Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. We are very concerned about the initiation of demolition of the Shepherd's Hotel in East Jerusalem. This disturbing development undermines peace efforts to achieve the two state-solution. In particular, this move contradicts the logic of a reasonable and necessary agreement between the parties on the status of Jerusalem. We believe that through good faith negotiations, the parties should mutually agree on an outcome that realizes the aspirations of both parties for Jerusalem, and safeguards its status for people around the world. Ultimately, the lack of a resolution to this conflict harms Israel, harms the Palestinians, and harms the U.S. and the international community. We will continue to press ahead with the parties to resolve the core issues, including Jerusalem, in the context of a peace agreement.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates

Secretary Clinton. Well, good afternoon, and it is such a pleasure for me to be here. I want to thank Dr. Sultan Al Jaber, the UAE's special envoy for climate change and CEO of Masdar, Adnan Amin, the new interim director general of the International Renewable Energy Agency, known as IRENA, which will have its permanent headquarters here in Masdar City, and Dr. Fred Moavenzadeh, the president of the Masdar Institute of Science and Technology, and a professor from MIT.

This is a very exciting and important visit for me personally, and I thank His Excellency for those kind words. But the partnership that we have established between the United States and Abu Dhabi around renewable energy and climate change and sustainable development that takes advantage of human capital is one of the most important partnerships for the future that we could be pursuing.

We have a special connection with the institute because of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, one of our nation's top universities, and because of the Department of Energy. We believe that the work that is being done here at Masdar has the potential to solve some of the most urgent challenges facing our planet. How do we develop sustainable energy sources that can power our cities without contributing to climate change? How do we create technologies that are scalable and both use less power and are widely affordable? How do we supply water for drinking and farming in places where fresh water sources are decreasing? How do we achieve economic growth without relying so heavily on fossil fuels where they're drilling for them, selling them, buying them, or burning them?

Now, these challenges are pressing across the world, but they are especially significant here in the Gulf. We know that oil supplies are shrinking, water tables are declining. The old strategies for growth and prosperity will no longer work. For too many people in too many places, the status quo today is unsustainable. And the UAE is leading our work and the path we must take into the future. It is putting into practice what it means to be sustainable and laying the groundwork for economic, environmental, and social progress.

What I admire about the steps that the UAE has taken is that it's not only this institute, which is very impressive just to be part of and to view, but it's also working while continuing your role as a leading oil producer, investing in renewable energy sources like wind and solar, and moving toward a knowledge-based economy by investing in education, as I saw this morning at Zayed University. UAE is positioning itself to be a center for innovation and entrepreneurship for years to come.

Now, I would imagine that many other countries are going to be looking to you to learn how to do this. You will have the model that will demonstrate to others what it takes to achieve renewable energy and sustainable growth. To that end, we look forward to the positive impact that IRENA will have. The United States applauds IRENA's goal of accelerating the rapid development and deployment of renewable energy worldwide. We want to enhance energy security, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, address energy poverty, support sustainable development, and boost economic growth worldwide. And we congratulate Abu Dhabi on hosting IRENA.

This is the first truly international organization to be headquartered in the Middle East, and we have high hopes that it will provide a link between developed and developing countries in sustainable energy production. And we want it to be a truly global organization open to representative offices here in the UAE, to every country willing to abide by its principles and commit to its goals to translate good intentions into concrete results.

I am very pleased that the United States and the UAE have deepened our partnership on energy in recent months. Masdar and the U.S. Department of Energy signed a memorandum of understanding last year to promote joint research and development of clean energy technologies. Our two countries along with nearly two dozen others held our first ever high-level ministerial meeting on clean energy last June in Washington, and Abu Dhabi will host the second meeting here in April. And in a week, U.S. public and private sector representatives will join people around the world here in Abu Dhabi at the World Future Energy Summit.

This work is in the interest of not only global progress, but also our own domestic interests as well, because clean energy will be a driver for good jobs. I know that there are many talented people here in the UAE, and giving scientists and engineers and technicians the opportunity to participate in the clean energy revolution will bring good jobs to UAE, more income, and a greater ability to create and spin off businesses.

UAE is so well positioned to compete in the 21^st century because of your commitment to clean, renewable energy. We are fully committed to supporting your work and we will do everything we can, through our academic institutions like MIT, through our government, like the Department of Energy and the State Department, and through our private sector to bring more jobs and bring more innovative entrepreneurial spirit here to the UAE. There is so much we can do together.

And I would add that part of the reason for my trip is not only to meet with leaders, as I've had the chance to do, but also to talk with the citizens of this country, as I did earlier at the town hall, but also to highlight the very creative efforts that are being undertaken here in Abu Dhabi. I want my country to know how advanced you are in pursuing clean, renewable energy. I want the world to know that the United States is partnering with you, because we are betting on Abu Dhabi and the UAE. We are betting that this incredible investment represented by Masdar is going to pay off. And when it pays off, it will not only mean a better life for the people of this country and this region. It will have ripple effects throughout the world.

One of our challenges is how do we raise the standard of living in poor countries. We cannot do it by recreating the past. We have to do it by leapfrogging into the future. And the technologies that you will pioneer here will enable a poor African or Asian or Latin American country to have a better future as well.

So I express our gratitude to the leadership and the people of the UAE for being visionary, innovative, creative, and at the same time very practical about how you intend to achieve your goals. We are proud to be your partner and we're looking forward to achieving real progress for our citizens in both of our countries and for the world at large. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with President Ali Abdullah Saleh in Sana'a, Yemen

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me thank, on behalf of my entire delegation, the president for his very warm hospitality today. As I told the president, we are committed to a broad relationship between our two countries. We face a common threat posed by the terrorists and al-Qaida, but our partnership goes beyond counterterrorism. We are focused not just on short-term threats, but long-term challenges. Yemen has announced a number of reforms that we in the international community look forward to supporting in the economic, social, and political sectors. We support an inclusive political process that will, in turn, support a unified, prosperous, stable, democratic Yemen.

And above all, the United States is committed to the people of Yemen, Mr. President. We want this to be a relationship not just between leaders and governments, but between the people of Yemen and the people of the United States of America. Thank you again, Mr. President.

President Saleh. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, sir.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Sana'a, Yemen

Secretary Clinton. Now I want to be frank about the fact that there are terrorists operating from Yemeni territory today, many of whom are not Yemeni, some of whom, I am sorry to say, are Americans citizens. But they do represent an urgent concern for both of us. Speaking as an American, as a mother, as a citizen, they have sought to attack our country and I know that they have caused death, injury and destruction in Yemen. So stopping these threats would be a priority for any nation, and it is a priority for the United States. It is also a priority for Yemen.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani in Doha, Qatar

Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks in Al-Faw Palace, Camp Victory Iraq

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States continues to closely monitor the rapidly evolving events in Tunisia, where earlier today President Ben Ali left his country following several weeks of demonstrations and popular unrest. We condemn the violence and urge restraint on all sides.

Clearly this is a moment of significant transition in Tunisia and through this period and beyond it is important that the Tunisian Government respect the right of its people to peacefully assemble and express their views. We look to the Tunisian Government to build a stronger foundation for Tunisia's future with economic, social, and political reforms, and call for free and fair elections in the near future that reflect the true will and aspirations of the Tunisian people.

On my trip to the Middle East this week, I heard people everywhere yearning for economic opportunity, political participation and the chance to build a better future. Young people especially need to have a meaningful role in the decisions that shape their lives. Addressing these concerns will be challenging, but the United States stands ready to help.

