¹ There are two partial editions of the work: F. Martí de Barcelona's edition of the first 352 chapters in three volumes (Barcelona 1929-32) and my own edition of the following 77 chapters in Francesc Eiximenis Terç del Crestià: Edition and Study of Sources, Chs. 359-436 (Dissertation; Univ. of Toronto 1971). There are some serious problems with F. Martí's edition; see my articles ‘Cinco capítulos del Terç del Crestià olvidados por el F. Martí en su edición de la obra,’ Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 46 (1973) 265–277 and ‘División y encuadernación de los manuscritos del Terç del Crestià,’ Estudios Franciscanos 73 (1972) 303–310. See also Pere Bohigas' review in ‘Estudis sobre Francesc Eiximenis,’ Anuari, Institut d'Estudis Catalans 8 (1927-31) 543-547. Most important among these problems is the omission of four chapters from the first part of the Terç (Chs. 233-236) and the fusion of another two chapters (Chs. 19 and 20) into one, resulting in serious confusion in chapter numbering. I shall refer to the correct numbers as they appear in most MSS.Google Scholar

² Of these only parts of the Terç and Dotzè have modern editions. The Primer, a very important work for the establishment of Eiximenis' theology, is available in incunabula. Eiximenis also wrote a score of other works, some of which enjoyed a great deal of popularity in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Among these are the Libre dels àngels, Libre de les dones (this is a valuable document for the study of woman's place in medieval society), Vita Christi, Cercapou, Doctrina compendiosa (doubtful authorship), and several works in Latin, some of which have been lost. For information on Eiximenis' works and Eiximenian scholarship see D. J. Viera, ‘A Partial Bibliography of the Works and Studies on Francesc Eiximenis (1340?-1409?),’ in a forthcoming volume of Catalan studies edited by J. Gulsoy in honor of J. de Boer. Google Scholar

³ See the Prologue to the Primer del Crestià (València 1483). See also nn. 28-30 below. Google Scholar

⁴ See Martí's Introduction to his edition, p. 11. Google Scholar

⁵ Ibid. 26.Google Scholar

⁶ Bibl. Metropolitana de Valencia, Ms. 43, fol. 312. See also Martí's introduction to his edition, pp. 10-11. Google Scholar

⁷ The Primer was written between 1379 and 1381 and the Segon in 1382, so it is difficult to imagine how Eiximenis could have been concerned with the Terç earlier than 1382 except in draft form or plan. The fact that the Terç refers to these texts (see n. 13 below) confirms this assumption, although it should not be considered definitive evidence, for the Terç contains references to other books of Lo Crestià which were written later or never. See F. Eiximenis: la societat catalana al segle XIV (ed. Webster, J.; Barcelona 1967) 93 and Chs. 391, 401, 407, 420 and 423 of the Terç where Eiximenis refers to Books X, III, VII, VIII, and XII respectively of Lo Crestià. Google Scholar

⁸ I have dealt with Eiximenis' place and importance in the development of the popular didactic style in the Iberian peninsula in a short paper, ‘Origen y auge de la filosofía didáctico-popular en la España medieval,’ to appear in Actas: V Congreso Internacional de Filosofía Medieval en Madrid, 1972. At this time vernaculars were becoming extremely important elsewhere as well. It must be remembered, for example, that John Wycliffe (1320-84) translated the Bible into English in 1380. Google Scholar

⁹ The Seven Deadly Sins: An Introduction to the History of a Religious Concept, with Special Reference to Medieval English Literature (East Lansing, Mich. 1952). The whole history of this important concept in the Iberian peninsula is still waiting for the attention of scholars.Google Scholar

¹⁰ These reasons prompted Joseph Balari Jovany to collect some of these passages and edit them as Regles de bona criança en menjar, beure e servir bé a taula, tretes de ‘Lo Terç del Crestià’ del P. M. Fr. Francesch Eiximenis (segle XIV ^e) (Barcelona 1889) 48 pp. This edition is difficult to find outside of Barcelona; it is, moreover, fragmentary, the sources are not identified, and it is based on the reading of only one manuscript, Bibl. Central 457. I hope to publish a critical edition of these chapters in the near future.Google Scholar

