9 Ibid. (G III 139): ‘ Consequenter deducitur quomodo major fuit primitivae Ecclesiae auctoritas quoad praedicta quam nunc sit, et quod non est in potestate papae aut Concilii aut Ecclesiae immutare traditiones datas ab evangelistis et a Paulo, sicut quidam delirant. Nec habent quoad hoc quod est facere aliquid esse pure de fide, parem auctoritatis firmitatem; unde quantum licet dubitare de jure alicujus in papatu vel episcopatu, tantumdem licet suas constitutiones in dubium revocare.’ Google Scholar

10 Dominus his opus habet (G V 223): ‘Sic instituta videtur et gubernata fuisse sufficienter Ecclesia primitiva sub Apostolis, ac deinde per successiones varias usque ad doctores sanctos inclusive per quadrigentos annos et amplius …’ Google Scholar

11 Diligite justitiam (G VII 608). For medieval attitudes towards the Donation of Constantine see Laehr, Gerhard, Die Konstantinische Schenkung in der abendländischen Literatur des Mittelalters bis zur Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts (Berlin 1926); id., ‘Die Konstantinische Schenkung in der abendländischen Literatur des ausgehenden Mittelalters,’ Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 23 (1932) 120-181, and Maffei, Domenico, La Donazione de Constantino nei giuristi medievali (Milan 1964). See also my article, ‘Gerson and the Donation of Constantine: Growth and Development within the Church.’ Viator 5 (1974) With regard to contemporary studies on the Donation of Constantine see Ohnsorge, W., ‘Die Constantinische Schenkung,’ in Abendland und Byzanz (Darmstadt 1958) 79-110, Ewig, E., ‘Das Bild Constantins des Grossen in den ersten Jahrhunderten des abendländischen Mittelalters,’ Historisches Jahrbuch 75 (1956) 1-46, Gericke, W., ‘Wann entstand die Constantinische Schenkung’? Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung 43 (1957) 1-88, and Fuhrmann, H. ‘Constantinische Schenkung und Silvester legende in neuer Sicht’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 15 (1959) 523-540.Google Scholar

12 De communione laicorum (P I 463 B): ‘… Jerusalem ubi primitiva Ecclesia principaliter residebat. …’ Google Scholar

18 Although they emphasize different aspects of the ecclesia primitiva than Gerson does, writers of the eleventh and twelfth centuries manifest a similar orientation in their reflections. Cf. Olsen, , ‘The Idea of the Ecclesia Primitiva’ 71–80, and Miccoli, , Chiesa Gregoriana 270-273.Google Scholar

14 For the text of Haec sancta synodus see Alberigo, Joseph et al., eds., Conciliorum Œcumenicorum decreta (Rome 1962) 385–386.Google Scholar

15 Nuptiae factae sunt (G V 384). Gerson here quotes verbatim the text of Haec sancta synodus as to the purpose of convoking the general council.Google Scholar

16 Prosperum iter faciat (G V 478): ‘… primitiva Ecclesia quando communi consensu … fiebant omnia….’ In his early years at Paris, Gerson advocated the via cessionis as the most practical means for ending the disorder within the church. By 1403, however, he began to be attracted by the possibilities of the via concilii. The failure of the proposed meeting between Gregory XII and Benedict XIII at Savona in 1407 turned him into a committed advocate of the via concilii. The process that led to Gerson's transition from the via cessionis to the via concilii is treated in detail by Posthumus Meyjes, G. H. M., Jean Gerson: Zijn Kerkpolitiek en Ecclesiologie (The Hague 1963) 89–130.Google Scholar

17 Propositio facta coram Anglicis (G VI 133): ‘ Patet de quatuor primis conciliis memoratis in Actibus Apostolorum….’ These four assemblies described in Acts were earlier regarded as councils by Conrad of Gelnhausen. He maintained that they established a precedent for the convocation of councils throughout the Church's history and should again inspire the Church to seek a conciliar solution to the Schism. Cf. Epistola concordiae 1 (ed. Martène, E. and Durand, U., Thesaurus novus anecdotorum [Paris 1717] II 1204 B-E). Conrad's position was adopted verbatim by Henry of Langenstein in his Epistola concilii pacis 13 (ed. Ellies du Pin, L. in Joannis Gersoni opera omnia II 822 C). On the question of the four councils in Acts, Gerson most probably was influenced by the writings of both Gelnhausen and Langenstein.Google Scholar

18 This revisionist view of Gerson's ecclesiology is due primarily to the work of Meyjes, Jean Gerson. Heiko A. Oberman has written an excellent analysis of Meyjes' book in his review article, ‘From Occam to Luther,’ Concilium 17 (1966) 126–140. My own work, Jean Gerson: Principles of Church Reform (above n. 1) confirms Meyjes' conclusions but has as its primary purpose a study of the reformative potentialities of hierarchical order.Google Scholar