The United States has a long and historic relationship with Tunisia. We are committed to helping the people and government bring peace and stability to their country and we hope that they will work together to build a stronger, more democratic society that respects the rights of all people.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Today's action by the Prosecutor for the Special Tribunal for Lebanon is an important step toward justice and ending impunity for murder. Those who oppose the Tribunal seek to create a false choice between justice and stability in Lebanon; we reject this.

We are confident that the Tribunal will continue to operate according to the highest standards of judicial independence and integrity. We call on all parties to promote calm and continue to respect the Tribunal as it carries out its duties in a professional and apolitical manner.

The United States and all friends of Lebanon stand together in support of its sovereignty and independence. While great progress has been made since this deadly attack in 2005, it will be impossible to achieve the peace and stability that the people of Lebanon deserve unless and until the era of impunity for political assassinations in Lebanon is brought to an end.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Nasser Judeh in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Hello, everyone, and welcome to the State Department. And welcome especially to my friend and my colleague the foreign minister, with whom I have had the privilege of meeting many times over the last two years to discuss a range of very serious and significant issues.

Before I talk about our meeting today, I want to say a word about the protests taking place in Cairo and other Egyptian cities. As we monitor this situation carefully, we call on all parties to exercise restraint and refrain from violence. We support the universal rights of the Egyptian people, including the rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly. And we urge the Egyptian authorities not to prevent peaceful protests or block communications, including on social media sites.

We believe strongly that the Egyptian Government has an important opportunity at this moment in time to implement political, economic, and social reforms to respond to the legitimate needs and interests of the Egyptian people. The United States is committed to working with Egypt and with the Egyptian people to advance such goals. As I said recently in Doha, people across the Middle East, like people everywhere, are seeking a chance to contribute and have a role in the decisions that affect their lives. And as the President said in his State of the Union yesterday night, the United States supports the democratic aspirations of all people.

When I was recently in the region, I met with a wide range of civil society groups, and I heard firsthand about their ideas, which were aimed at improving their countries, of giving more space and voice to the aspirations for the future. We have consistently raised with the Egyptian Government over many years, as well as other governments in the region, the need for reform and greater openness and participation in order to provide a better life, a better future, for the people.

And for me, talking with the foreign minister from Jordan is always a special experience because of all the work that is being done in Jordon. On every occasion when we meet, it reflects our longstanding friendship and the mutual goals that we share between Jordanians and Americans. And I especially appreciate and respect his counsel. The United States has had a long, close relationship with Jordan for many decades. We value Jordan's guidance in the region, and today we spoke at length about many of the issues.

We spoke about Lebanon and expressed our hopes that it will be the people of Lebanon themselves, not outside forces, that will sustain the independence and sovereignty of Lebanon. I know that the foreign minister and His Majesty share our concern about peace and stability in the region. And I commend his call for Lebanon to maintain its national unity, security, and stability.

Jordan has developed important relationships with many critical countries and has built a unique and respected position as a peace broker among diverse parties. It was a critical player in the creation of the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, which brought 57 Muslim states together to advocate a comprehensive peace between Israel and all Arab states. Jordanian peacekeeping troops have served in far-flung places around the world, including Haiti, Sudan, and Cote d'Ivoire. And earlier this month, the Jordanian prime minister, accompanied by Foreign Minister Judeh, led the very first visit by a head of government to meet with the newly elected government in Iraq.

For both our nations, permanent peace in the Middle East remains our number one priority. So much of our discussion centered on ways to keep working toward a two-state solution that will assure security for Israel and realize the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people for a state of their own. Such an agreement, Jordan and the United States believe, will not only bring peace and prosperity to those who are directly affected, but it will be a major step toward a world free of extremism. Jordan's tireless diplomacy has been, and continues to be, indispensible to this process.

Now, we talked about many other things: water shortages, rising food and oil prices, the need for continuing social and economic reform. And Jordan has taken crucial steps to do just that. I was very proud to have the foreign minister here when we announced the Millennium Challenge Corporation grant. Jordan met the very high standards of the MCC on these social and political and governance indicators. And that compact committed $275 million for sustainable development, jobs, and safe drinking water. It was a vote of confidence in the path that His Majesty is pursuing. And last November, the government invited international observers to monitor its parliamentary elections, and these observers declared the process to be peaceful, fair, and transparent.

Jordan is setting a great example, and we are proud to be your partner and your friend. Sixty years of mutual respect, common security interests, and shared values has built a strong and enduring relationship, and we continue to look for Jordan to lead further progress in the region as we meet the challenges ahead.

Thank you very much, Minister.

Foreign Minister Judeh. Thank you very much, Madam Secretary, for your warm words, for your friendship, and for the partnership that we enjoy between our l two countries. And it is a real pleasure and honor to be here at the State Department again today, and I wish to thank you for the warm reception and for the constructive and important talks we had today on peace efforts, regional issues, and our excellent bilateral relations, and ways and means to enhance them and build on them.

Middle East peace efforts, as you said, Madam Secretary, are at a crucial juncture. There is a growing and pressing sense of urgency attached to resuming direct negotiations that address all core issues of borders, security, Jerusalem, refugees, and water in the very near future, and with an appropriate and effective context that guarantees the continuity of those negotiations without interruption until they conclude with an agreement that brings about the two-state solution within the anticipated 12-month timeframe identified by the Quartet when direct talks resumed on September 2^nd, 2010.

Secretary Clinton and I discussed the means by which we can resume direct Palestinian-Israeli negotiations promptly. And we both agree that the current stagnation is simply not acceptable and also has dangerous repercussions for the security and the stability of the region. His Majesty the King always stresses that the two-state solution is the only solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which is at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict. There are no alternatives to this solution. And as His Majesty the King cautions, with changing demography and geography, and with shifting political dynamics resulting from settlements and other unilateral measures which are illegal and illegitimate and corrosive to peacemaking efforts, the alternative would be devastating to the whole region.

Jordan firmly believes that for the Middle East and the world to enjoy stability, prosperity, and security, the two-state solution must transpire, whereby an independent, sovereign, viable, and territorially contiguous Palestinian state emerges on the ‘67 lines with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side by side in peace and security with all the countries of the region, including Israel, within a regional context that ushers in comprehensive peace based on an internationally agreed-upon terms of reference and the Arab Peace Initiative. This is the only gateway that would enable us to deal more effectively with other challenges and threats.

We discussed the situation in Lebanon, as the Secretary mentioned, and agreed that all efforts must be exerted to ensure that peace, stability, and security prevail, and that the constitutional process and deep-rooted political customs and traditions in Lebanon be fully respected by all parties, as this is the only way to maintain and preserve viability, stability, security, and peace. Jordan unequivocally supports Lebanon's sovereignty, national cohesion, and independence, and stresses the importance of respecting the sovereignty fully and implementing the commitments and obligations made to Lebanon by the international community and vice versa.

We also discussed our excellent bilateral relations and means to expand them. I briefed the Secretary on the progress achieved by the government in implementing the comprehensive reform agenda of His Majesty King Abdullah II, including the fact that the new house—the lower house of parliament, which is the product of a fair and free general election, as attested to by U.S. and international observers, as the Secretary mentioned, who were invited to witness the elections.

Now, the parliament is in place. Thereforms and their economic dimension are challenging and have social impacts, and we are attempting to do all we can to continue steadfastly in a political and economic reform agenda, while at the same time alleviating the economic hardships resulting from rising oil and food prices internationally which affect the Jordanian economy. With the help of our friends here in the U.S. and in other parts of the world, we are steadfast in our political and economic reform agenda, and in alleviating and addressing the economic hardship that result from the economic situation around the world.

