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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 March 2004
Origen's primary aim in compiling the Hexapla has been the subject of much speculation. The Hexapla has been seen as an ideologically neutral source of comparative text-critical data, as a weapon in polemical struggles against Judaism and its claims on Scripture, even as a textbook for learning Hebrew.1
Harry Orlinsky, “The Columnar Order of the Hexapla,” JQR 27 (1936–1937) 137–49.
See Sebastian Brock, “Origen's Aims as a Textual Critic of the Old Testament,” in Papers presented to the Fifth International Conference of Patristic Studies held in Oxford 1967 (ed. Frank Cross; Studia Patristica 10; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1970) 215–18.
The inclusion of older, obscure versions, such as the Quinta, Sexta and purported Septima, for some portions of the Hexapla can only have been for scholarly purposes—such noncurrent versions can have served little or no polemical purpose.
If the function of the Hexapla has been open to question, then we might expect that the intended functions of the individual Hebrew and Greek columns within Origen's great text-critical work have also been the subject of speculation. Our interest here is in the role of the Hebrew text and its transliteration into Greek characters contained in the first two columns of the Hexapla but, obviously, the function of individual columns within the Hexapla is to some extent influenced by the overall function, or functions, for which the synopsis as a whole was intended. Joachim Schaper has contended that the aim of Origen's textual work was the creation of a reliable Greek text based on the traditional Septuagint of the church, and that the basis for the text-critical operation involved in achieving this aim was a comparison of available Greek versions. The function of the Hebrew was only to indicate quantitative differences between the Hebrew and Greek texts, or to provide corroboration of a particular Greek reading where there was disagreement among the Greek versions. Thus, the Hebrew text was not of primary importance in the Hexapla—that position was occupied by the Septuagint and the various Greek versions.4
Joachim Schaper, “The Origin and Purpose of the Fifth Column of the Hexapla,” in Origen's Hexapla and Fragments (ed. Alison Salvesen; Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum 58; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998) 3–15.
We would suggest that Origen's estimation of the relative role of the Greek and Hebrew Scriptures is not so clear-cut as Schaper's arguments would imply. Origen's thought on this issue betrays contradictory tendencies. On the one hand, Origen's own descriptions of the Hexapla and the text-critical program behind it evince considerable concern for the integrity of the Septuagint Bible of the Christian Church, for harmonizing potential sources of dispute between the Septuagint and the minor versions, and for protecting Christianity's Greek Scriptures from criticisms originating from without the Church, particularly in the case of pluses and minuses in the Greek Bible vis à vis the Hebrew. On the other hand, the very construction of the Hexapla implies a far more significant and determinative role for the Hebrew Scriptures in Origen's thought than simply as a check for the Greek versions. There is but one Hebrew text cited in the Hexapla, against at least four Greek versions. There is no indication of the existence of variant Hebrew traditions. Furthermore, the Hebrew text contained in the first (two) column(s) appears to provide the ordering principle around which the Hexapla is structured.
The Hexapla allows the comparison of versions of the biblical text in two languages, Hebrew and Greek. Of central relevance to the whole design of the Hexapla is the issue of translation. The columnar construction of the Hexapla allows the reader to observe, for any given Hebrew word in the first two columns, the range of Greek renderings—including absence of any equivalent—represented in the various versions which Origen reproduces.5
That the Hexapla originally contained two columns of Hebrew, the first in Jewish script, the second in Greek transliteration, appears today to be accepted by a majority of commentators, contra Pierre Nautin, Origène. Sa vie et son æuvre (Christianisme antique 1; Paris: Beauchesne, 1977). On the structure of the Hexapla, see R. Geoffrey Jenkins, “The First Column of the Hexapla: The Evidence of the Milan Codex (Rahlfs 1098) and the Cairo Genizah Fragment (Rahlfs 2005)” in Origen's Hexapla and Fragments, 88–102; and Gerard Norton, “Observations on the first two columns of the Hexapla,” in Origen's Hexapla and Fragments, 103–24.
Origen's thought on language is striking to the modern reader because it recognizes that language may contain elements which are nonreferential in character; that is, Origen knows of the use of language which is empty of semantic sense, but is nevertheless possessed of contextually construed meaning. In a comparative analysis of the theories of language evidenced in the thought of Origen and of Pseudo-Dionysius, Naomi Janowitz argues that, for Origen, language is of divine, not human, origin.6
Naomi Janowitz, “Theories of Divine Names in Origen and Pseudo-Dionysius,” History of Religions 30 (1991) 359–72
Ibid., 361.