19 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 227): ‘Papalis auctoritas suo modo cum suis cardinalibus imitatur triplicitatem primam; alteram vero mediam imitatur patriarchalis, archiepiscopalis, episcopalis et sacerdotalis auctoritas in habentibus subjectos sibi; quod dicitur propter curatos vel etiam propter solum titulares episcopos carentes plebe. Ultimi sunt instar tertiae hierarchiae qui hierarchizantur in Ecclesia sed non alios auctoritative hierarchizant, quemadmodum sunt populi et simplices religiosi secundum Dionysium.’ For the angelic hierarchies in Dionysius see De coelesti hierarchia 7 1 (PG 3 206 B-D), 8 1 (PG 3 238 B-D, 239 A-B), 9 1-2 (PG 3 258 B-D, 259 A-B). A detailed survey of the writings, doctrine, and influence of Dionysius can be found in René Roques et al., ‘Denys 1'Aréopagite,’ in the Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascetique et mystique 3 244-429. The most comprehensive study of Dionysian thought is that of René Roques, L'univers dionysien (Paris 1954). Dondaine, H.-F., Le corpus dionysien de l'Université de Paris au XIII ^e siècle (Rome 1953) has studied the textual tradition of Dionysius' writings at Paris through the thirteenth century.Google Scholar

20 Responsio ad errores de orationibus privatis fidelium (P II 653 D): ‘Ecclesia fundata est a Christo nedum stabilissime supra firmam petram, sed etiam sapientissime et ordinatissime; quoniam si omnia “quae sunt a Deo ordinata sunt,” secundum Apostolum, Rom. xiii, 1, hoc maxime reperitur in Ecclesia, quae dicitur ideo “terribilis, ut castrorum acies ordinata,” Cant. vi, 3.’ Google Scholar

21 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 218-219): ‘Animadvertendum est itaque quod haec potestas jurisdictionis quae radicaliter fundatur in potestate ordinis sacerdotalis et episcopalis, dum in sua generalitate consideratur, respicit multipliciter corpus Christi mysticum, quod est fidelium Ecclesia; quos fideles oportet secundem tres actus hierarchicos regere qui sunt secundum Dionysium purgare, illuminare et perficere; purgare per inflictionem poenalem excommunicationis vel interdicti, si rebelles inveniantur, quod spectat ad jurisdictionem coercitivam de qua praedictum est, quamvis et haec purgatio fiat per baptismum et per saeramentalem absolutionem, non tamen coercitive. Oportet insuper illuminare per praedicationem et doctrinam; oportet demum perficere per aliorum sacramentorum ministrationem.’ Google Scholar

22 De imitate Ecclesiae (G VI 143) ‘Finis omnis potestatis et hierarchiae ecclesiasticae est dilectio, pax, et unio.’ ‘ Dilectio est causa unionis atque pacis.’ ‘ Dedit Deus potestatem hominibus in aedificationem non in destructionem Ecclesiae.’ Google Scholar

23 De futuri summi pontificis electione (G VI 282): ‘Item deformitas Ecclesiae in hoc quod vacet papa est prae omnibus deformitatibus generalior quia tanget bonos et malos et omnes generaliter Christianos.’ Google Scholar

24 For a comprehensive study of the schism and late medieval Church see Delaruelle, E., L'Église au temps du Grand Schisme et de la crise conciliaire 2 vols. (Paris 1962-1964).Google Scholar

25 Domine si in tempore hoc (G V 212-213): ‘Sed heu, quid de calamitate praesentium temporum querar misera, quibus pro coelesti ordine perturbor confusione et ex similitudine coelesti quae mihi vita est, ad inferni similitudinem ubi nullus ordo sed sempiternus horror inhabitat, quae mihi mors est, manibus impiis pertrahor.’ Google Scholar

26 Propositio facta coram Anglicis (G VI 126): ‘Habemus praeterea causam quodammodo formalem, et ad hujus celebrationem concilii vivifice praeparantem; quae forma est semen Dei vivum et efficax, semen Spiritus Sancti habens virtutem formativam et reformativam totius unitatis, totius Ecclesiae corporis in una fide, et spe, et caritate sub uno Deo et Domino, per omnem juncturam secundum deductionem Apostoli ad Eph. iv.’ Cf. De auferibilitate sponsi ab Ecclesia (G III 297) and Ambulate dum lucem habetis (G V 44).Google Scholar

27 De auferibilitate sponsi ab Ecclesia (G III 297): ‘Hoc autem semen quid aliud debet intelligi quam vis insita spiritualis et ars quaedam vivifica per universum corpus Ecclesiae per quam hierarchicus ordo potest usque in finem subsistere.’ Google Scholar

28 Propositio facta (G VI 131): ‘Hoc est semen in quo conveniunt ambae obedientiae; quale si abstulisset schisma, de pace reformanda actum esset….’ Google Scholar

29 Gerson regards heresy as corruptive of hierarchical order. Cf. De sensu litterali sacrae scrip turae (P I 7 A-B).Google Scholar

30 Propositio facta (G VI 126). See also Ambulate dum lucem habetis (G V 44).Google Scholar

31 Propositio facta (G VI 133): ‘… congregatio Ecclesiae licite et meritorie potest in casu fieri sine papa vel auctoritate sua. Itaque cum possit dupliciter fieri congregatio uno modo concordative vel assensive vel caritative, alio modo auctoritative, constat de primo congregandi modo quod sine papa possibilis est, immo fuit saepissime practicatus tam apud apostolos quam apud imperatores sanctos quam apud catholicos qui saepe convenerunt in unum priusquam essent evocati vel autorizati a papa.’ Google Scholar

32 Ibid. (G VI 134). Cf. Ambulate dum lucem habetis (G V 45) and De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 240). For the medieval canonical tradition regarding circumstances when a council can be convoked without papal approval see Tierney, Brian, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory (Cambridge 1955) 76–79, 152-153, 212-217, and 222-226.Google Scholar