And we are, as always, committed to this, His Majesty is committed to this, and we are committed to continuing our dialogue and consultation with you at all times, Madam Secretary. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, my friend.

Secretary Robert Gates and Minister Alain Juppé delivered these remarks from the Pentagon

Secretary Gates. Before signing these documents, the minister and I would like to make a few comments. I've been happy to welcome Minister Juppé this morning for his first visit to the Pentagon as defense minister. We've just finished a very productive set of discussions covering a broad range of our long-standing defense cooperation, including bringing lasting stability to Afghanistan, reforming NATO, containing Iran's illegal nuclear ambitions, defeating international terrorism and addressing the serious situation in Egypt.

Today, the minister and I sign a bilateral statement of principles on space situational awareness that will go a long way to addressing one of the key security challenges of the 21st century. As the new national security space strategy puts it, space is becoming increasingly congested, contested and competitive. A growing number of nations are using space for an expanding variety of purposes, manned spacecraft, satellites, the International Space Station and more, increasing the odds of accidental collisions.

At the same time, space-based technologies underpin many essential civilian and defense capabilities, precision navigation, climate monitoring, secure communications and natural disaster warnings. Space situational awareness agreements like this one help us mitigate these and other risks by sharing information and pooling our varied capabilities. This arrangement will foster safety and reduce the chances of mishaps, misperceptions and mistrust. Such cooperation is a key aspect of the national security space strategy.

It is appropriate that France, the United States’ first defense ally, has once again chosen to join us in this endeavor. Last evening, I had the pleasure of hosting Minister Juppé along with other French and U.S. officials for dinner at a tavern where Secretary of State John Quincy Adams played host to General Lafayette in 1824. Two centuries later, France remains our strong and valued partner on the global stage. We're grateful now, as ever, for their support and their friendship.

Minister?

Minister Juppé. Thank you. Let me first thank Robert Gates for his warm welcome, the quality and the density of our conversations during this first working meeting, which focused mainly on our bilateral relation in terms of defense and security.

I want to emphasize the high level of confidence in this relation both at the level of the political dialogue and in the military cooperation between our two countries, which allows a closer cooperation, including in the most strategic domains like space. Secretary Gates and myself, signing a declaration of principles, laying the principles of a new and ambitious partnership in terms of space situational awareness is a symbol of this will to cooperate.

Signing such an agreement between the USA and another NATO country is a first. Through all our space capabilities, France is a reliable partner. In a mutual interest, our two countries have decided to reinforce their defense-space cooperation in order to safeguard access and use of space with a peaceful end in view.

I want to underline from this will to build common approaches with the U.S. on major common security stakes—Afghanistan, the reform of NATO, Iran and proliferation, counterterrorism.

Despite budget constraints, we want to express a will to safeguard the operational capability of our armed forces and remain a credible ally for the USA at a moment when the balance in this world is changing. This is a sense of the thorough reform of our defense tool initiated at the national level. This is also the sense of the unprecedented bilateral cooperation that we have initiated with the United Kingdom. We want this cooperation to be an example for our other European partners.

Finally, this is why we are offering our European Union partners to boost European defense, pool our resources, our skills and our capacities to reinforce the global efficiency of the European defense effort in the context of budget constraint.

I appreciate very much, Mr. Secretary, our wonderful dinner yesterday evening in a very elegant place. And we served prestigious predecessors; I am here after Lafayette—and for me, it's a very great honor. Thank you very much.

Q. After the events in Tunisia, Egypt is now facing a crisis that threatens the regime of President Mubarak. I wonder if France and the United States have been consulting each other about what to do and what may happen to this country and how to react to the situation in Egypt.

Minister Juppé. Of course, we've talked to each other about the situation in Egypt, in Tunisia and on the southern bank of the Mediterranean because it's something that concerns us.

We of course are—our analysis, our views of the situation are very similar between the two countries. French of course is for democracy to come to these two countries with free and fair elections because free and fair elections are the basis for a democratic regime. We hope that the process will take place without violence and as soon as possible.

Q. Mr. Minister, in view of the situation, the revolutions that we have seen in Tunisia, in Egypt, those will give way to a political system in the Middle East that—it will be very different from what we have seen in the last many years.

Minister Juppé. Of course, first of all, it's up to the peoples of the two countries to decide about that. Of course, Tunisians—the people of Tunisia have been a friend of the French people for a long time, the people of Egypt the same thing. So we are ready to support whatever decision they make.

Of course, we must look at all this with a clear mind. We know that one of the trademarks of authoritarian regimes is that they prevent the opposition to express their views. One of the first things is for of course the opposition force to get organized.

Many of the leaders of those countries for a long time have been telling us it's either them in place or Islamic chaos. We now have to bet on democratic forces that will emerge and will not confiscate democracy in favor of other things after elections, as unfortunately has happened elsewhere. And I think that this betting must be taken.

Q.—the U.S. administration is backing away from the Egyptian protesters’ demands for an immediate departure of President Mubarak, which appears to leave the protesters in some jeopardy hanging out in the streets.

Mr. Minister, Mr. Secretary, if you could both answer, what role do you want the Egyptian security forces to play vis-a-vis the protesters? And do you have assurances from your counterpart that that will happen?

Secretary Gates. Well, first of all, I think that the Egyptian military has conducted itself in an exemplary fashion during this entire episode. And they have acted with great restraint. And frankly, they have done everything that we have indicated we would hope that they would do. So I would—I would say that they have made a contribution to the evolution of democracy and what we're seeing in Egypt.

I think that what is important, as Secretary Clinton has pointed out, is for there to be an orderly transition. But it's—it needs to be a transition that continues to move forward and a transition where people can see a steady pace in implementing the number of reforms that have been announced and to which the Egyptian government has committed. So continuing to move forward with this and fulfill the promises that have been made, I think, is quite critical.

Minister?

Minister Juppé. I have very little to add to this. We have said before, we—the important thing is that there is a transition towards democracy. We have mentioned that the timeline for this transition must be decided and worked out among the forces at play. But the important thing is to advance, as was said before, towards democracy.

Q. Yes. Mr. Secretary, do you fear here the domino effect in this part of the world? And at one point, if chaos is still there, will the military intervene to restore democracy?

Secretary Gates. Well, what we have seen take place in Tunisia and in Egypt is a spontaneous manifestation of discontent on the part of people who feel—who have both economic and political grievances. We have known about these grievances for a long time. And we have spoken to a number of governments in the region over time about the need to address these concerns.

And so my hope would be that other governments in the region, seeing this spontaneous action in both Tunisia and in Egypt, will take measures to begin moving in a positive direction toward addressing the political and economic grievances of their people. In this way, it seems to me, we can have, as—again, as Secretary Clinton would put it, an orderly transition to greater democracy and, frankly, to address the economic problems that exist in many countries, particularly those that face what we call the youth bulge, that have very large parts of their population between the ages of 15 and 35, often people with educations, who can't find jobs. Addressing these concerns, I think, is very important.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The February 14, 2005 assassinations of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri and 22 others with a car bomb in downtown Beirut changed Lebanon forever. The assassination of “Mr. Lebanon” reminded all Lebanese of the fragility of their pluralistic system. Rafiq Hariri was not only a symbol for Lebanon; he was a husband, father, brother, and friend. He transcended sect and stood with the people of Lebanon, giving hope to his country after 15 years of ruinous civil war.