Ibid., 362.
Ibid., 363.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Origen's elevation of Hebrew to the status of natural language is also indicative of a more specific influence on his thought by Jewish theories of language, an influence to which Origen himself makes specific reference.12
Contra Celsum (CC) 4.34. See Janowitz, “Theories of Divine Names,” 364–65.
On Jewish theories of efficacious speech, see Naomi Janowitz, The Poetics of Ascent (Albany: State University of New York, 1989).
Ibid., 25, and 135 n. 20, with literature cited there.
It is clear that Origen's ideas concerning effective, nonreferential language resemble the theories of automatic language encountered in so-called magical ritual texts of the Greco-Roman period. But, as Janowitz argues, we must resist labeling Origen's appeal to the automatic power of divine names as “magical.” Origen himself very carefully distinguishes between the use of effective language, such as healing in the name of Jesus, and acts of “magic.”15
Janowitz, “Theories of Divine Names,” 361.
Ibid., 370.
Janowitz observes that, for Origen, the presence of the divine name in a text imbues that text with effective power. Origen gives expression to the idea that Hebrew Scripture, by virtue of the divine names it contains, is possessed of the power to effect transformation in the hearer, even when comprehension of what is being heard might be absent.17
Ibid., 363.
The relationship of the transliterated Hebrew text found in the second column of the Hexapla to the Hebrew text in Jewish script recorded in the first column, and the relationship of both of these two columns to the remaining columns, which contain a selection of Greek translations of the Hebrew, are problems which have been the subject of much debate. Origen's thought on automatic, efficacious language, as described by Janowitz, has the potential to cast some light upon these issues. The issue of translation looms large in the background of the Hexapla—the comparison of the biblical text in Hebrew and Greek versions makes this quite clear. This accords with what we have observed about various aspects of Origen's thought on language. Translation of Scripture from Hebrew into Greek represented an issue of some significance for Origen's language theory. The efficacious sounds of the language of Scripture lose their power if translated out of the Hebrew. This importance of Hebrew as natural language is reflected in the structure of the Hexapla. The first two columns of the Hexapla determine the shape of the rest of the work. Insofar as we may consider the evidence of the Milan Codex (Rahlfs 1098) representative of the original arrangement of the text of the Hexapla, the Hebrew columns—Jewish script and transliteration—appear to have been arranged on the basis of a single word per line.
18Note that the Milan Codex may only be representative for the Hexapla of the Psalms. There are also occasional exceptions to the one Hebrew word per line principle. See Norton, “Observations on the first two columns of the Hexapla,” 115–23.
Origen's rudimentary proficiency in Hebrew raises the further question of who composed the second column transliteration. As it stands, the Greek transliteration of the Hebrew text found in the surviving Hexaplaric materials is a work of some sophistication. It demonstrates an awareness of the shortcomings of the Greek script in representing Hebrew phonology and evidences attempts to compensate for these inadequacies. See Einar Brønno, Studien über hebräische Morphologie und Vokalismus (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1943) 146–47, 275–77, 326; Alexander Sperber, “Hebrew Based on Greek and Latin Transliterations,” HUCA 12–13 (1937–1938) 114–15; and William Staples, “The Second Column of Origen's Hexapla,” JAOS 59 (1939) 74–75. At the very least, the transliteration demonstrates a fairly sound knowledge of an established tradition of vocalization of the Hebrew consonantal text. This would require a level of knowledge of the Hebrew language far in excess of that which Origen appeared to possess. All of these observations lead to the conclusion that the transliterations were most probably the products of Jewish scholarship.

. This theory embodies the belief that there is “some form of providential or divine guiding spirit present in the translation.”
20Adam Kamesar, Jerome, Greek Scholarship, and the Hebrew Bible. A Study of the Quaestiones Hebraicae in Genesim (Oxford Classical Monographs; Oxford: Clarendon, 1993) 14.
James Carelton Paget, “The Christian Exegesis of the Old Testament in the Alexandrian Tradition,” in From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages (Until 1300). Part 1: Antiquity (vol. 1, pt. 1 of Hebrew Bible, Old Testament: The History of its Interpretation; ed. Magne Sæbø with Christianus Brekelmans and Menahem Haran; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996) 478–542. See also Marguerite Harl, “La Septante et la pluralité textuelle de l'Écriture: le témoignage des Pères grecs,” in idem, La Langue de Japhet (Paris: Cerf, 1992) 253–66.