33 Spiritus Domini (G V 521-522): ‘Et animadvertat precor, vestra beatitudo, quoniam Spiritus iste Domini qui replevit orbem terrarum, Spiritus est hujus sacri concilii. Grandis plane dignitas talis admirandaque sublimitas ut eodem Spiritu uniatur, formetur, vivat et vegetetur haec sacrosancta synodus Ecclesiam repraesentans, quo Spiritu connecti dicuntur in unum Pater et Filius. Sed vere sic decebat ut sponsi Christi et Ecclesiae sponsae suae esset unus spiritus. Major enim adhaesio vel intimior qualis esse potest quam sponsae ad sponsum ! Dicit autem Apostolus quod qui adhaeret Deo unus spiritus est cum eo. Denique primitivam Ecclesiam describens Lucas, multitudinis inquit credentium erat cor unum et anima una.’ Google Scholar

34 Prosperum iter facial (G V 478): ‘Unde sicut in usu dispensationum, concessione privilegiorum, innovatione decretalium non expedit usum potestatis papalis sic restringi ut in omni casu tali fiat ad concilium generale recursus, propter difficultatem et raritatem suae convocations, …sic non expedit talem laxationem fieri quae vim et robur generalium conciliorum in suis constitutionibus passim tollat et enervet.’ Cf. De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 224).Google Scholar

35 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 225): ‘… nulla fuit hactenus nec erit in posterum perniciosior pestis in Ecclesia quam omissio generalium conciliorum et provincialium vel in re ipsa vel in auctoritate.’ Google Scholar

36 Ibid. (G VI 233): ‘Possumus ad hanc considerationem addere quod plenitudo ecclesiasticae potestatis si consideretur in sua latitudine ipsa non est in solo papa nisi quodam modo fontaliter, potestative et originaliter suo modo. Haec enim latitudo potestatis complectitur in se alias potestates ecclesiasticas collective a summo usque deorsum; et est in eis plenitudo ecclesiasticae potestatis papalis tamquam pars integralis in suo toto, et ita non est major vel superior ad totam Ecclesiam sicut nec pars major toto.’ Gerson's understanding of plenitudo potestatis reflects the influence of those aspects of Decretist and Decretalist scholarship which in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries tended to situate the plenitudo potestatis in the corporate totality of the Church. This tendency increased during the period of the Great Schism and became an essential principle of conciliarism. For a brief historical survey of the varying interpretations attributed to the term in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries see Tierney, , Foundations of the Conciliar Theory 141–151, 221-226. On the history of plenitudo potestatis, see also Ladner, Gerhart B., ‘The Concepts of Ecclesia and Christianitas and their Relationship to the Idea of Papal Plenitudo Potestatis from Gregory VII to Boniface VIII,’ in Sacerdozio e Regno da Gregorio VII a Bonifacio VIII (Rome 1954) 49-77. For thirteenth century use of the term see Watt, John A., The Theory of Papal Monarchy in the Thirteenth Century (New York 1965) 75-92.Google Scholar

37 Be potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 232): ‘Potestas ecclesiastica in sua plenitudine est in Ecclesia sicut in fine et sicut in regulante applicationem et usum hujusmodi plenitudinis ecclesiasticae potestatis per seipsam vel per generale concilium earn sufficienter et legitime representans.’ On the finality and proper use of ecclesiastical power in terms of the growth and development of the mystical body see De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 232).Google Scholar

38 Ibid. (G VI 226): ‘Et forte quoad usum vel exercitium potestatis ecclesiasticae sic evenit ipsis etiam Apostolis et discipulis quod post immediatam concessionem utriusque, scilicet potestatis et usus, factam a Christo postmodum crescente numero fidelium fuit ad tollendum schisma et ad exemplar dandum posteris, limitatio facta talis potestatis quoad usum, et hoc per Petrum summum pontificem de consensu totius Ecclesiae primitivae vel generalis concilii ut non quilibet posset in quemlibet uti potestate sua….’ Google Scholar

39 Diligite justitiam (G VII 608): ‘La police espirituelle, que nous nommons ecclesiastique ou évangelique, se gouverne principaument par J'evangile et par ceulx qui le scevent, que nous appellons theologiens.’ Google Scholar

40 Throughout the Middle Ages theologia, sacra pagina, and scriptura were used interchangeably. Cf. du Lubac, Henri, Exégèse médiéuale I.1 (Paris 1959) 59–61, and de Ghellinck, J., ‘“Pagina” et “Sacra Pagina”: Histoire d'un mot et transpormation de l'objet primitivement désigné,’ Mélanges August Pelzer (Louvain 1947) 23-59. For the gradual separation between Scripture and theology in the late Middle Ages see de Vooght, Paul, Les sources de la doctrine chrétienne d'après les théologiens du XIV ^e siècle et du début du XV ^e (Paris 1954) 254-264. An excellent treatment of Gerson's attitude towards the Scriptures can be found in Meyjes, Jean Gerson 252-274.Google Scholar

41 Dominus his opus habet (G V 224): ‘Notemus hic ad declarationem ampliorem, quod theologi proprio nomine dicuntur hi qui notitiam profitentur et habent eorum que proprie dicuntur esse de theologia hoc est de jure divino, seu evangelico quod idem est, et qui illud sciunt elucidare, defendere, roborare.’ Google Scholar