For decades, the people of Lebanon have fought for their inherent right to live free from fear of murder for political reasons. We call on the next Lebanese government to provide stability and promote justice for the people of Lebanon by honoring its obligations to the Tribunal. This is a decisive moment for Lebanon. No more Lebanese families should ever have to mourn the deaths of loved ones at the hand of cowardly assassins. Those who would try to block Lebanon's cooperation should desist and show a measure of human decency. Ultimately, without justice, there can be no peace and stability for Lebanon.

The United States continues its unwavering support for the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 1701, 1680 and 1559. These resolutions are testaments to Lebanon's sovereignty and independence. The United States and the international community stand solidly behind the people of Lebanon as they observe this day of sorrow. We remain committed to working together for a peaceful, prosperous, and sovereign Lebanon.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in New York, NY

Q. Madam Secretary, thank you for joining us.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you for having me.

Q. About Bahrain, big trouble there. The authorities are cracking down. How do you assess Bahrain right now? Is it stable?

Secretary Clinton. Christiane, we've been very clear from the beginning that we do not want to see any violence. We deplore it. We think it is absolutely unacceptable. We very much want to see the human rights of the people protected, including right to assemble, right to express themselves, and we want to see reform. And so Bahrain has started on some reform, and we want to see them get back to that as quickly as possible.

Q. You, a couple of months ago, in fact, called Bahrain a model partner, a model of reform. Right now, they are cracking down on protestors as we speak. Will the United States condemn or hold Bahrain to the same standard as we saw them hold Egypt? Will it say what's happening is appalling? Would it call for transition now?

Secretary Clinton. Well, actually, I think our positions and principles were the same in Egypt as they are in Bahrain. These are individual national events that respond to some of the same but often different impulses. And so we've repeatedly said we want to see reform go forward, we want to see it done peacefully, we want to see it inclusive, we want to see countries move toward democracy. And we will keep saying that.

Q. But there are things going on there despite what you're calling for, which is restraint and no violence. They are actually committing violence. What will the United States do, and will it hold Bahrain to a similar standard as it did Egypt?

Secretary Clinton. We try to hold everyone to a similar standard. But we cannot dictate the outcomes. We cannot tell countries what they're going to do. We had no control over what happened in Egypt. We expressed our opinion as we want along and we're working with our Egyptian counterparts so that their transition is peaceful, meaningful, transparent, produces results.

Similarly with Bahrain, as they move toward greater reform, which we have consistently encouraged, recommended, and urged, we're going to be supporting that and we will speak out where we see them violating human rights and using violence inappropriately.

Q. As you've seen what's happened in Tunisia and Egypt, what do you think will be the end result in Bahrain?

Secretary Clinton. Christiane, I don't want to predict because we don't know yet what the end result of Tunisia and Egypt will be. We have seen changes, but we don't yet have a secure path that has resulted in economic and political reform that is sustainable and durable. And we want to support the processes that the people themselves have started.

And as I said in Doha last December, this was coming. I didn't predict it would come as soon as it did, but I said very clearly the foundations were sinking into the sand. And we want everyone in the region to begin getting ahead of that.

Q. It is beyond dispute that the Obama Administration scaled back their democracy and freedom agenda of the Bush Administration. In Egypt, the funds for NGOs and the like, civil society, democracy building, were cut back, and furthermore were directed, when they were directed, to NGOs that were supported by the Mubarak regime. Was that a mistake? Or rather, approved by the Mubarak regime.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first of all, I just reject the premise. I think that there is—

Q. It's indisputable.

Secretary Clinton. Well, it's not. That's just not the case. There were differences in approach under the same set of goals to try to promote democracy, economic opportunity, women's rights, labor organizing. There are many different ways that I think all of us—different administrations, different experts—have struggled with. There is no debate that for 30 years Republican and Democratic administrations alike sent the same message to President Mubarak and the regime that they had to change. And we were all trying different ways. I think it's fair to say that none of us were particularly successful, because we kept running into an absolute rejection that that was not going to be done in Egypt. But we tried many different approaches and we're going to try many different approaches in different settings as well.

Q. So I'm getting the old wrap now. Can I ask you three more questions, social media?

Secretary Clinton. I'll talk as fast as I can.

Q. Okay, you're doing really well. You've had a blitz in Washington this week. The first thing you did was go and talk about foreign aid. I want to know what you're telling them on Congress to do with foreign aid and why that's in America's national security interest.

Secretary Clinton. First, as Secretary Gates and I together have said repeatedly, we need an integrated civilian-military national security budget. I think if you talk to the Marines or the Army in Iraq or Afghanistan, they will tell you that it's now so important to have diplomats and development experts working side by side. If you talk to my people, they will tell you they can't get in to do their work in dangerous places in Afghanistan until they go right in there after the Marines or the Army. So we're united and we have to have a national security budget. Yet for so many people in our country, somehow only defense is viewed as national security. So I will continue to make the case that in today's world, we have to have a three-pronged strategy: defense, diplomacy, development.

Q. And particularly in the Middle East?

Secretary Clinton. Well, in everything. But take the three frontline states of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan. In Iraq, our military is drawing down. We will take $45 billion when our troops leave at the end of this year from Iraq, and everyone, I think, in the country celebrates that they are going to be leaving and they've done an amazing job under the most difficult circumstances.

However, we in State and USAID need $4 billion to continue the work we're doing with the Iraqi people and the Iraqi Government that we agreed to do in the Bush Administration. Too many people on Capitol Hill and throughout the country say, okay, so the military is gone, we don't need to spend any money, which would be a terrible mistake and, unfortunately, I think would make Iraq even more vulnerable to outside interference from Iran. And if you look at the Middle East, we had for 30 years as part of the peace dividend out of Camp David supported the Egyptian military. And it was one of the best investments that America made, because during the difficult times of the demonstrations over the last month, our relationships between leaders in our military and leaders in the Egyptian military kept an open line of communications so we could constantly be saying we really support your protecting the people, we really deplore any violence, please try to restrain the security forces that were not part of the military.

So these investments—that was civilian money. That came through the State Department. That was not just defense money. Because we have several different approaches as to how we support security, democracy, and good governance and economic prosperity.

Q. And to the UN Security Council this afternoon, will the United States support, veto, abstain from, any vote or resolution that condemns Israel's building of settlements on the West Bank as illegal?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we are not going to telegraph what we're going to do, but I think it is absolutely clear to say, number one, that it's been American policy for many years that settlements were illegitimate and it is the continuing goal and highest priority of the Obama Administration to keep working toward a two-state solution with both Israelis and Palestinians.

Q. I know you're not going to tell me. The State Department just had an Arabic Twitter account, a Farsi Twitter account this week.

Secretary Clinton. Yes, yes.

Q. What do you expect to do with that?

Secretary Clinton. Have you been following the Farsi Twitter account?

Q. I'm following it all.

Secretary Clinton. Excellent, excellent. Well, what we expect to do is to be communicating through the new social media with, literally, millions of people around the world, because we want them to hear directly from us what our policies are. We want to use it to rebut some of the falsehoods and accusations that unfortunately are made against the United States. But mostly, we want to be in the mix with this incredible, young, energetic population that is seeking the same rights to express themselves as young people in the United States seek.

Q. Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Girts Valdis Kristovskis delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon. Before we begin, I'd like to say a few words about the Middle East. The United States continues to watch the situation in Libya with alarm. Our thoughts and prayers are with those whose lives have been lost and their loved ones, and we join the international community in strongly condemning the violence, as we've received reports of hundreds killed and many more injured. This bloodshed is completely unacceptable. It is the responsibility of the Government of Libya to respect the universal rights of their own people, including their right to free expression and assembly. The United States is also gravely concerned by reports of violence in Yemen and elsewhere. We urge restraint and for the governments in the region to respect the rights of their people.

