I. ARCADIAN EXPECTATIONS

The only two occurrences of Libystis in Latin literature, as far as we know, are both found in Virgil's Aeneid.Footnote ¹Pellis Libystidis ursae describes both Acestes' garment:

and Aeneas' resting place within Evander's house:

In both cases, the choice of a Libyan bear is quite puzzling. Sicily and Latium are unlikely locations for a Libyan bearskin, and the association between Libya and bears is not particularly common in ancient literature.Footnote ² Herodotus might be tentatively regarded as a possible source for the Virgilian passages, since at 4.191 he provides a list of animals that inhabit Libya, which includes bears as well.Footnote ³ Otherwise, the expression Libystis ursa is explained as a sort of kenning for ‘lioness’.Footnote ⁴ None of the explanations are satisfactory though, and the temptation to classify Libystis merely as a decorative epithet is strong.Footnote ⁵

Given the constant allusions to Hercules throughout Aeneid 8, the reader would expect to find in Evander's house, where Hercules had apparently also slept (Aen. 8.362–5), some kind of reference to the Tirynthian hero's traditional garment of a lion-skin. This expectation is frustrated, since Aeneas is offered the pelt of a she-bear as a resting place. Furthermore, given the importance of the founding myth of Callisto for the Arcadians, the reader would, as an alternative, expect the skin in the house of Arcadian Evander to be that of an Arcadian she-bear. Significantly, the occurrence of pelle Libystidis ursae at Aen. 5.37 also plays on the expectation of an Arcadian she-bear skin, although more subtly. Acestes meets Aeneas and his companions while carrying javelins and wearing a Libyan she-bear skin instead of proper armour.

This recalls a passage from Apollonius' Argonautica:

Instead of his panoply, which was hidden by his grandfather in order to prevent him from joining the other Argonauts, Tegean Ankaios is wearing the skin of a Maenalian she-bear and wielding a two-edged battle-axe.Footnote ⁶ In the Argonautica, Ankaios constantly appears alongside Herakles, since he is paired with Herakles in four out of the six times that he is mentioned, that is, during the assignation of the rowing seats (Arg. 1.396–8, 531–2), and when the two heroes perform a joint sacrifice (Arg. 1.427, 429). Similarly, Acestes is paired with characters who carry Herculean connotations, thus reinforcing his association to Ankaios. At Aen. 5.387–8 he is sitting on a viridans herbae torus next to his companion and aequaevus (Aen. 5.452) Entellus, just as Ankaios and Herakles sat next to each other on the middle bench of the Argo (Arg. 1.396–8).Footnote ⁷ Entellus is shown as openly scorning the lure of rich gifts at Aen. 5.399–40 (haud … pretio inductus pulchroque iuvenco | … nec dona moror, confirmed by his sacrifice of the velatum auro vittisque iuvencum, called again donum at 5.478), as Hercules did according to Evander (Aen. 8.364–5). Moreover, the way in which Entellus sacrifices the steer by smashing its skull with his fist recalls Herakles' and Ankaios' joint sacrifice at Arg. 1.427–8, where Herakles kills his bullock by smashing its skull with his club.Footnote ⁸ Most importantly, in the Argonautica Ankaios and Hercules are the only Argonauts who are not involved in the lot for the assignation of the rowing benches:

Significantly, Acestes is called exsors by Aeneas at the end of the archery contest (Aen. 5.534).Footnote ⁹ The term refers to the lots drawn from a helmet for the archery contest at Aen. 5.498 but also hints at the special prize given to Acestes, just as the Homeric term ἐξαίρετος (Il. 2.227) connotes prizes not included in the lot-drawing system for assigning the booty.Footnote ¹⁰Exsors is used again in this sense at Aen. 8.552:

Here, at the climax of the identification of Aeneas with Hercules, Aeneas is given a chosen (exsors) steed caparisoned with a lion-skin with gilded claws.Footnote ¹¹ For the second time, Acestes is subtly linked to another character who is being given Herculean connotations, as Aeneas is in Aeneid 8: the hint at the Ankaios–Herakles pair is reinforced by the use of exsors for both Acestes and Aeneas' steed, which recalls the assignation of rowing benches οὔτι πάλῳ to Ankaios and Herakles at Arg. 1.396–8.Footnote ¹²