¹¹ Martí's ed., p. 25. Google Scholar

¹² Ibid. Google Scholar

¹³ Eiximenis wrote other works that fall into these categories such as the Vita Christi, which is primarily a work of spirituality, and his lost Summa Theologica, which seems to have been a compendium of theology. A detailed study of Eiximenis' life is available in F. Ivars' series of articles published under the title ‘El escritor Fr. Francisco Eiximéniz en Valencia,’ Archivo Ibero-Americano 14 (1920) 76–104; 15 (1921) 289–331; 19 (1923) 359–398; 20 (1923) 210–248; 24 (1925) 325–382; 25 (1926) 5–48 and 289-333. For a more schematic outline see de Riquer, M., Història de la Literatura Catalana II (Barcelona 1964), 133-140. F. Martí de Barcelona published an article on his life and works, ‘Fra Francesc Eiximenis, O. M. (1340?-1409?): La seva vida, Els seus escrits, La seva personalitat literària,’ Estudis Franciscans 40 (1928) 437-500.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Eiximenis was of bourgeois stock but rose steadily in the Aragonese court and the Franciscan Order. He was entrusted with a number of diplomatic missions and was actively involved in the governing and religious establishments of Catalonia. He travelled as far as Oxford, Cologne, Paris, and Rome and died honored by the Pope with the title of Patriarch of Jerusalem. However, he never lost sight of the country folk and the common city life in which he seems to have had first hand experience. For further details see the articles by Ivars and Martí in the preceding note. Google Scholar

¹⁵ The personal background of the Terç is often evident when Eiximenis uses the first person singular to relate stories or experiences. Expressions such as ‘I remember,’ ‘as I have seen,’ etc., are not uncommon. Some contemporary scholars have already used Eiximenis’ works for linguistic and cultural studies about the period. Most important are the following: Alpera, L., Los nombres trecentistas de botánica valenciana en Francesc Eiximenis (Valencia 1968 ); Anglès, H., ‘Fra Eiximenis (1340-1409) i la música del seu temps,’ Estudis Romànics 10 (1962) 189–209; Maravall, J. A., Franciscanismo, burguesía y mentalidad precapitalista: la obra de Francesc Eiximenis (Valencia 1969).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ch. 350: Quant embriaguea és peccat mortal o venial; ch. 351: Que l'hom qui és mal embriach és maleyt per la Santa Scriptura; ch. 352: Per quina manera la maledicció del embriach passa al pare qui.l ha engenrat; ch. 353: Com de embriaguea hixen breques e molts mals; ch. 354: Que grans mals e perills se seguexen a embriaguea; ch. 355: Com embriach sens causa se lexa caure en tants mals; ch. 356: Com embriaguea és cosa fort vergonyosa e de gran confusió, especialment a fembres; ch. 357: Com embriaguea és fort nociva als hómens veils, e a alscuns altres; ch. 358: A qui sobiranament és gran confusió la embriaguea; ch. 359: Com persones ecclesiàstiques se deuen fort guardar de embriaguea. Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ch. 362: Com lo vy fa errar los hòmens en moites maneres; ch. 363: Com lo eclesiàstich proposa notables documents per saber usar bé de beure lo vy; ch. 364 Quant de bé fa a l'hom beure atempradament e com lo fa alegre estar ne per què; ch. 365: Com embriaguea estech figurada per los poetes passats; ch. 366: Quants altres mals fa embriaguea; ch. 367: Com deu hom avorrir en special aquest mal peccat per los mals qui se 'n seguexen; ch. 392: Com negú no deu parlar massa sovín de vy e qual manera de beure és millor; ch. 393: Quantes vegades pot l'om beure en taula sens reprensió, e si brou o vy ab escuma se deu bufar; ch. 394: Qui posa altres documents sobre lo ordenat e honest beure; ch. 395: Com se deu amerar lo vy. Other chapters not dealing primarily with wine also contain relevant comments; they are concerned mainly with eating, servant behavior, and table manners: chs. 360, 361, 368-391, and 396. Google Scholar