In Bahrain, we welcome King Hamad's decision to release a number of prisoners and we look forward to implementation. We also welcome Crown Prince Salman's steps to initiate a meaningful dialogue with the full spectrum of Bahraini society. We hope Bahrain's friends across the region and around the world will support this initiative as a constructive path to preserve Bahrain's stability and help meet the aspirations of all its people. As we have said, these steps will need to be followed by concrete actions and reforms. We urge all parties to work quickly so that a national dialogue can produce meaningful measures that respond to the legitimate aspirations of all the people of Bahrain, and we continue to call on the Bahraini Government to exercise restraint. There is no place for violence against peaceful protesters.

The process for a new Tunisia and for a new Egypt has only just begun. We welcome Egypt's leaders signaling their commitment to an orderly transition to a democratic government, and we look to them to take the concrete steps needed to bring about political change. And we will continue to be a supportive partner to the peoples of both countries as they seek a better future.

Across the Middle East, people are calling on their governments to be more open, more accountable, and more responsive, and the United States believes it is in the interest of governments to engage peacefully and positively in addressing their demands and to work to respond to them. Without genuine progress toward open and accountable political systems, the gap between people and their governments can only grow and instability can only deepen.

It was with great pleasure that I welcomed the foreign minister of Latvia here today, a democracy that is demonstrating by its actions how it can build a better future for its own people. We just held a productive meeting. I expressed our unwavering commitment to Latvia's security and our support for its continuing economic recovery and the efforts that it is undertaking to ensure prosperity, energy security, and justice for all of its citizens. The United States has maintained an unbroken friendship with Latvia throughout its modern history, when it was at war and under occupation and since it acquired its independence from the Soviet Union, and we have long admired the Latvian people's resilience throughout very difficult times.

We are proud to call Latvia our partner on many important issues, particularly with regard to global security. Latvia joined us at Lisbon last year to approve NATO's new Strategic Concept, which will update our alliance so we can meet the diverse threats of the 21^st century. And Latvia has been a leading partner in our military and civilian engagements in Afghanistan. As I said at the Munich Security Conference this month, and as I emphasized to the foreign minister today as well, these times of economic uncertainty have done nothing to lessen our enduring commitment to Europe and its security. We remain committed to our responsibilities under Article 5 and to the principles of the Strategic Concept. And we will continue working with our allies, like Latvia, to strengthen the security architecture in Europe for the 21^st century.

As we work together for global security, we especially commend the Latvian people for their achievements over the past 20 years as they continue their work toward their own better future. Gaining membership in NATO and the European Union took patience and persistence, and when those memberships came they were richly deserved. And after suffering devastating job losses during this last global recession, they have been undertaking stringent cost-cutting measures necessary to begin a sustainable recovery.

The foreign minister and I discussed many issues from accelerating economic progress toward more energy security for Latvia to reduce its dependence on any one source of energy. And of course, a free economy goes hand in hand with a free and just society, and Latvia has shown its strong commitment to the rule of law. It has supported sanctions against Belarus, whose detention of its own citizens we strongly condemn. We commend Latvia for also reaching out to the Belarusian people with visa liberalization that allows them access to open countries and free media and with partnerships in business school education that expose the students of Belarus to free market principles.

As we look forward to seeing Latvia broaden that commitment by renewing a claims process to return communal property to its own Jewish community, I believe that the sky is the limit for Latvia. We have a shared commitment to values, a view of what is in the best interest of our people. And Minister, it is very gratifying for me to have you here today to reaffirm our strong bonds of friendship and alliance. Thank you.

Minister Kristovskis. Thank you, Madam Secretary, for your very kind words and vast explanation of situation in Latvia.

I represent Latvia's people and our government, and I want to say very great thanks to your nation because we benefited over the many years because we appreciate the United States as our strategic partner. And we cooperate really in wide range of fields.

We are looking further that we will participate together with U.S. forces in ISAF mission in Afghanistan. We will support good U.S.-Russia recent policy. We are looking forward that we will extend our economic cooperation and that will be a good opportunity for development of policy of and economy of Latvia.

We want to create a stable nation which—with high quality of life, and we're looking forward that U.S. will assist strongly to reach those aims.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. Thank you, so much, Minister.

Q. Thank you. Madam Secretary, as we know, right now there is bloodshed in Libya, even using air power to attack civilians. Colonel Qadhafi just spoke recently and he said he will never surrender. He's threatening to execute people. I'm sure you've seen his comments.

There's intense frustration as the world looks on and a feeling of impotence right now to really get in and help people who are being attacked. Other than words, what is the United States doing to try to help to stop this?

And also if you could, just any comment on the pirates killing the Americans today. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, Jill, we are obviously watching developments in Libya with grave concern. We have joined with the international community in strongly condemning the violence in Libya, and we believe that the Government of Libya bears responsibility for what is occurring and must take actions to end the violence.

Now, as always, the safety and well-being of Americans has to be our highest priority, and we are in touch with many Libyan officials directly and indirectly and with other governments in the region to try to influence what is going on inside Libya. The Security Council, as you know, is meeting today to assess the situation and determine whether there are steps the international community can and should take.

As we gain a greater understanding of what actually is happening—because you know, of course, that communication has been very effectively shut down, and we're trying to gather as much information as possible—we will take appropriate steps in line with our policies, our values, and our laws. But we're going to have to work in concert with the international community, and I think that the message today is very clear and unambiguous from the entire international community: There is no ambivalence, there is no doubt in anyone's mind, that the violence must stop and that the Government of Libya has a responsibility to respect the universal rights of all of its citizens and to support the exercise of those rights.

Now, we are also deeply saddened and very upset by the murder of four American citizens whose yacht, The Quest, was seized off the coast of Oman. This deplorable act by the pirates that stalk vessels in the waters off of Somalia firmly underscores the need for the international community to act more decisively together. We've got to have a more effective approach to maintaining security on the seas in the ocean lanes that are so essential to commerce and travel.

Our deepest sympathies go to the victims’ families at this time, and we will honor their memory by strengthening international responses and partnerships to bring these criminals to justice and to more effectively end the scourge of piracy, something that should not persist in the 21^st century.

Q. Mr. Kristovskis, as you have stated on numerous occasions, the way to Latvia's economic recovery lies through foreign investment in part. And after meeting with Madam Secretary and other U.S. officials, do you have any good economic news to bring back home? And if not, maybe you can mention what are the main obstacles lying in the way of more U.S. investment in Latvia, be it lack of effort, the judicial—deficiencies in judicial system, or maybe the perception of corruption. Thank you.

Minister Kristovskis. Thank you. I strongly believe that U.S. will continue have interest in our region and especially also in Latvia. Yes, we discussed several aspects which is related with the development of economy of Latvia. We try to learn U.S. experience which is related with shale gas aspects. Also during the visit, I could exchange views on NDN. That means Northern Distribution Network project which is related with cargo flew via Riga to Afghanistan. And more and more, Latvian entrepreneurs, I believe, in future will participate in this road (inaudible). This road will not be just as a road for supplement of military needs, but I believe in future also that will work for civil needs and civil targets.