The characteristics of the Acestes–Entellus pair, and of its Argonautic equivalent, Ankaios–Herakles, are encapsulated and anticipated within the character of Salius, who shares characteristics of both Acestes–Ankaios and Entellus–Herakles. Even though he is not explicitly so described, Salius is an exsors as Acestes was at Aen. 5.519–40, since he did not qualify for any prizes, having been tripped by Nisus during the foot-race.Footnote ¹³ The prizes he is given, a bipennis (as a participant in the foot-race, Aen. 5.307) and a Gaetulian lion-skin, associate him with both Ankaios' weapon and Herakles' garment.Footnote ¹⁴ The description of Salius' lion-skin (villis onerosum atque unguibus aureis, Aen. 5.352) also recalls the prize of another character who displays Herculean connotations: Entellus' bullock is velatum auro vittisque (Aen. 5.366), with the probably gilded horns being the equivalent of the gilded claws of Salius' lion-skin, and the vittae being the equivalent of the lion's mane.Footnote ¹⁵ Like Ankaios, Salius is an Arcadian from Tegea: he is introduced together with the Acarnanian Patron (hunc Salius simul et Patron, quorum alter Acarnan | alter ab Arcadio Tegeaeae sanguine gentis) at Aen. 5.298–9, with the alter … alter construction being used in a chiastic fashion (as unequivocally shown at Verg. G. 2.226–9).Footnote ¹⁶

The hints at the Ankaios–Herakles pairing resurface in Aeneid 8: Aeneas is first offered a seat covered with a lion-skin (Aen. 8.177–8), and then a couch covered with a Libyan she-bear skin within Evander's house (Aen. 8.367–8).Footnote ¹⁷ Aeneas, who will also ride to war on a steed caparisoned in a lion-skin at Aen. 8.552–3, is therefore given the connotations of Herakles, while Evander is meant to recall Ankaios, by means of his Arcadian provenance and the she-bear skin in his house. Evander is further presented as a counterpart to Ankaios at Aen. 8.459–60, where he is described as leaving his quarters while clad in an animal skin and carrying a Tegean sword, which is significant, considering that in the Aeneid Evander is apparently a native of Pheneus (Aen. 8.165). Furthermore, the gramineo sedili … praecipuumque toro (Aen. 8.176–7) offered to the Trojans recalls a previously mentioned allusion to Ankaios–Herakles, when Acestes is sitting closest to Entellus on a viridante toro … herbae (Aen. 5.388).Footnote ¹⁸ Salius provides a further link between the Acestes–Entellus and Evander–Aeneas pairs by sharing characteristics with both Aeneas and Evander: he is an Arcadian like Evander, and the lion-skin with gilded claws which he receives as a specially chosen gift could also be defined as an exsors in the same sense as the horse caparisoned with the lion-skin with gilded claws which is given to Aeneas at Aen. 8.552–3.Footnote ¹⁹

Virgil's effort in linking together Acestes–Entellus and Evander–Aeneas is also underlined by the evident assimilation of the figures of Acestes and Evander. Both kings are without wealth and only able to offer rustic hospitality, and both are depicted while wearing animal skins, she-bear for Acestes (Aen. 5.37) and panther for Evander (Aen. 8.460).Footnote ²⁰ While Evander is so old that he can neither go to war nor take command of the alliance (Aen. 8.508–10 and 560–71), Acestes ought not be particularly old, since he is the aequaevus of Entellus, who is able to dominate a boxing context against the Trojans' champion. In spite of this, Acestes' presumed old age is constantly emphasized throughout Aeneid 5 (aevi maturus, 5.73; senior, 5.301; aequaevus, which recalls Priam, 5.452; ausus … iuvenum temptare laborem, 5.498; senior, 5.573). Evander's traditional role as a civilizer (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.33; Livy 1.5) is attributed by Virgil to Acestes as well:

Although Aeneas has barely marked out the city boundaries and allotted the houses, Acestes is depicted as already giving laws and assemblies to the citizens of the newly found Segesta.Footnote ²¹ The rusticity of old Acestes and Evander and their civilizing role establish an equivalence between the two figures. Just as the context of Aen. 5.37 exploits the reader's expectation for an Arcadian she-bear skin, the more explicit Arcadian context of Aen. 8.368 creates an even stronger expectation for an Arcadian she-bear skin, making the second occurrence of Libystis appear even more striking.