42 An liceat in causis fidei a papa appellare (G VI 284).Google Scholar

43 De vita spirituali (G III 162): ‘Quod si quis praelatorum vellet hujusmodi legem aut diceret habere robur legis divinae, sibi fas esset per theologos aut alios hoc cognoscentes resistere in facie et dicere quod non recte ambulat ad veritatem Evangelii.’ Google Scholar

44 An liceat in causis fidei a papa appellare (G VI 284): ‘Ex quibus palam elicitur quod Summus Pontifex qui succedit Petro in apostolatu reprehendi potest publice per doctorem theologum qui in officio preadicationis succedit Paulo, etiam ubi non haereticaret vel erraret in fide.’ Cf. Nimis honorati sunt (G VII 722). For the significance of Gal. 2.11-14 in medieval ecclesiology see Posthumus Meyjes, G. H. M., De Controverse tussen Petrns en Paulus: Galaten 2.11 in de Historie (The Hague 1967).Google Scholar

45 Apparuit gratia (G V 73).Google Scholar

46 Domine si in tempore hoc (G. V. 212): ‘Si similitudines pulcherrimas coelestis ordinis in terris posui, vos illas servate; vestrum est officium ut ceteros purgetis, illuminetis, perficiatis, quatenus coelestem portent imaginem; idcirco vos purgavi, illuminavi, perfeci quia nec sordulentum mundifieat, nec tenebrosum illuminat, nec diminuta perficiunt.’ Google Scholar

47 De consiliis evangeticis et statu perfectionis (P II 678 D. 679D-680 A).Google Scholar

48 Ibid. (P II 669 A).Google Scholar

49 Ibid. (P II 669B-670A): ‘Si igitur conformiter ad ista scire et investigare voluerimus, in quo stat et perficitur vita Christiana, sciemus istud, habito et cognito illo quod spiritum nostrum rationalem suo vitali et perfectivo principio, quod Deus est, perfectius et intimius unit, et intimat, et junget in ipso.’ Google Scholar

50 Super assertiones Fr. Matthaei Grabow (P I 467 B—469 C). On the controversy between Grabow and the Brethren of the Common Life as well as Gerson's intervention in the controversy at the Council of Constance. see Delaruelle, , L'Église au temps du Grand Schisme II 843; Jedin, H., ed., Handbook of Church History IV (London 1970) 436-437; Post, R. R., The Modern Devotion (Leiden 1968) 289-292, and. Wachter, S., ‘Matthäus Grabow, ein Gegner der Bruder vom gemeinsamen Leben,’ Festschrift zum 50-jahrigen Bestandsjubiläum des Missionshaus St. Gabriel (Vienna-Mödling 1939) 289-376.Google Scholar

51 De perfectione cordis (P III 438 A): ‘… in Ecclesia primitiva quando erat perfectio Christiana….’ Google Scholar

52 Super assertiones Fr. Matthaei Grabow (P I 468 A).Google Scholar

53 De perfectione cordis (P III 437 D—438 A).Google Scholar

54 Super assertiones Fr. Matthaei Grabow (P. I 468 A).Google Scholar

55 Alberigo, , Decreta 394-395. For an excellent survey of the origins and development of the utraquist movement in its early years in Bohemia see Kaminsky, , A History of the Hussite Revolution 97-140. Many texts related to the utraquist controversy remain to be edited and the full history of the movement has yet to be written. Kaminsky, however, gives all the pertinent bibliography on the subject. On the introduction of the lay chalice in Bohemia see especially. Seibt, F., ‘Die revelatio des Jacobellus von Mies über die Kelchkommunion,’ Deutsches Archiv 22 (1966) 618–624.Google Scholar

56 For the exegetical aspects of the utraquist controversy see Kaminsky, , A History of the Hussite Revolution 110–112.Google Scholar

57 De communione laicorum (P I 461 B). It is interesting to note that in its decree against communion under both species the Council of Constance admits that this was the manner in which communion was administered both at the Last Supper and during the time of the ecclesia primitiva. ‘… licet Christus post coenam instituerit, et suis apostolis ministraverit sub utraque specie panis et vini hoc venerabile sacramentum….’ ‘… Licet in primitiva ecclesia huiusmodi sacramentum reciperetur a fidelibus sub utraque specie….’ The conciliar arguments for communion under one species are based rather on the ‘sacrorum canonum auctoritas laudabilis’ and the ‘approbata consuetudo ecclesiae.’ Alberigo, Decreta 395.Google Scholar

58 De auferibilitate sponsi ab Ecclesia (G III 296): ‘Auferibilis non est ab Ecclesia militante sponsus suus Christus homo quin semper influat in eamdem Ecclesiam sponsam suam per membra varia gradus hierarchicos officiorum et administrationum et dignitatum et statuum ab ipso constitutorum dum Ecclesiam fundavit primitus et aedificavit. Si enim permanebit Ecclesia usque ad consummationem saeculi, permanebit ut perfecta; Dei enim perfecta sunt opera, non solum in inchoatione sed magis in conservatione et consummatione.’ Google Scholar