You mentioned some aspects which is related with the economical environment in Latvia. I strongly believe that our government under a very effective prime minister, Mr. Dombrovskis, will do the best, that our economy environment will be interesting for U.S. investors, and they will create good joint ventures with Latvian entrepreneurs.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States remains deeply concerned by the persecution of Iranian citizens at the hand of their government. Over the past ten days, we have witnessed the bravery of thousands of Iranians who once again took to the streets to exercise their fundamental rights to peaceful assembly and expression. It has been made clear to the world that Iran denies its citizens the same fundamental rights it continues to applaud elsewhere in the Middle East.

Security forces have beaten, detained, and—in at least three cases—killed peaceful protesters. Off the streets, the regime's leaders have targeted human rights defenders and political activists, and authorities have recently rounded-up ex-government officials and their families; former members of parliament; clerics and their children; student leaders and their professors; as well as journalists and bloggers. They also continue to deny their citizens access to information by jamming satellite transmissions and blocking internet sites.

Iran's leaders also continue to persecute ethnic and religious minorities. We are troubled by reports that, of the dozens of prisoners executed in 2011, most are ethnic minorities. At the same time, Baha'is and other religious minorities continue to be subjected to arbitrary arrests and prosecutions, harsh sentences, and unsafe prison conditions. We call on Iran to free all political prisoners and persecuted minorities.

The steady deterioration in human rights conditions in Iran has obliged the international community to speak out time and again. Today, the United States sanctions two Iranian officials—in addition to the eight sanctioned by the President last fall—for perpetrating these abuses. The world will continue to watch and will hold accountable those responsible for these actions. The United States joins the international community in affirming the universal rights to which all men and women—in Iran and around the world—are entitled.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. As we approach the fourth anniversary of Bob Levinson's disappearance, we have received recent indications that Bob is being held somewhere in southwest Asia. As the Government of Iran has previously offered its assistance in this matter, we respectfully request the Iranian government to undertake humanitarian efforts to safely return and reunite Bob with his family. We would appreciate the Iranian government's efforts in this matter.

Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks en route to Andrews Air Force Base from Manama, Bahrain

Secretary Gates. Good visit, conversations in Bahrain with both the king and the crown prince. I'm convinced that they both are serious about real reform and about moving forward. I think that the concern now is that it's important that they have somebody to talk to and that the opposition be willing to sit down with the government and carry this process forward. And I know that the State Department is talking to the opposition and today I talked to the king and the crown prince, so we're hopeful that they can get together and move this forward.

I told the king that I felt that given their readiness to move that they in some respect could show the whole region how you can move forward a process of reform while sustaining stability and continuity. So we'll see. Good bit of talk about the role of Iran and I expressed the view that we have no evidence that suggested that Iran started any of these popular revolutions or demonstrations across the region. But there is clear evidence that as the process is protracted, particularly in Bahrain, that the Iranians are looking for ways to exploit it and create problems. And so I told them that—in the sense that time is not our friend and I also said that under the circumstances and with the impulse behind the political and economic grievances across the region that baby steps probably would not be sufficient to meet the need—that real reform would be necessary. So I'm going to stop there.

Q. Can I ask you what is your level of concern that as this proceeds that we can get results in the short term that direct U.S. interests could be jeopardized, including the Fifth Fleet's continued presence?

Secretary Gates. I think that's potentially so far in the future that I wouldn't even begin to speculate. I don't see any evidence on the part of any of the players here that the developments would impact the U.S. presence. Who knows what might happen many months down the road, but I don't see any evidence that our presence would be affected in the near or middle term.

Q. Bahrain is affecting Saudi Arabia. Do you sense the leadership there recognizes the political climate in the region is changing dramatically?

Secretary Gates. Well, I honestly don't know. I told both the king and the crown prince that across the region I did not believe there could be a return to the status quo and—that there was change and it could be led or it could be imposed. And that obviously leading reform and being responsive is the way we would like to see this move forward.

Q. And do you think there's any specific—(inaudible)—did you deliver any specifics that you wanted in terms of—(inaudible)—reforms, the U.S.—(inaudible)—general discussion?

Secretary Gates. We didn't get into specifics. They already have made a number of changes. They've made a number of changes in the cabinet. They have replaced some officials. And I think they're putting together a pretty robust program and I think a good part of the discussion was the crown prince talking about his thinking for moving the process forward and perhaps a national referendum and so on.

Q. With the ongoing crisis in the Middle East, the response to the tsunami in Japan, is there any concern that commitments in Afghanistan, in Iraq as well, become so large it makes it more difficult to respond—?

Secretary Gates. No. Not at all. We have—you know, just so there's no misunderstanding, and I think maybe some—a little bit too much has been read into some of my remarks last week. If we were directed to undertake a—let me back up. One of the issues under discussion with respect to Libya, obviously, is a no fly zone and I talked about it would be complicated and it would involve considerable resources. If we are directed to impose a no-fly zone, we have the resources to do it.

This is not a question of whether we or our allies can do this. We can do it. The question is whether it's a wise thing to do. And that's the discussion that's going at a political level. But I just want to make clear we have the capacity to do it. Similarly, with respect to Japan, we have the Ronald Reagan closing on Japan right now. We're sending another amphibious ship—a big deck, the Essex. We're pulling in helicopters from around the region, including Okinawa and so on. So those two ships can be used for helicopter operations and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief. So we have the assets to handle these things without having any impact at all on Iraq or Afghanistan.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Abdullah bin Zayed Al-Nahyan delivered these remarks in Paris, France

Q. Madam Secretary, are you inclined to go ahead with a no-fly zone now that the Arab League has approved a no-fly zone?

Secretary Clinton. I'm looking forward to talking with my colleague, counterpart, and friend Sheikh Abdullah about the events in the region. And obviously, that includes everything that is happening. But the UAE is currently the president of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and he is here representing the GCC, so we will have a very comprehensive discussion.

Q. Mr. Foreign Minister, could you talk about the decision by the UAE to send troops to Bahrain (inaudible) the situation escalating there?

Foreign Minister Abdullah. Well, the Bahrain Government asked us yesterday to look at ways to help them to defuse the tension in Bahrain, and we have already sent roughly around 500 of our police force, who are there. The Saudis are there as well. There are other Gulf countries which are (inaudible) to support the Bahraini Government and to get calm and order in Bahrain and to help both the Bahraini Government and people to reach to a solution which is for the best for the Bahraini people.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Mouldi Kefi delivered these remarks in Tunis, Tunisia

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me begin by thanking the minister and the president, the prime minister, the government, and the people of Tunisia. The Tunisian people have made history once again. You have shown the world that peaceful change is possible. The United States stood with Tunisia during your independence, and now we will stand with you as you make the transition to democracy and prosperity and a better future.

The foreign minister and I have had a very productive meeting and discussed many of the plans that are being undertaken on behalf of Tunisia's future. The first step will be the election in July for the constituent assembly to draft a new constitution. We know that there will be much work that has to be done for both political and economic reform, and we discussed today a number of ways that the United States will help.

We will support a new partnership between Tunisian civil society groups and technology companies in order to get more information, communications capacity available broadly throughout society. Microsoft Corporation has agreed to support groups that are advocating for human rights, democracy, civic education, and other important matters to society, providing computers, software, and training and other technical assistance.

We will also work to create new jobs for Tunisians. The United States Overseas Private Investment Corporation, known as OPIC, will offer financial support in the form of direct loans, guarantees, and political risk insurance. OPIC is already supporting two Tunisian private equity firms that are focused on small and medium-size businesses and will support investor visits by American businesses to Tunisia.

The Administration is asking our Congress to establish a Tunisian-American enterprise fund to stimulate investment in the private sector and provide businesses with low-cost capital. We particularly want to assist the less-developed areas of Tunisia. We will also work through the United States-North Africa Partnership For Economic Opportunity to link business leaders and young entrepreneurs. We want the ideas of young Tunisians and we want to provide the startup capital that they would need to begin their own businesses.