The assertion that the Hexapla presents only a single Hebrew text assumes, of course, that the second column of transliterated Hebrew formed an integral unit with the preceding column of untransliterated Hebrew text—that is, that both columns reflect the same Hebrew text presented in different forms. That such was the case has been argued by both Norton and Emerton.22
John Emerton, “The Purpose of the Second Column of the Hexapla,” JTS 7 (1956) 79–87; Norton, “Observations on the first two columns of the Hexapla,” 112–14.
Emerton's arguments were largely framed as a refutation of the claims made by a number of earlier scholars that the transliterations contained in the second column of the Hexapla represented an example of a type of text which may have circulated in Jewish circles as independent documents from a relatively early period.23
Ludwig Blau, Zur Einleitung in die Heilige Schrift (Budapest: n.p., 1894) 80–83; Joseph Halévy, “L'origine de la transcription du texte hébreu en caractères grecs dans les Hexaples d'Origène,” Journal Asiatique 17 (1901) 335–41; Paul Kahle, The Cairo Genizah (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1959) 157–64; and Franz Wutz, Die Transkriptionen von der LXX bis zu Hieronymus (BWAT 2.9; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1933).
If the first two columns of the Hexapla preserve two modes of representing a single Hebrew text, we still find ourselves left with the question of what the function of the second column's transliteration might have been. In other words, why did Origen provide two different forms of his Hebrew text? Emerton's explanation of the second column as a vocalization aid to the Hebrew consonantal text of the first column is not entirely satisfying. As it is framed, this explanation is dependent upon a modern preference for wholly referential language theory. It is founded upon the assumption that a listener's ability to comprehend a Hebrew text read aloud was of paramount importance. But as we have observed, according to Janowitz, Origen's theory of language encompassed nonreferential elements, particularly where Hebrew was concerned. A listener's comprehension of the oral performance of a Hebrew text cannot be assumed to have been a priority.
In this regard, it is useful to consider the grammatological issues surrounding a text like the transliterations in the second column. As Clarisse Herrenschmidt has recently argued, the Greek alphabet embodies a theory of writing entirely different from that represented by Semitic consonantal alphabets.24
Clarisse Herrenschmidt, “Writing between Visible and Invisible Worlds in Iran, Israel, and Greece,” within ch. 6 entitled, “Consonant Alphabets, the Greek Alphabet, and Old Persian Cuneiform,” in Jean Bottero, Clarisse Herrenschmidt, and Jean-Pierre Vernant, Ancestor of the West: Writing, Reasoning, and Religion in Mesopotamia, Elam and Greece (trans. Teresa Lavender Fagan; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000) 96–101.
In the light of the nonreferential elements in Origen's language theory, the relevance of a Greek transliteration's ability to record the sounds of a language—independently of whether a reader can understand the meaning of what is being uttered—should be obvious for understanding what must have been at least a part of the function of the Hexapla's second column. Origen attributed automatic efficacy to Hebrew divine names. The reading of Scripture in Hebrew, whether or not the language of the text was actually understood by either reader or audience, was capable of effecting a transformation in those who heard the divinely empowered sounds of the language. The second column transliteration made possible the reproduction of the sounds of Hebrew Scripture, even for those readers who knew no Hebrew. In fact, Origen's own citations of the Hebrew Bible in his other writings appear to rely exclusively upon transliterations.25
See Nicholas De Lange, Origen and the Jews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976) 21–23.
As a final question, we might ask: if Origen possessed only a passing knowledge of Hebrew, and if the second column's transliteration provided access to the effective sounds of this language, why did Origen bother to include the first column of Hebrew consonantal text? Here again, ideas concerning nonreferential language, such as those evidenced by Origen, might provide part of the answer. While we do not wish to deny that the inclusion of the Hebrew text in Jewish characters would have been an important element of the Hexapla if it were to be usefully employed in polemical contexts with Jewish interlocutors, we would suggest that there may have been other considerations at work. Janowitz has suggested that the vocabulary of the semiotic analysis of Charles Pierce can be usefully applied to the notions involved in Origen's conception of divine names. Janowitz suggests that, in Peircean terms, Origen's conception of divine names may be termed “iconic.” Peirce defines an icon as “a sign which would possess the character which renders it significant, even though the object had no existence; such as a lead pencil streak in representing a geometrical line.”26
Janowitz, “Theories of Divine Names,” 371; quoting Justus Buchler, ed., Philosophical Writings of Peirce (New York: Dover, 1955) 104.
Janowitz, “Theories of Divine Names,” 371.
Ibid.
On the Jewish ideology of the power of the written text see Janowitz, The Poetics of Ascent, 102–3.