II. APOLLONIUS' ΛΙΒϒΣΤΊΣ

It should now be clear how Virgil set the Ankaios–Herakles pair from the Argonautica as the model for both the Acestes–Entellus and the Evander–Aeneas pairs. Such equivalences further underline the peculiarity of the occurrences of Libystis in relation to their contexts, which create the expectation for an Arcadian reference. Libystis only occurs at Aen. 5.37 and 8.368 within Latin literature, and its Greek equivalent is equally rare. Apart from a few instances in late authors, we find Λιβυστίς only at Call. fr. 676.1, and at Arg. 4.1753.Footnote ²² The Callimachean fragment describes Aphrodite promising Eros five newly cleaned ἀστράγαλοι of a Libyan gazelle as a reward:

In relation to Aen. 5.37 and 8.368, the occurrence of Λιβυστίς at the end of the Argonautica is probably far more significant than its occurrence in Callimachus' fragment.Footnote ²³ Λιβυστίς is employed at Arg. 4.1753, when Jason is mentioning the clod of earth taken from the Libyan coast that was given explicitly as a surrogate ξεινήιον by Triton to Euphemos (Arg. 4.1555):Footnote ²⁴

Jason is here referring to the episode at Arg. 4.1550–63, when Triton appears disguised as Eurypylos, takes Apollo's tripod, and picks up and offers to the Argonauts a clod of earth, which Euphemos readily accepts.Footnote ²⁵ The words uttered by Triton when he gives Euphemos the clod are particularly significant:

Triton is only apparently giving Euphemos a worthless gift: the clod of earth, once cast overboard into the Aegean Sea (Arg. 4.1755–64), will become the island of Calliste/Thera, a new homeland for Euphemos' descendants.

Significantly, Aeneas' encounters with Acestes and Evander, which are characterized by the two occurrences of Libystis, are the only instances in which no precious hospitality gifts are offered, either by the host or by the guest.Footnote ²⁶ At Aen. 5.40, Aeneas and his companions are welcomed by Acestes with the gift of gaza agrestis. The almost oxymoronic expression is not just a hint at Acestes' rusticity. Gaza occurs two more times within the Aeneid, and in both cases it describes Troy's treasures (Aen. 1.119, 2.763), parts of which, significantly, had become the ξεινήια for Dido and Latinus (Aen. 1.652–5 and 7.243–8).Footnote ²⁷ The only gaza that Acestes can offer to the Trojans is not the usual kind of precious hospitality gift, but simple provisions, a further hint at Triton's gift of a clod of earth in place of noteworthy ξεινήια. The same concept of a simple, rustic gift that symbolizes a new homeland is also present in the encounter with Evander, where there is no exchange of gifts either: the Trojans are simply given bread, offal, and the chine of the sacrificed ox (Aen. 8.180–3).

Within both Acestes' and Evander's welcome, we have the complete lack of valuable ξεινήια and the offering of rustic comforts which are subtly presented as the equivalent of Triton's gift of an apparently worthless clod of earth as a substitute for a περιώσιον … ξεινήιον. Just as Triton is giving to Euphemos something apparently trivial, but which will become the new homeland of his descendants, Acestes provides territory for the foundation of Segesta, a new homeland for some of the Trojan refugees, and Evander offers Aeneas a sleeping place on the same Palatine hill that will become the new homeland of his descendants.Footnote ²⁸ Virgil's use of scyphus (the Latin equivalent of the Homeric hapax legomenon σκύϕος) as an intertextual pointer in a similar way to that in which he employed Libistys, is brilliantly elucidated by Jeffrey Wills, who shows how the Virgilian hapax scyphus at Aen. 8.278 is to be regarded as an allusion to σκύϕος at Od. 14.112 and to the context in which the Homeric hapax occurs.Footnote ²⁹