We explored many other ideas for economic assistance that can be provided through other government agencies like USAID. Tunisia is now eligible to be considered for a Millennium Challenge Account grant. And we look forward to receiving the proposals from the government as they are formulated.

We discussed many aspects of the political transition, including free and fair elections, the formation of political parties, the training of candidates, and so much more.

Finally, let me say a word about the horrible violence going on in Libya. Mr. Kefi and I discussed the latest events and the international efforts to protect civilians and to pressure Qadhafi. I also thanked the minister for Tunisia's impressive humanitarian response to this crisis. During a difficult time for your own country, the Tunisian people have shown great generosity in helping to ease the suffering on your own borders. The United States has been very proud to support your efforts, and we understand very well the importance of bringing an end to the violence in Libya not only for the innocent Libyan people but also for Tunisia.

We know there is a lot of work to be done, but we are very confident about the potential for democracy and economic opportunity in Tunisia, and the United States will be ready to assist in any way.

Q. Have you discussed the issue of releasing the debts of Tunis—the debt of Tunis (inaudible)?

Foreign Minister Kefi. We have discussed—we have had long discussions with the Secretary of State and myself, the prime minister, and the president. We discussed the ways of promoting the cooperation at the economic and cultural and commercial levels. This is in general. We gave the U.S. Secretary of State a working document containing all the points that would enable the interaction that would lead to promoting the Tunisian economy under these difficult circumstances.

Just as the Secretary of State has mentioned, there are—there is a potential and possibilities for investment in—with Tunis, and to foster the creation of jobs and the economy. However, about the issue of debt, Tunis debt, we did not go over the issue of Tunis debt because this is not the picture and the image that you want to give to Tunis at this time. We want to give the more positive things and talk about the other things that could foster the economy.

Q. Secretary Clinton, the UN resolution that the United States—you just said the United States supported, does it have to include authorization for direct strikes on ground targets such as heavy artillery or tanks? Would it also include the possibility of using the drones to carry out such strikes and minimize potential casualties? And lastly, would it include arming the rebels or some possibility of arming the rebels so that we do not end with just a small Libyan (inaudible) state of rebels with Qadhafi controlling rest of Libya?

Secretary Clinton. Those kinds of specifics, Arshad, are exactly what is being debated and negotiated as we speak in New York. There are many ways to write a resolution. Some would be more general authorization with certain goals laid out. Some would be more specific listing of what was or wasn't authorized. And at this point, there is a lot of very intense discussion occurring. But it is important to recognize that military experts across the world know that a no-fly zone requires certain actions taken to protect the planes and the pilots, including bombing targets like the Libyan defense systems. So there are certain actions that are being discussed specifically, and there are also generalized grants of authority that would not require such specificity.

Q. Do the Arabs themselves have to take part by providing pilots, by actually doing bombing, by actually, directly, literally involved in carrying out some of the special operations? Not just paying for it, not just saying they support it, but actually doing some of it?

Secretary Clinton. That is also being discussed.

Q. The question is: Is the UN Security Council discussing now and examining the potential of a military intervention by land through the Tunisian borders or through the Egyptian borders? And that is for American forces to use these borders for any military intervention. Two weeks ago, there had been talk about NATO asking for a logistical support from the Tunisians. So within that context, what is—

Secretary Clinton. No. There is no discussion whatsoever of that.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Tunis, Tunisia

Secretary Clinton. Oh, thank you. It is wonderful to be here and to see all of you. I am deeply moved and honored to have come at this particular moment in Tunisian history. I want to thank the ambassador and all of you who have been representing the United States during these extraordinary times here in Tunisia.

And it is exciting for me because, as I was talking with the President just a few minutes ago, it seems—every day in the State Department, on the eighth floor, which are the formal diplomatic reception rooms, there is a beautiful, large portrait of the Bey of Tunis. And it goes back to the very beginning of our country, when we had a warm relationship between the Americans and the Tunisian people. And it was exciting for us to remember all of that history, the support that the United States gave for Tunisian independence. And now, once again, we are supporting the Tunisian revolution for democracy. And thank you.

I also want to express a special word of appreciation to all of you for everything you did during the height of the demonstrations. There were many of you who were here at the compound, sleeping here, making sure that everything was going well here, dealing with some of the problems that you encountered, the curfew and other kinds of issues, forming neighborhood watch groups to be in solidarity, but also to provide self protection. And I want to, on behalf of myself and President Obama, thank you.

And I was able to tell my colleagues when I was coming here that Tunisia started the democracy revolution. And Tunisia we want to help to be the model of what a democracy is.

I am so pleased to be back after 12 years, especially to be back under these circumstances, and representing the United States. We are going to be meeting, as you know, with the president, with the foreign minister and the prime minister, in order to hear directly from them what they need from the United States, what kind of help we can provide, and how we can also work together to coordinate everyone who wishes to assist Tunisia, because there are many organizations and countries that stand ready to help with the political and economic reforms that you are undertaking.

I was very impressed to learn that the election for the constituent assembly is already scheduled for July 24, and I know that this embassy will be available to assist those who wish to participate. Then there will be the writing of the constitution. Again, we offer assistance, as appropriate, to those who will be responsible for writing the new constitution for the new Tunisia.

I also want to emphasize more educational and scientific and cultural exchange programs, and to work on the needs of the Tunisian people, particularly for health care and employment. We want to see what kind of private investment can be attracted to Tunisia, which is so strategically located.

Now, I am also pleased that many of the women and the entrepreneurs and the civil society leaders that I met 12 years ago here in Tunisia are in the forefront of the changes that we are watching unfold here in Tunisia, not only joining the protest, but taking a leadership responsibility. Because it is going to take every Tunisian. This is a moment when everyone must contribute your respective skills and talents.

And I want you to know that, as you may have seen, when President Obama mentioned Tunisia in the State of the Union, Tunisia received a standing ovation. And we want to tell you that we will stand with you. We know that this will be a challenging journey. There is no blueprint. You cannot go and take a book off the shelf and say, “Here is how you do this.” But there are many who are ready to share their experiences and what they have learned in the transition to democracy.

And so, thank you. Thank you to all who have strengthened and deepened and maintained the relationship between the United States and Tunisia, and thank you to all of you who will be part of helping to support the new democratic Tunisia. Thank you, and God bless you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States is alarmed by today's violence in Sana'a against anti-government protesters and is seeking to verify reports that this is the result of actions by security forces. We have seen increased numbers of deaths and injuries at demonstrations throughout Yemen in the past two weeks and I join President Obama in strongly condemning this violence. We call on Yemeni security forces to exercise maximum restraint, refrain from violence, and permit citizens to freely and peacefully express their views.

We extend our deepest condolences to the families and friends of those who have lost their lives and call on President Saleh to uphold his promise to protect peaceful demonstrators. All perpetrators of violence should be held accountable and brought to justice.

The Yemeni people, like people everywhere, have the universal rights to demonstrate peacefully, to freely assemble, and to express themselves without fear of intimidation or death. A solution to Yemen's problems will not be found through security measures. We support dialogue as the path to a peaceful solution to Yemen's current political situation. This must include genuine participation by all sides in an open and transparent process that addresses the legitimate concerns of all Yemeni people, including their political and economic aspirations.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. This morning I was shocked and deeply saddened to learn of the bombing in Jerusalem today that took at least one life and injured innocent civilians. Terrorism and the targeting of civilians are never justified. And Israel, like all nations, of course, has to respond when this occurs. The United States is committed to Israel's security and we strongly condemn this violence and extend our deepest sympathies to all those affected.