59 Propositio facta (G VI 132): ‘… congregatio ecclesiastica non habet vel habuit ex se potestatem seipsam ordinandi et conservandi per gradus varios atque hierarchicos dignitatum et administrationum, quales in ipsa reperimus a summo praesulatu usque ad infimum administrationis gradum quicumque sit ille. Patet; quia supernaturalis est haec institutio consurgens ex solo beneplaeito liberalissimi conditoris….’ For Langenstein's position see Epistola Concilii Pacis 14 (du Pin II 827).Google Scholar

60 De auferibilitate (G III 298): ‘Auferibilis non est sponsus Ecclesiae. Christus ab Ecclesia sponsa sua et filius ejus sic quod remaneat Ecclesia in sola muliere, immo nec in solis mulieribus omnibus, immo nec in laicis solis….’ For Ockham's position cf. Dialogus 2 25 and 6 12 (ed. Goldast, M.; Monorchia II [Frankfurt 1614] 429, 527). The medieval tradition on Mary's sole maintenance of the true faith has been studied by Congar, Y. M.-J., ‘Incidence ecclésiologique d'un thème de dévotion mariale,’ Mélanges de science religieuse 7 (1950) 277-292.Google Scholar

61 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 222).Google Scholar

62 Ibid. (G VI 224): ‘… aliter esse discernendum in ecclesiastica politia dum est ordinata complete sub quadam explicatione perfecta et numerosa membrorum suorum in ministris per status gradus et officia, aliter dum ab initio formata est Ecclesia in magna tarn ecclesiasticorum quam fidelium paucitate….’ Google Scholar

63 Propositio facta (G VI 133): ‘… sunt enim gradus omnes seminati a Christo in Ecclesia primitiva quamquam parvula in qua nondum erant sic explicati gradus ecclesiasticae hierarchiae ut nunc inspicimus….’ Google Scholar

64 In adopting the idea of virtual or inchoative presence Gerson recognizes that he is using a mode of description employed by philosophers to describe the manner in which new forms are contained in matter. Cf. Propositio facta (G VI 133): ‘… has vocant philosophi inchoationes formarum in materia….’ Google Scholar

65 De auferibilitate (G III 297): ‘ Fuerunt enim primitus velut in quodam seminario vivifico positi in Ecclesia per Christum et postmodum, crescente Ecclesia, discretio talium magis innotuit….’ Google Scholar

66 Propositio facta (G VI 133). Cf. De auferibilitate sponsi ab Ecclesia (G III 297).Google Scholar

67 De auferibilitate (G III 296-297). Cf. Propositio facta coram Anglicis (G VI 126-127).Google Scholar

68 De nobilitate (P III 213 C-D): ‘…omnis itaque potestas gratiarum gratis datarum supernaturaliter ad aedificationem Ecclesiae per Christum, est eminentia quaedam notabilis… quarum suprema post gratiam gratum facientem papalis autoritas inserta vel juncta sacerdotali; dehinc descendendo per patriarchas, primates, archiepiscopos, episcopos, archipres-byteros, decanos, curatos, et ita de reliquis dignitatibus, ordinibus, gradibus et gratiarum divisionibus, ad utilitatem populi Christiani, pro ut vult Spiritus sanctus; cujusmodi sunt gratia sanitatum, discretio spirituum, genera linguarum cum ceteris.’ Google Scholar

69 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 222): ‘Ecclesia siquidem dum sic consideratur in suis partibus essentialibus et permanentibus quae sunt papatus, cardinalatus, patriarchatus, archiepiscopatus, episcopatus, sacerdotium, habet integrari ex his omnibus sic quod ablata penitus una tali potestate jam non maneret Ecclesia prout a Christo seminaliter et velut in quodam germine suo perfecte fuit instituta….’ Google Scholar

70 Ibid. (G VI 211): ‘Potestas ecclesiastica est potestas quae a Christo supernaturaliter et specialiter collata est suis apostolis et discipulis ac eorum successoribus legitimis usque in finem saeculi ad aedificationem Ecclesiae militantis secundum leges evangelicas pro consecutione felicitatis aeternae.’ Google Scholar

71 Diligite justitiam (G VII 608).Google Scholar

72 Conversi estis nunc ad pastorem (G V 172): ‘ Quemadmodum praeterea lex vetus quae et mosaica dicitur, complectebatur cum divinis praeceptis ordinantibus immediate ad Deum, judicialia quae proximos in temporalibus regulabant, nec ob hoc plures leges sed una putabatur, non aliter Ecclesia primitive legem evangelicam cum canonica conjungebat quamvis evangelica ad Deum et canonica magis ad proximum ordinaret.’ Google Scholar

73 Ibid. (G V 172): ‘… olim pro una voce lex evangelica et canonica haberentur….’ Google Scholar

74 Diligite justitiam (G VII 608): ‘La police espirituelle, que nous nommons ecclesiastique ou evangelique, se gouverne principaument par l'evangile et par ceulx qui le scevent, que nous appellons theologiens.’ Google Scholar

76 Dominus his opus habet (G V 223): ‘… quibus temporibus non erat distinctio theologorum et canonistarum….’ Google Scholar

76 Ibid. (G V 223-224): ‘Hi vero canones si bene inspiciamus, non sunt nisi conclusiones elicitae vel illatae ex principiis theologicis id est ex evangelio et aliis libris canonicis…. Nihil igitur admirandum si ad eosdem pertinebat notitia principiorum.’ Google Scholar

77 Ditigite justitiam (G VII 608): ‘Et saint Luc dit que ceux qui creurent au commencement, avoient tout en commun.’ Cf. Acts 4.32.Google Scholar