¹⁸ There are many other types of works which dealt with wine and winedrinking. Some of these consist of fables, stories, and other compositions with different degrees of literary value, such as the Battle of the Wines by Henri d'Andeli (for the latter and other similar works see the third part of this paper). The list of works presented here is by no means exhaustive; I have mentioned only those which influenced Eiximenis significantly. Google Scholar

¹⁹ Prescriptivism is a widespread phenomenon in the Middle Ages. Some form of it is found in almost every activity and development in the age. Unfortunately the reasons for it and its relations to concepts and structures of authority and religious hierarchy are still to be studied. For a discussion of prescriptivism as it is present in some of the liberal arts see Murphy, J. J., Rhetoric in the Middle Ages (Berkeley-Los Angeles 1974).Google Scholar

²⁰ For a general discussion of Eiximenis' sources see my dissertation and the article ‘Francesc Eiximenis’ Sources,’ in the volume in memory of de Boer mentioned above (nn. 1 & 2). Google Scholar

²¹ Eiximenis refers to Hyppocrates' Aphorisms in ch. 380 and elsewhere. For an excellent discussion of Arnaldus' contribution to medical science see the prologue of J. Carreras i Artau to M. Batllori's edition of his Catalan medical works in Obres Catalanes II (Barcelona 1947 ). There were many types of medical works in the Middle Ages. They dealt with such different topics as diagnostic procedures, hygiene, diets, foods, drinks, medicines and their preparation, pathology, exercises, anatomy, embryology, astrological medicine, etc. For a good survey of these see Kibre, P., ‘Hippocratic Writings in the Middle Ages,’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine 18 (1945) 371–412, and her ‘Hippocrates Latinus,’ Traditio 31 (1975) 99–126 and 32 (1976) 257–92. See also MacKinney, L. C., Early Medieval Medicine (Baltimore 1937) and Temkin, C. L., Ancient Medicine (Baltimore 1967).Google Scholar

²² References to ‘metges’ are found in chs. 360, 364, 373, and others. Google Scholar

²³ Arnaldus commented on this poem in a work entitled Commentum super ‘Regimen Salernitanum.’ Most likely this was the version known to Eiximenis. For the most complete study of the School of Salerno and the various texts it produced see Kristeller, P. O., ‘The School of Salerno: Its Development and Its Contribution to the History of Learning,’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine 17 (1945), 138-194. He discusses Arnaldus' relation to the school on p. 179.Google Scholar

²⁴ The famous passage from Arnaldus reads: ‘This eau de vin (brandy) is called by some eau de vie, and justly so, since it prolongs life. … It prolongs health, dissipates superfluous matters, revives the spirits, and preserves youth. Alone, or added to some other proper remedy, it cures colic, dropsy, paralysis, ague, gravel, … etc.’ Cited by P. Lacroix, France in the Middle Ages (New York rep. 1963) 154. Arnaldus also composed a treatise on wines (De vinis) which deals primarily with artificial or pharmaceutical wines and brandy. Henry E. Sigerist has translated this text in Arnald of Villanova: The Earliest Printed Book on Wine (New York 1943).Google Scholar