Virgil's twofold use of Libystis might be meant to provide a further implication. It is possible that Apollonius exploited the two names of the island, Thera and Calliste, for some word-playing. When Triton/Eurypylos gives Euphemos the earth clod, he calls Libya θηροτρόϕος.Footnote ³⁰ The adjective is a hapax in Apollonius, and in previous Greek literature it is never associated with Libya.Footnote ³¹ Although Calliste herself is not explicitly called a nymph, she states that she is the daughter of Triton and Libya, and that she needs to be entrusted to the sea nymphs, daughters of Nereus (Arg. 4.1741–4). Since the clod is taken by Triton from Libya, the ‘nurse of wild beasts’, it is tempting to link the epithet to the transformation of the clod into a nymph, within Euphemos' dream, and then into an island also called Thera, the name of which might almost sound like ‘she-beast’: therefore, a fitting name for a clod of earth coming from Libya.Footnote ³² One might wonder whether Apollonius might also be exploiting the context in order to allude to the almost homophonous Callisto, the ancestor of the Arcadian race and one of the mythological she-beasts par excellence.Footnote ³³ The clod of earth, originating from Libya, the ‘nurse of beasts’, would then actually be a nymph named Calliste, which would turn into a ‘she-beast’ island that will be the nurse of Euphemos' descendants.Footnote ³⁴

Granted that we cannot be sure whether Apollonius intended to exploit this kind of word-play, there exists the possibility that Virgil either saw such word-play within the Apollonian text or that he chose to exploit the Arcadian subtext of his own allusions to the Argonautica in order to hint at the myth of Callisto.Footnote ³⁵ Especially at Aen. 8.177, within a clear Arcadian context, the mention of a she-bear would create the expectation of a reference to the founding myth of the Arcadians. Given that both occurrences of Libystis are linked to the creation of a new homeland for the descendants of Acestes and Aeneas, such a hint would be particularly appropriate, since the she-bear, within both Greek and Roman literature, was associated with the idea of motherhood. This concept would not be out of place within the Argonautica either, as Apollonius refers to both the nymph (Arg. 4.1741) and the island (Arg. 4.1758) as τροϕός of Euphemos' descendants.Footnote ³⁶

III. OMENS OF DESTRUCTION, REBIRTH, AND JUPITER'S WILL

Each of the two foundations which the two occurrences of Libystis point to is presaged by an omen which further hints at the motif of the creation of a new homeland as the rebirth of Troy into a new city. The apparition of Acestes wearing a Libyan she-bear skin at Aen. 5.37 points to the foundation of Segesta, which is hinted at within the archery contest at Aen. 5.485–544: Acestes shoots towards the sky an arrow that bursts into flames, an omen that portends the burning of the ships that will set the scene for the imminent founding of Segesta. Evander's offer of a Libyan she-bear skin for Aeneas to sleep upon in his house on the Palatine hints at the future creation of Rome as a new homeland: similarly to Acestes' arrow in relation to Segesta, an omen of weapons appearing in the sky anticipates the upcoming war in Latium, which will lead to the future founding of Rome. As we will see, both omens are characterized by three recurring elements: flames as a symbol of destruction or war, a comet as a symbol of rebirth, and lightning as a symbol of the will of Jupiter. The symbolism of these omens is also anticipated by the twofold portent at Aen. 2.682–98, where Troy's future rebirth is clearly foretold:

While the comet is the dominant element of the twofold omen, flames and lightning also play a significant role. The snake-like flames are reminiscent of the destruction of Troy, and possibly carry some subtle hints at the civil-war elements that characterize it.Footnote ³⁷ This motif appears to be reinforced by the Argonautica passage on which Aen. 2.693–8 is modelled, which depicts Jason's slaughter of the earth-born after they have started fighting among themselves:

The similarities are evident: within the description of the star coming from the sky (de caelo … stella and οὐρανόθεν … ἀστήρ), a first direct reference to fire (facem ducens and πυρόεις) is followed by consistent references to light (sulcus dat lucem and ὁλκὸν ὑπαυγάζων; multa com luce cucurrit and μαρμαρυγῇ … ἀίξαντα).Footnote ³⁸ But, instead of finding within the Aeneid's text the blood-filled ὁλκοί of Arg. 4.1391–2, we have the comet at Aen. 2.692–8 leaving a sulphurous furrow.Footnote ³⁹ The reek of sulphur does not seem to be among the usual elements associated with comets: it is instead specifically linked with Zeus's lightning (Il. 8.135, 14.415; Od. 12.417; Soph. fr. 538.2) or with lightning in general (Lucr. DRN 6.219–21).Footnote ⁴⁰ The lightning connotations are emphasized by the thunder that accompanies the shooting star (subitoque fragore intonuit, Aen. 2.692–3). The destruction motif, symbolized by the flames, and the rebirth motif, symbolized by the comet, is thus enriched by a reference to Jupiter's will, a sign of which had been invoked by Anchises at Aen. 2.689–91.