78 Conversi estis nunc ad pastorem (G V 173): ‘Insuper quod tempore primitivo Ecclesia non esset occupanda in temporalibus vel servandis vel augendis, quando mittebantur sine sacculo et pera praedicare, quando dicebant non esse aequum relinquere verbum Dei et ministrare mensis ….’ Cf. Lk.22.35, Mt. 10.10, Mk. 6.8 and Acts 6.2.Google Scholar

79 Ibid. (G V 173): ‘Quod si quis interrogaverit cur has leges non explicavit legislator noster Christus, respondemus illas in universalibus principiis satis datas esse….’ Google Scholar

80 Ibid. (G V 173): ‘… propterea suffecit auctoritatem condendi canones et decreta vieariis suis relinquere….’ Google Scholar

81 De concilio unius obedientiae (G VI 54): ‘Sed pro tempore Silvestri et Constantini magni, placuit Domino ad dilatationem Ecclesiae inspirare turn Constantino quod tales possessiones daret, turn Ecclesiae quod reciperet….’ Google Scholar

82 Conuersi estis nunc ad pastorem (G V 172): ‘… oportuit plurificationem Decretalium et Decretorum pro suo regimine judiciario constitui, et maxime postquam ditata est Ecclesia, postquam in multitudine temporalium bonorum et jurisdictionum saecularium ipsa saecularibus potestatibus par facta est.’ 'Porro crescentibus jurgiis, judicia frequentia, quaeruntur quae ea dirimant, quae pacem restituant. Hinc leges legibus, hinc constitutiones constitutionibus, hinc decretales decretalibus additae sunt.Google Scholar

83 Ibid. (G V 173): ‘Haec est nisi fallor ratio, haec origo legem evangelicam a canonica et theologiae facultatem ab illa decretorum secernendi.’ Google Scholar

84 Ibid. (G V 172): ‘… ea quae de novo emergunt novo egent auxilio.’ Google Scholar

86 Ibid. (G V 173): ‘Neque uno modo semper agit Spiritus Sanctus pro evocatione et conversione fidelium ad pastorem et episcopum animarum vestrarum, sed nunc adversitate nunc prosperitate, nunc paupertate nunc abundantia trahit, vocat et allicit quos esse suis agnoverit.’ Cf. Diligite justitiam (G VII 608-609).Google Scholar

86 Diligite justitiam (G VII 608-609): ‘Dieu ha diverses manières de gouverner ses hommes, maintenant en adversites, maintenant en prosperite; pareillement selond la diversite de temps et des lieux, Dieu a voulu plus ou moins des biens temporels estre apliques a son service exercer, pour acquerir felicite en la police espirituelle ou ecclesiastique. Or est advenu ce que on seult dire: qui a terre, il a guerre, car n'est riens se bien ordonne entre les hommes de quoy les mechans n'avysent soit pauvrete soit richesses. Si a convenu, selond la doctrine d'Aristote, faire tant plusieurs ordinations que nous appelons loys, ou decres, ou canons, c'est a dire reugles, pour faire justice a un chascun et rebouter injustice.’ Google Scholar

87 Super coelibatu ecclesiasticorum (P II 634 B).Google Scholar

88 De Joannis humilitate (G III 105).Google Scholar

89 Regulae morales (P III 106 C): ‘… nam Christus neque exercuit talia dominia, neque per expressum successoribus prohibuit, sed reliquit potestatem eorum discretioni (pro varietate temporum) et devotioni Christianorum sic vel sic exercendi.’ Google Scholar

90 Conversi estis (G V 174): ‘Est autem haec communis distinctio quod doctrina canonica tres in se juris species aggregatas complectitur: jus divinum, jus naturale, jus positivum.’ Google Scholar

91 Ibid. (G V 178): ‘… oportet in decretis et decretalibus distincte videre quid in eis est de jure pure divino, quid de jure pure naturali, quid de jure positivo vel humano. Istis siquidem ignoratis confusionis sequi errorem necesse est dum non separatur pretiosum a vili, indispensabile a dispensabili, incommutabile a commutabili, obligans lex a non obligante, necessarium a non necessario, et ita de similibus ex quibus oritur deceptio….’ Google Scholar

92 Apparuit gratia (G V 85).Google Scholar

93 On the insufficiency of purely positive law to settle the schism and the need for recourse to divine and natural law, cf. Apparuit gratia (G V 73, 85), Conversi estis nunc ad pastorem (G V 178), Acta de schismate tollendo (G VI 97), and Dominus his opus habet (G V 228). On the application of epikeia at the time of the Council of Pisa see De unitate Ecclesiae (G VI 138). For its use at Constance cf. Prosperum iter faciat (G V 478-479).Google Scholar

94 A brief summary of the principles of divine and natural law as understood and used by Gerson can be found in De unitate Ecclesiae (G VI 143-144) and Trilogus in materia schismatis (G VI 81-82). Our concern here is only to stress the more important of those principles.Google Scholar

96 Apparuit gratia (G V 86): ‘Quaelibet in ecclesiastica hierarchia potestas in pacem salutiferam ordinatur. Haec infertur ex prima. Cum igitur non sit data potestas in destructionem sed aedificationem, teste Apostolo, si quis abusui potestatis, hoc est tyrannidi resistit, ille non resistit Dei ordinationi sed obedit, quae jubet malum tollere de medio sui et partem scandalizantem abjicere, sicut et licet cuicumque erga quemcumque vim illatam vi repellere cum appositione moderatae cautelae.’ Cf. Regulae morales (P III 106 C).Google Scholar