²⁵ The contrast between Eiximenis' approach and these treatises can be best illustrated with reference to the anonymous fifteenth-century Tractatus de vino et eius proprietate which was combined with Arnaldus' Liber de vinis and published in a German edition by Wilhelm von Hirnkofen in 1478. The table of contents of this treatise reads as follows: ‘In primo tractatur de vindemiis. In secundo quomodo vasa sint preparanda. In tertio quomodo mustum disponi debeat, ut vinum ex eo factum conservetur ab omni corruptione. In quarto quomodo aqua a musto sit segreganda. Quinto quomodo debeat cognosci si vinum aquam habeat an non. Sexto quomodo cognoscatur si vinum corrumpetur. Septimo quomodo in spuma cognoscatur vini bonitas. Octavo quomodo debet precaveri corruptio vini. Nono quomodo cognoscantur vina gustu. Decimo quo tempore anni vina mutantur. Undecimo quomodo conserventur a fulmine et tonitruo. Duodecimo quale penu qualesve fenestre requiruntur. Tertiodecimo quomodo vina corrupta reformantur. Quartodecimo quomodo repellatur vini mucor. Quintodecimo de vino piccante. De reformatione vini facto albo ut serum. Septimodecimo de vino pendulo. Decimoctavo de vino incipiente acetescere.’ A recent edition of this text prepared by Henry E. Sigerist appeared in Bulletin of the History of Medicine 15 (1944) 189–200.Google Scholar

²⁶ Some doubts have been raised concerning the identity of the author of these Specula. However, these questions are immaterial for the purposes of the present essay. Google Scholar

²⁷ See, for example, the introduction of F. Martí de Barcelona to his edition of the Terç cited above (I 9-10). Google Scholar

²⁸ Prologue to the Primer del Crestià, ch. 3, ed. cit.: ‘… no entench contínuament a fer aci grans ne curioses al. legacions ne tocacions de auctoritats ne de originals ne d'altres dits scientífichs, ne al. leguar res en latí, sinò fort poch, per tal que no empatxe lo seny de les paraules ací posades; e açò entench a servar per tot aquest libre, si donchs a vegades no.m. era vejares que lo contrari fos mester de necessitat …’ Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid. : ‘… jatsia que entena en aquest libre principalment a parlar a persones sens grans letres, e per consegüent vulla parlar comunament e més que més grosserament, a vegades, emperò, vull tocar alguns punts aguts per exercici d'alcuns jovens ciutadans qui molt se adeliten en alcunes honestes subtilitats. Per què, per tal que hajen occasió de mils occupar lur temps, e que pus volenters lisquen les coses grosseres que són acci posades per la lur salut, posar-los-hi em alcunes poquetes subtilitats e tart, per tal que les dites subtilitats sien axí com una pocha d'escha ab que.ls tirem, e.ls prenam en l'am de nostre Senyor, axí com fa lo pescador ab am, qui ab la lescha pren lo peix cautelosament…’.Google Scholar

³⁰ Nevertheless, he relies on authority profusely in spite of his assurances to the contrary. In the Prologue to the Primer, ch. 3, he states: ‘Que axí mateix no sia necessari de tots temps al.legar los actors o aquells qui dien les coses que hom al.lega axí parlant o scriuent, appar-ho per tant car nós veem que los sancts passats en lurs libres, qui.ns han lexats no havien cura de al.legacions ne de tocacions, ne anomenaven tostemps aquells qui al.legeven, sinò en paraules comunes, dient axí: Diu lo Savi o lo Profeta, o la Scriptura diu açò; car veyen que aytals al.legacions o tocacions o exposicions que seguexen de punt a punt la letra, més són curiositats trobades per los novells actors, que no són a profit ne a informació d'aquells a qui preycaven o adoctrinaven. E açò ha en special loch e temps de observar-ho quand hom parla a lechs e a gent simpla que açò no.entén, per les quals en special és fet aquest libre …’ Google Scholar