IV. ACESTES' ARROW

The omen of Acestes' arrow, which portends the first rebirth of Troy into a new homeland, as already hinted at by the first occurrence of Libystis, is heavily linked with flames. At the end of the archery contest, Acestes' only chance to display his skill is to shoot at the sky, since the dove has already been struck down:

The wording of this passage recalls the twofold omen in Aeneid 2 that portends the rebirth of Troy: crinem is reminiscent of the flames that appeared on Iulus' head, while the falling star simile recalls the comet that shows Aeneas his path away from Troy.Footnote ⁴¹ The destruction symbolized by the flames proves to be instrumental in the foundation of Segesta: it is because four ships are burnt by the discontented Trojan women that some of the Trojan refugees choose to settle in Sicily.Footnote ⁴² The comet as symbol of rebirth is particularly appropriate: Troy is being, to a lesser degree than in Latium, reborn in Segesta.Footnote ⁴³ Lines 525–8 seem to draw on Apollonius' description of another comet-like phenomenon:

Acestes' fire arrow recalls the image of the tail of a comet through the use of crinem, and is accompanied by a comet simile (Aen. 5.527–8), with ceu … sidera being the equivalent of ἀστὴρ ὣς (Arg. 3.141). Signavitque viam flammis also seems to be a fitting counterpart to ϕλεγέθοντα … ὁλκὸν ἵησιν, anticipating the comet associations of the arrow omen.Footnote ⁴⁴ The rare term ϕλεγέθων in Apollonius might also hint at Zeus's lightning (cf. κεραυνοῦ τε ϕλεγέθοντος, Hes. Theog. 846). A trail of flames in the air that burns liquidis in nubibus (5.525) may also suggest lightning flashing through the clouds, since lightning is described as a fire trail amid clouds at Aen. 8.391–2. Finally, the use of terrificus (5.524) provides a further hint at lightning, since terrifici is used at Aen. 8.431–2 for the fulgores that the Cyclopes are mixing together with sonitus, metus, and flammae into the forging of Jupiter's lightning.Footnote ⁴⁵ Like the omen at Aen. 2.682–98, that of Acestes' arrow is characterized by three elements that symbolize destruction (flames), rebirth (comet), and Jupiter's will (lightning).

The function of these three elements (flames, lightning, and comet) is further explicated throughout the happenings that take place after the omen and prepare for the foundation of Segesta. The destruction symbolized by the flames of Acestes' arrow is caused by the intervention of Iris, who causes the Trojan ships to be set on fire.Footnote ⁴⁶ The storm that Jupiter sends in order to quench the fire is dominated by allusions to his lightning. Aeneas asks Jupiter to save the ships, or to destroy himself and his fellow Trojans with lightning (Aen. 5.687–92). In response to Aeneas' plea, a sudden storm puts out the fire that is consuming the ships (Aen. 5.693–9). When Vulcan reaches his forge underneath Aetna, he finds the Cyclopes busy forging Jupiter's lightning, which is made of imber, nubes aquosa, ignis, and Auster (Aen. 8.424–32).Footnote ⁴⁷