96 Ibid. (G V 84): ‘Finis politiae ecclesiasticae et cujuslibet legis earn regulantis, est pax salutifera. Hoc satis expressit divinus noster philosophus Paulus qui finem legis et praecepti nunc dilectionem esse dixit nunc Jesum, intelligens in dilectione pacem, in Jesu salutem ut sit finis pax salutaris.’ Google Scholar

97 Ibid. (G V 84): ‘Cum igitur secundum exigentiam finis cetera debeant moderari et finis est qui imponit necessitatem rebus, necessitas vero legem non habet, perspicuum est quod nulla lex habeat aliquid firmitatis si paci faciendae vel conservandae invenitur contraria; sed debet interpretari ut serviat paci vel penitus aboleri….’ Google Scholar

98 De imitate Ecclesiae (G VI138): ‘Unitas Ecclesiae ad unum Christi vicarium non habet necesse quod nunc procuretur servando terminos litterales aut ceremoniales jurium positivorum, aut processuum ordinariorum, in evocationibus, accusationibus, delationibus aut similibus; sed summarie et de bona grossaque aequitate potest procedere concilium istud generale in quo residebit sufficiens auctoritas judicialis utendi epikeia, id est interpretandi omnia jura positiva, et ad finem celeriorem et salubriorem habendae unionis eadem adaptandi, aut si opus fuerit relinquendi.’ Google Scholar

99 Ibid. (G VI 143) and De vita spirituali animae (G III 189).Google Scholar

100 Ibid. (G VI 145): ‘Postremo tamen hoc summopere cavendum est judicibus ne usus epikeyae passim et absque manifesta ratione fiat, transmutando legem scriptam; alioquin tolleretur protinus a legibus sua stabilitas, quibus mutantibus totam reipublicae disciplinam innitentem eis collabi et ex consequenti rem ipsam publicam corruere vel conturbari necesse est.’ Google Scholar

101 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 222): ‘Propterea quaerere si papalis auctoritas sit major quam Ecclesia vel e converso, redit in idem ac si peteretur nonne totum majus est sua parte vel pars minor suo toto?’ Google Scholar

102 De imitate Ecclesiae (G VI 144); Trilogus in materia schismatis (G VI 82). For Gerson's reference to Aristotle regarding the relationship of the part to the whole see De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 221).Google Scholar

103 Conversi estis (G V 178): ‘Similiter canones velle destruere est proprium corpus ecclesiasticae politiae deformiter habitare.’ Cf. Conversi estis nunc ad pastorem (G V 218) where Gerson reprimands those who would have prelates return to the legal simplicity of the primitive church.Google Scholar

104 De statibus ecclesiasticis (P II 534 A-B): ‘Status curatorum est de essentiali, ac intrinseca Ecclesiae hierarchia, sicut status praelatorum, quamvis inferior sit, et pro sua perfectione variabilior.’ Cf. Quomodo stabit regnum (G VII 984).Google Scholar

105 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 240-241): ‘Dicamus secundo, juxta probabilem valde sententiam, quod de statu hierarchico Ecclesiae non sunt proprie nisi duo status: praelatorum majorum videlicet qui succedunt Apostolis et sunt episcopi, archiepiscopi et ita sursum; et minorum qui successores sunt septuaginta duorum discipulorum. Et dicuntur praelati secundi ordinis, dignitatis vel honoris, quales sunt curati….’ The tradition that bishops and the parish clergy were the direct successors of the apostles and disciples respectively began most probably with St. Jerome and became widely accepted in the Middle Ages, especially among the secular clergy at the University of Paris. Cf. Congar, Y. M.-J., ‘Aspects ecclésiologiques de la querelle entre mendiants et séculiers dans la seconde moitié du xiii^e siècle et le début du xiv^e siècle, AHDLMA 28 (1961) 59–63.Google Scholar

106 De consiliis evangelicis et statu perfectionis (P II 679 D-680 A): ‘Ex istis infero, quia status curatorum in ordine proxime est statui episcoporum. Patet, quia eadem opera hierarchica eis incumbunt quae et episcopis, etsi non in tam excellenti gradu. Debent enim subditos purgare arguendo et increpando; illuminare docendo et praedicando; perficere, sacramenta ministrando.’ Cf. De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 241). For the parish clergy as a status perfectionis see De statibus ecclesiasticis (P II 534 C).Google Scholar

107 De statibus ecclesiasticis (P II 536 A): ‘Status privilegiatorum ad praedicandum et confessiones audiendum statutus est post primariam Ecclesiae institutionem, rationabiliter ordinatus ad sublevamen eorum qui hierarchicos in Ecclesia status habent, praesertim post talem et tantam in temporalibus dotationem, quae secum attulit multam occupationem.’ Google Scholar

108 For the history of this conflict in the latter part of the thirteenth and early part of the fourteenth centuries see Congar, , ‘Aspects ecclésiologiques,’ 52–114.Google Scholar

109 Meyjes, , Jean Gerson 306–308.Google Scholar

110 Quomodo stabit regnum (G VII 983): ‘Nous pouvons bien dire en general que ceste escripture, s'elle passoit, troubleroit l'ordre hierarchique de prelas de saincte eglise, grans, moiens et petis qui sont les cures.’ Google Scholar