³¹ Beginning with Benedict's Rule there is a long list of these. For a couple of examples see Seton, W. W., Two Fifteenth-Century Franciscan Rules, in EETS o.s. 148. 45 ff. Some of the rules for clerics and students included or were completely dedicated to table manners and therefore touched on wine and wine-drinking. See, for example, John of Garland's Morale scolarium (1241), ed. Paetow, L. J. (Berkeley 1927) and the earlier Disciplina clericalis of Petrus Alphonsus, ed. cited in n. 38; John E. Mason discusses these in the first chapter of his work Gentlefolk in the Making (New York, 1971, repr. of 1935 ed.). Another important and early work in this tradition is Hugh of St. Victor's De institutione novitiorum. See also the section on manners below.Google Scholar

³² Much attention has been given to this story in Catalan medieval scholarship. It was edited together with other Eiximenian stories and fables by M. Olivar in Contes i faules (Barcelona 1925) and is given as an example of Eiximenian prose at its best in most histories of Catalan literature. Its sources are still unknown.Google Scholar

³³ This treatise has been edited by J. R. Webster in her thesis A Critical Edition of the ‘Regiment de Princeps' (Chs. 467-544) (Dissertation; Univ. of Toronto 1969). For a discussion of this type of literature and its relation to treatises on manners, see the work of Mason cited above and R. W. and A. J. Carlyle's History of Medieval Political Theory in the West (1922-30). The origin of this genre is classical and Islamic. One of the most important treatises of the kind is the pseudo-Aristotelian Secreta secretorum which purports to contain Aristotle's advice to Alexander. Another famous work of the sort was John of Salisbury's Policraticus, known to Eiximenis.Google Scholar

³⁴ See my article on sources cited above. A partial list of the contents of Eiximenis' personal library has been published by Monfrin, J., ‘La bibliothèque de Francesc Eiximenis, 1409,’ Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 29 (1967) 447–484.Google Scholar

³⁵ See, for example, those edited by Parsons, H. R., Anglo-Norman Books of Courtesy and Nature (New York 1966, repr. of text from PMLA, 1929). These works are usually written in poetic form. See n. 31 above. S. Glixelli has edited several of these in different languages in ‘Le Contenances de Table,’ Romania 47 (1921) 1–40; he discusses as well the origin of this literature. A Catalan treatise on courtesy, actually a translation from the Facetus, was edited by A. Morel-Fatio in ‘Mélanges de littérature Catalane,’ Romania 15 (1886) 192-235; this treatise has little to do with table manners, however.Google Scholar

³⁶ For information on these and others see Holme, J. W., ‘Italian Courtesy Books in the Sixteenth Century,’ Modern Language Review 5 (1910) and Crosland, J., ‘Italian Courtesy Books,’ found in the same volume.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁷ For information on these see Chambers', R. W. introduction to his edition of A general rule to teche every man to serve a lorde or mayster , in EETS o.s. 148. Another very brief example is ch. 9 of the Morale scolarium written by John of Garland in 1241 (see ed. above, n. 31).Google Scholar

³⁸ The section on table manners is number 26. The best edition of this work is by Hilka, A. and Soderhjelm, W., Petri Alfonsi Disciplina Clericalis: I. Lateinisches Text in Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae 28 no. 4 (Helsinfors 1911). The PL ed. is not complete.Google Scholar

³⁹ In connection with Alfonso X and Brunetto Latini, it is perhaps of some significance that the latter visited Alfonso's court before he wrote the Tesoretto. See Langlois, V., La Vie en France au Moyen Age du XII ^e au milieu du XIV ^e siècle; La connaissance de la nature et du monde (Paris 1927) 335.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ This work has been edited by Díaz-Retg, E. (Barcelona 1948).Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Parsons, , art. cit. 8 ff. See also n. 20 above.Google Scholar

⁴² Peasants and members of the middle class figure prominently in Eiximenis' writings. He also gives a lot of attention to women as stated above. See Webster, J. (ed.), Francesc Eiximenis: La societat catalana al segle XIV (Barcelona 1967) and M. de Riquer's Història … II 133 ff. Ms. Webster has also some articles on related matters. See, for example, ‘La función de las clases inferiores dentro de la sociedad del siglo XIV según Francesc Eiximenis,’ Revista Valenciana de Filología 7 (1963-66) 87-92.Google Scholar