Such components of Jupiter's lightning are more readily explained when compared to the elemental storm that saves the Trojans' ships.Footnote ⁴⁸ At Aen. 5.696 we discover that the storm sent by Jupiter to quench the ignis is made of imber, aqua, and south winds. Thus, the same elemental combination constitutes both Jupiter's lightning at Aen. 8.429–30 and the storm and fire scenario at Aen. 5.695–9.Footnote ⁴⁹ Jupiter's lightning is capable of both annihilating, as a weapon, and saving, when broken down into its elemental components.Footnote ⁵⁰ Thus, the flames that bring destruction to the ships are undone by a storm that represents both Jupiter's lightning and his will.Footnote ⁵¹ Finally, subtle hints at the comet and at the underlying motif of rebirth are provided by Anchises' apparition announcing, among other things, that he is now dwelling in Elysium, and by Anchises' descent being described with the words caelo facies delapsa parentis (Aen. 5.722), similar to the comet at Aen. 2.693–4 (de caelo lapsa per umbras | stella facem ducens).Footnote ⁵² The hints at flames, lightning, and a comet that are found within the description of the omen of Acestes' arrow are thus further explicated and contextualized through the interventions of Iris, Jupiter, and Anchises.

V. THE WEAPONS IN THE SKY

As with the omen of the flame at Aen. 2.682–98 and that of Acestes' arrow, the references to flames, lightning, and comets also play an important role in the omen of weapons in the sky that forebodes the future foundation of Rome, already hinted at by the second occurrence of Libystis:

The lightning undertones are predominant here: vibratus ab aethere fulgor can easily be read as ‘lightning cast from the sky’, as seems to be confirmed by the tonare that closes the description at Aen. 8.529, and by how fulgor seems to become part of the material composition of Jupiter's lightning while it is being forged by the Cyclopes at 8.431–2 (fulgores … terrificos … miscebant).Footnote ⁵³ Virgil emphasizes the concept of a serene sky at Aen. 8.523–9 (caelo … aperto, 523; caeli in regione serena, 528; per sudum, 529), even though the weapons are said to appear inter nubem (Aen. 8.528). The lightning elements conveyed by vibratus ab aethere fulgor thus indicate that the omen is lightning from a serene sky, like the lightning in the Georgics:

Here, lightning from a serene sky and comets are presented as the omens par excellence. Footnote ⁵⁴

The expression vibratus ab aethere fulgor also shows significant parallels with the comet-like phenomenon at Arg. 4.296–7 (ὁλκὸς ἐτύχθη | οὐρανίης ἀκτῖνος): both signs are preceded by a speech (Argus' and Evander's) which relates a distant past; they both are sent by a goddess (a τέρας from Hera, a signum from Venus) in order to dispel doubts; and they both carry an ambiguous meaning, especially towards the fate of the youth who had been committed to the main character (Lykos is left behind by the Argonauts, Pallas will die while under Aeneas' tutelage).Footnote ⁵⁵ The comet element of the omen thus emerges by means of an allusion to a passage of the Argonautica, as it was for the lightning elements of the omens at Aen. 2.268 and 5.525–8.Footnote ⁵⁶

Finally, flames are subtly hinted at by rutilare (Aen. 8.529).Footnote ⁵⁷ Both the fire-like gleam of the weapons and the words that describe the clanging that accompanies them closely recall the beginning of Troy's destruction in Aeneid 2: compare exoritur clamorque virum clangorque tubarum (2.313) with Tyrrhenus … tubae … clangor (8.526), or quo fremitus vocat et sublatus ad aethera clamor (2.338) with vibratus ab aethere fulgor (8.524).Footnote ⁵⁸ Though in a compressed form, the passage appears to be set within a context that both evokes lightning (vibratus ab aethere fulgor) accompanied by thunder) and carries subtle hints at flames (rutilare) and comets (Aen. 8.524 recalling Arg. 4.296–7).

The connotation of the weapons that appear in the sky at Aen. 8.608–25 complements that of the weapons carried by Venus at Aen. 8.523–9. Flames are being spouted both from Aeneas' helmet (galeam flammasque vomentem, Aen. 8.620) and from Augustus' temples (geminas … flammas … vomunt, Aen. 8.680–1) within the depiction of the battle of Actium on the shield.Footnote ⁵⁹ The comet is also found on the shield, since above Augustus' head patrium … aperitur … sidus (Aen. 8.681). The lightning connotations are here rather veiled, and (as was the case for Aen. 2.268, 5.525–8, and to some extent 8.524) they emerge by means of allusion to an Apollonian passage. Arma sub adversa posuit radiantia quercu at Aen. 8.616 is modelled on the first appearance of the Golden Fleece:Footnote ⁶⁰

The simile of the cloud glowing red from the fiery rays of the sun provides the model for the simile of Aeneas' breastplate:

Sanguinea recalls the ἐρεύθεται (Arg. 4.126) from the Apollonian cloud-simile, charging it with suggestions of the upcoming bloodshed; inardescit shifts the fire connotation of ϕλογερῇσιν from the sun's rays to the cloud; and refulget is the equivalent of μαρμαρυγῇ, which describes the shimmering of the Fleece at Arg. 4.173. The Golden Fleece spreads a blush over Jason's brow, with ἔρευθος carrying erotic connotations that are reinforced by the simile of the girl rejoicing in a fine robe (Arg. 4.167–70). By contrast, Aeneas' helmet vomits terrifying flames that recall the Homeric expression ϕλογὶ εἴκελον, which at Arg. 4.173 connotes ἔρευθος and its erotic undertones.Footnote ⁶¹ Virgil reworks Jason's less-than-manly gesture into a proper martial context at Aen. 8.731 as well, where Aeneas' shouldering of the shield recalls Jason draping the Golden Fleece over his shoulder (Arg. 4.179–80).Footnote ⁶² Finally, the greaves, made of electrum and aurum recoctum that will cover Aeneas' lower legs, suggest an effect analogous to the ground sparkling from the Golden Fleece at every step taken by Jason at Arg. 4.177–8 (ἤλιθα δὲ χθών | αἰὲν ὑποπρὸ ποδῶν ἀμαρύσσετο νισσομένοιο).

The lightning connotation of the arms brought by Venus is particularly subtle: just as Venus descends to Aeneas and presents him with the arma radiantia, so Jason reaches his companions and shows them the Golden Fleece, λαμπόμενον στεροπῇ ἴκελον Διός.Footnote ⁶³Radiantia, which finds no equivalent in the description of the Fleece hanging from the oak at Arg. 4.124–5, is perfectly suited to hinting at Jupiter's lightning, since it had been described as composed of rays (radii, Aen. 8.429–30). The elements that characterize the description of Aeneas' arms – that is, flames, a comet, and lightning – resurface in the course of the war in Latium. At Aen. 10.270–3 a flame spreads from the top of the plume of Aeneas' helmet (similarly to Aen. 8.620). Aeneas' shield, which carries Augustus' patrium sidus engraved on it, is likened to blood-coloured comets (cometae sanguinei, also recalling the sanguinea lorica at Aen. 8.622). Finally, the lightning element of the blazing weapons is further exemplified at Aen. 12.654, where Aeneas thunders (fulminat) in arms.

The symbolism of the omens in relation to the future foundation of Rome is quite evident. The apparition of the weapons in the sky is given the connotations of lightning, thus emphasizing the will of Jupiter, while the reference to the destruction of the upcoming war is more covert, and the rebirth of Troy into Rome is but a veiled hint. Conversely, the description of the actual panoply is dominated by fire connotations, with flames both on Aeneas' helmet, as a foreboding of the war in Latium, and on Augustus' head, as a hint at the future civil war that is depicted on the shield. The comet as a symbol of Troy's rebirth as Rome (in addition to Caesar's apotheosis and Augustus' reign as the return of the Golden Age) only belongs to the future as it is represented on Aeneas' shield, while the lightning as a symbol of Jupiter's receives only a well-disguised allusion within the description of the panoply, and is nowhere to be found within the depiction of Augustus' triumph at the battle of Actium.Footnote ⁶⁴

VI. FURTHER PARALLELS

As we have seen, the parallels between the two occurrences of Libystis include the motif of the creation of a new homeland out of a foreign territory, a context that creates expectations for a reference to Arcadia; the use of Apollonius' Argonautica as an intertext; and the omens symbolizing destruction, rebirth, and Jupiter's will which expand the ktistic element already introduced by the occurrences of Libystis. But such parallels extend even further. The aftermath of both of the omens that portend the rebirth of Troy into Segesta and the war in Latium as leading to the foundation of Rome share similar structure:

The structural symmetry extends up to the moment when the outcomes which were portended by both omens are openly declared: at Aen. 5.756–7 Aeneas states that the recently founded Segesta and its territory are Troy, and at Aen. 9.148–55 Turnus declares that the war in Latium which has just started is not the war of Troy.