111 De potestate ecclesiastica (G VI 215): ‘Addamus quod etsi primus hierareha, summus Pontifex, vel alii consequenter suo modo possint pro rationabili causa vel necessitate dare suis inferioribus adjutores ad exercendum hierarchicos actus qui sunt purgare, illuminare et perficere plebes sibi subditas, sicut invenitur de poenitentiariis et privilegiatis, hoc tamen sine manifesta ratione vel necessitate facere non debet, vel cum eorumdem dejectione, irreverentia et vilipensione apud illos quibus honori debent esse et a quibus debitam sustentationem recipere pro suo statu et ministerio….’ Google Scholar

112 De nobilitate (P III 215 B): ‘Ecce quod Christus postquam elegit pauperes ab initio, postmodum divites attraxit, magnificeque dotavit Ecclesiam sub Silvestro Papa et deinceps. Sic post ignobiles primitus electos, postquam etiam non defuerint tunc nobiles parentes Christi; sic post idiotas et simplices, non sine doctissimis aliquibus ut Paulo Apostolo, Natanahele; plurimos elegit illustrissimos reges et imperatores. Collegit amplius in retibus piscatorum summos philosophos et turbas rhetorum quo mirabilior introductio prima nostrae religionis appareret.’ Google Scholar

113 De nobilitate (P III 215 C): ‘Tempus pauperum, ignobilium, contemptibilium, insipientium supple mundo: habes nunc tempus nobilium, divitum, spectabilium, sapientium etiam mundo, quales pusilli sunt, pauperes et viles in occulis suis.’ Google Scholar

114 De nobilitate (P III 221 D-222 A): ‘Lex divina pro tempore pacis ecclesiasticae concessae a Domino per Constantinum Magnum sub Silvestro usque hodie, favit promotioni nobilium, divitum, et potentum, eruditos quoque praeponit et graduatos in altera facultatum, praecipue litterarum sacrarum et canonum non conditorum.’ Google Scholar

116 De nobilitate (P III 215 C-D): ‘Hoc si parum est, audi prophetam evangelicum Isaiam, nobilissimum genere, qui tempus istud, dies istos Ecclesiae videns in spiritu. “Et erunt,” inquit, “reges nutritii tui, et reginae nutrices tuae, vultu in terra dimisso adorabunt te et pulverem pedum tuorum lingent.”’ Google Scholar

116 De nobilitate (P III 215 C): ‘… nonne veneratur Ecclesia dum dotatur, dum filii et filiae regum adducuntur post earn in vestitu deaurato cum muneribus; quamvis sit omnis gloria ejus ab intus. Homo tamen est in fimbriis aureis et in varietatis amictu, in divitiis scilicet, in honoribus et scientiis quibus dotat sponsam suam sponsus nobilissimus, ditissimus et sapientissimus, rex simul et sacerdos Dominus Jesus Christus secundum ordinem Melchisedech.’ Google Scholar

117 Conuersi estis (G V 173). To illustrate the variety of circumstances and period swithin the church's history, Gerson again has recourse to Eccl. 3.1 with its stress on the fact that there is an appropriate season for all activities and occupations. Cf. De nobilitate (P III 215 B-C).Google Scholar

118 De nobilitate (P III 215 C): ‘Nonne Christus imitatur pro tempore nostro, si tales praeficiantur; si Spiritus Sancti regentis Ecclesiam sequitur instinctus; nonne veneratur Ecclesia dum dotatur….’ Google Scholar

119 Si de temporali consolatione (G II 127): ‘Dico amplius quod si in praelatis omnia concordarent statui illi paupertatis Christi et suorum Apostolorum, perfectior esset eorum imitatio et utilior quam sit magnificus status praesentium. Dico consequenter quod quia respublica vel Ecclesia non gubernatur per sanctos, sicut quidam acute dixit, fuit expendiens praesupposita imbecillitate praelatorum in moribus, quod iste decor adventitius in Ecclesia quandoque servaretur, sicut et nunc apud multos qui nihil habent in moribus magnificum, utinam nihil diabolicum, per quod non dico attraherent plebem ad reverentiam spiritualis dignitatis sed funditus everterent nisi quodam exteriori splendore tenerentur. Dico ad postremum quod si praelatus, etiam ista aetate, esset sufficienter stabilis in humilitate et caritate repletus qualem esse debere praedicatorem Bernardus scribit sermone 17 super Cantica, nullum est apud me dubium quin plus proficeret imitando paupertatem apostolicam quam fastum istum temporalem.’ Google Scholar

120 De nuptiis Christi et Ecclesiae (G VI 204): ‘Postremo sollicitudinem anxiam et quandoque fraudum sectatricem, ego proprietas, a praelatis et domesticis suis excludo, distribuens unicuique prout opus est ne vel rapere vel cogitare supra modum de crastino compellat eos egestas, cui parum esse fidei, dicit Satyricus et lex. Haec est Ecclesiae primitivae institutio, haec aurea mediocritas quam Salomon optando descripsit: divitias, inquit, et paupertatem ne dederis mihi, sed tantum victui meo tribue neccessaria. Pusilli animi est, dicit Seneca, non posse pati divitias et indicere sibi odium auri et argenti; refrenetur cupiditas et sufficit.’ Google Scholar