⁴³ For discussions of both of these characteristics see Ivars, F., art. cit. 20 (1923) 213 ff.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The nationalism of Eiximenis has been studied by F. Martí de Barcelona in ‘Catalunya vista per Fra Francesc Eiximenis,’ Estudis Franciscans 46 (1934) 79–97. Martín de Riquer refers to Eiximenis' costumisme in the ch. of his Història … cited above.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ These passages, among others, represent a good example of the taste for the Gothic that medieval art in general and Spain and Germany in particular developed towards the end of the age. Detailed descriptions or representations of the ugliness of death, the horrors of hell, and the pains of disease were commonly found. Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The text from Benedict is found in Ch. 40 of the Rule. For a discussion of its exact meaning see Coulton, G. G., Life in the Middle Ages IV (Cambridge 1930) 8 n. 2.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ The custom of referring to different European peoples when discussing manners and customs seems to have been a common denominator of many writers at the time. See Villena, , op. cit. 92, and also John of Garland's Dictionarius which contains an interesting example: The French are said to like white wines, Burgundians red, Germans aromatic, and the English beer (cited by A. Franklin, La vie privée au temps des premiers capètiens II [10th ed. Paris 1911] 261). The notion that the English and German common people had little use for wine is well established; see, for example, Francis, A. D., The Wine Trade (London 1972) 3.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Hyams, E., Dionysus: A Social History of the Wine Vine (New York 1965) 134. The reputation of French wines goes back to Roman times. In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries particularly, French wines from the Bordeaux region dominated the English market. See Francis, op. cit. 3, 15. See also Dion, R., Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France des origines au XIX ^e siècle (Paris 1959) première partie.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ In Oeuvres de Henri d'Andeli (ed. Héron, A.; Rouen 1880) 24. These two wines always seem to appear together in medieval literature. See Maillart's Le Roman du Comte d'Anjou, v. 1155. Dion gives them a great deal of attention (pp. 269-73 and 285-300).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ By ‘Greek wines' Eiximenis meant Eastern European in general. See Hyams, op. cit. 227, Lacroix, op. cit. 152, and Yves Renouard, Études d'Histoire Médiévale (Paris 1968) 241. The latter suggests as the reason for the popularity of these wines along with Cretan and Cyprian varieties, the advantageous locations of these areas for transportation to some of the most important crusading and pilgrimage routes. See also Dion, , op. cit. 317 ff. Another important reason for the popularity of these wines was that they kept and travelled well, while less sweet wines did not. It must be remembered that it took at least a year for a Levant wine to reach the Northern markets, for example; see Francis, op. cit. 17 and 19. The production of these sweet wines was introduced in Europe through Spain (see Dion, , op. cit. 317). We should not be surprised to see, then, that Eiximenis had such a high regard for them.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Malmsey was a very famous wine in medieval Europe. See Lacroix, op. cit. 152. John Gower mentions it as ‘Malvasie’ in his Mirour de l'Omme (cited by Coulton, op. cit. III 122). Its popularity decreased when the Portuguese planted it in Madeira with such success that the product, named after the islands, took its place in the European market. See Renouard, op. cit. 246, and Dion, op. cit. 317-319, 321.Google Scholar

⁵² Dion classifies the Picpoul as a kind of brandy (eaux-de-vie), although his discussion refers to modern times and to the regions of Gascogne and Cognac; see pp. 432-436 and 446-448. For Eiximenis the Picapoll seems to be a strong wine rather than brandy. Google Scholar

⁵³ Hyams, , op. cit. 171 and 227; also Lacroix, , op. cit. 152 and Dion, , op. cit. 317 ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ See Lacroix, , op. cit. 152 and Dion, , ibid. Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Spanish wines were quite famous, especially those of the Rioja region. Francis is mistaken in asserting that ‘Spanish wines are not mentioned before the fourteenth century’ (p. 15). They were mentioned, for example, in the Battle of the Wines (ed. cit. 24). Google Scholar

⁵⁶ This wine is also called ‘Grenache,’ ‘Garnache’ or ‘Gartnatxa'. Its exact origin is in doubt. Some believe it to be of Italian origin, from the region of La Spezia (see Coulton, , op. cit. III 122 and Renouard, , op. cit. 232 and Alcover-Moll's Diccionari Català …); but Dion argues convincingly for its Spanish origin, pp. 319-320. Eiximenis' testimony is inconclusive. However, at this time, as Dion points out, the term seems to have been used generically.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ An interesting fact that must be noted is that apparently the Romans had also a marked preference for exotic wines from the East, strong and spicy in many cases. See Renouard, op. cit. 235. Google Scholar

⁵⁸ These two wines are mentioned in succession in J. Maillart's Roman du Comte d'Anjou (1316): ‘Si bevoie vins précieux, Pyment, claré délicieus, Cythouaudés, rosez, florez.’ See Dion, p. 316. Fra Miguel Agustí, Llibre dels secrets de agricultura, casa rústica y pastoril (Barcelona 1617), fol. 103v, gives the following formula for making it: ‘Pera fer clareya, pendre canyella dos onses, gingebre, galange, una onsa de quiscú, clavells dos dragmas, grana de Paradis, pebre llarc una dragma de quiscú, mel una lliura y mitja, sucre dos lliures, vi blanc bo quatre cartons, picareu-ho en pols y ho posareu ab dit vi, y colareu-ho ab una mànega algunes voltes y ab clares de ous ho clarificareu.’ Google Scholar

⁵⁹ See Lacroix, , op. cit. 153. Eiximenis mentions several times the ‘vi cuyt’ (e.g., ch. 360). See also Arnaldus de Villanova, Regiment de sanitat, ed. cit. 249. Eiximenis refers to other wines and alcoholic beverages as well: Còrcech, Turpia, rosset, claret, vermell de la terra, vi de Gascogne, gingebrada, manus Christi, and others.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See Hyams, op. cit. 202 and 225. Arnaldus (op. cit. 248) gives a formula for preparing one kind of these: ‘… exerop violat … se fa de .l. lliura de pa de çucre e de .lll. de ayguaros, e no deu star sobre lo foch sinó aytant com basta a sa clarificació.’ Google Scholar

⁶¹ Perhaps the most interesting example of medieval Latin literature that argued against mixing is the poem of the Carmina Burana ‘Denudata veritate’ (no. 193), edd. Otto Schumann and Bernhard Bischoff (Heidelberg 1970) I 3.22-7. It has been translated by Symonds, J. A., op. cit. 165. In Spain there is the famous Denuestos del agua y el vino or Razón de amor, ed. Menéndez Pidal, P., Revue Hispanique 13 (1905) 602–618. On this theme see Hanford, J. H., ‘The Medieval Debate Between Wine and Water,’ PMLA 28 (1913) 315-367. See Dion's discussion, op. cit. 399-414.Google Scholar

⁶² Hyams refers to Chile as a new Oenotria (op. cit. 301). The difference between these wines, as between those of northern and southern Europe, lies in a number of factors such as climate and type of grapes produced. The hot sun of the South together with sweeter grapes tend to produce stronger wines, sweeter and with a higher degree of alcohol. This, of course, has nothing to do with their excellence. See Hyams again, pp. 168 and 286. Google Scholar

⁶³ While we are on the subject of time, we must mention in passing that medievals seem to have had the custom of changing the types of wines with the seasons or even times of the day. The stronger wines were reserved for the winter and the lighter ones for the summer, and the liqueurs were used after and between meals (Ch. 360). See also Arnaldus de Villanova, op. cit. 121. Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Another interesting topic, for example, discussed in the Terç is food. Google Scholar