We also strongly condemn recent rocket attacks from Gaza against innocent Israeli civilians and hold fully responsible the militants perpetrating these attacks. And I join President Obama in extending our sincere condolences to the friends and families of the Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza yesterday and appreciate that Israel has expressed regret.

We stress the importance of calm and we urge all concerned to do everything in their power to prevent further violence and civilian casualties among both Israelis and Palestinians. Violence only erodes hope for a lasting and meaningful peace and the final realization of two states for two peoples.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Taeib Fassi Fihri delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. I am delighted to welcome a friend and a colleague. Minister Fassi Fihri and I have had a chance to work and consult together over the last several years, and his visit here today represents another occasion to salute a very special bilateral relationship between Morocco and the United States. We have a long history of friendship and partnership on almost every level, from economics to educational exchanges, from trade to development, and security.

But before I begin with comments on this important relationship, I want to just briefly address a few other issues of global and regional importance. I visited the Embassy of Japan yesterday to pay my respects to the people of Japan, who have endured so much in recent weeks. This morning, I spoke with the Japanese foreign minister to express my condolences and my admiration for the remarkable resilience of the Japanese people. The United States has joined in the international outpouring of support for Japan at this time of need. And in the spirit of the enduring friendship, partnership, and alliance between Japan and the United States, we stand ready to help in every way that we possibly can.

Also this morning, I was shocked and deeply saddened to learn of the bombing in Jerusalem today that took at least one life and injured innocent civilians. Terrorism and the targeting of civilians are never justified. And Israel, like all nations, of course, has to respond when this occurs. The United States is committed to Israel's security and we strongly condemn this violence and extend our deepest sympathies to all those affected.

We also strongly condemn recent rocket attacks from Gaza against innocent Israeli civilians and hold fully responsible the militants perpetrating these attacks. And I join President Obama in extending our sincere condolences to the friends and families of the Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza yesterday and appreciate that Israel has expressed regret.

We stress the importance of calm and we urge all concerned to do everything in their power to prevent further violence and civilian casualties among both Israelis and Palestinians. Violence only erodes hope for a lasting and meaningful peace and the final realization of two states for two peoples.

In our meeting today, I thanked the foreign minister for Morocco's leadership at the summit in Paris last week and for Morocco's important role in the Arab League's decision to call for the protection of Libyan civilians. We also discussed the international community's ongoing efforts to enforce United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 in Libya.

It is still early, but we have made significant progress. This week, Qadhafi's troops were poised to enter Benghazi over the weekend, putting hundreds of thousands of civilians in that city of 700,000 at great risk. Today, those troops have been pushed back and those civilians are safer as a result. Coalition efforts have downgraded Qadhafi's air defense capabilities and set the conditions for an effective no-fly zone.

I know that the nightly news cannot cover a humanitarian crisis that thankfully did not happen, but it is important to remember that many, many Libyans are safer today because the international community took action.

Now, of course, challenges remain so long as Qadhafi continues to direct his forces to attack his own people. So the United States will continue to support this mission as we transfer command and control to NATO.

Moving beyond Libya, this is a crucial moment in time for Morocco, the Maghreb, and the Middle East. I saw this vividly when I visited Egypt and Tunisia last week. And it was very inspiring to meet with the young people and the activists from civil society who are expressing such a strong desire to have a democracy of their own, to have some say in the decisions affecting their lives.

Morocco is well-positioned to lead in this area because it is on the road to achieving democratic change. His Majesty King Mohammed VI's government has consistently allowed its citizens to express themselves openly and peacefully, and it has been frank and forthcoming about the challenges ahead.

The King has long demonstrated his commitment to reform. And earlier this month, in an important address that captured widespread attention, he promised comprehensive reforms that would guarantee free parliamentary elections, including the election of a prime minister, create an independent judiciary, and assure human rights for all of Morocco's stakeholders, including the Amazigh community.

These ideas build on the King's earlier reforms that included increased rights for women and children, and universal access to a free education. We recognize the critical importance of the aspirations that His Majesty has described and we urge a continuing and rapid implementation of his vision.

We also look forward with great optimism to further deepening our strong and strategic partnership in working with Morocco on so many issues. Let me close with an issue that I know is of great importance to Morocco and its neighbors, the Western Sahara. U.S. policy toward the Western Sahara has remained constant from administration to administration. We want to see a peaceful resolution. Starting with the Clinton Administration and continuing through the Bush Administration and up to the present in the Obama Administration, we have stated our belief that Morocco's autonomy plan is serious, realistic, and credible—a potential approach to satisfy the aspirations of the people in the Western Sahara to run their own affairs in peace and dignity. The United States strongly supports the role of Ambassador Christopher Ross and the United Nations in resolving this issue.

So again, Minister, I thank you very much for all of the work we are doing together and all of the important work that lies ahead.

Foreign Minister Fassi Fihri. Thank you very much. Good afternoon. Thank you. Let me say first that I'm very pleased to be here in Washington once again and to have this excellent meeting, fruitful meeting, with my friend, Madam Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.

At this occasion, once again we talk about the longstanding ties between Morocco and USA. But we decide, as the Madam Secretary just said now, to have a roadmap for future with some action-oriented vision and concrete result for the benefits of two people. We not only talk about the importance of the bilateral relations, but also in connection with the—what's happened in the Arab world. And naturally, Morocco welcomes all these legitimate aspiration for people to have—to live in freedom with democracy. There is no Arab exception for the universal principle of dignity and freedom.

Naturally, we encourage—and we have maybe to encourage more—in the current approach and complementary approach to see a success in the transition in Tunisia, in Egypt, and to have also to work together to avoid and to fight against some risk, because what it shows is that the Arab spring start. We are not totally sure that the summer—Arab summer would follow the spring—Arab springs, and maybe here or there we will go directly to a dark winter.

That's why the discussions I have today with my colleague are very fruitful for us. As Madam Secretary of State said, Morocco participated in the last summit in Paris, and Morocco said very clearly that the Resolution 1973 is binding to all countries, and each country have the right to participate for the implementation and full implementation of this resolution. Morocco, naturally because of the strong relation between people of Morocco and people of Libya, members both of the Maghreb Arab Union, will continue to humbly contribute for this implementation of this resolution, saying and repeating that it's not an occupation, that no one wants to see Libya divided in two or three parts. It's not a question of partition, but it's question to protect the civilians. And for that, there is the military aspect and there is, which is very important also, the humanitarian aspect. Morocco decided to send in an important medical team five weeks ago in the borders of between Tunisia and Libya, and we will continue to think in total coordination with our friend and to see how we can contribute more on this specific issue.

We talk about the Maghreb and it's important also to resolve the dispute about Sahara. And let me just remind you that Morocco put an initiative on the table, and thanks to this initiative a new cycle of negotiation start in 2007 and now we are—we progress and we hope that we can resolve this issue, because the Maghreb is a necessity for the five people of the region, but it's also a necessity for the security in a specific region where al-Qaida work. Al-Qaida is here and try to create problem for—not only for the Maghrebs country but for many, many citizens and countries.

This is some of the points we raise today. But I want to be, once again, very frank. Morocco is satisfied by this dialogue, fruitful dialogue, by the cooperation with USA. And we are very encouraged by what we heard this afternoon and before, the many statements as encouragement and the response to what His Majesty asked for and present to its people in this continual process of democratization of Morocco, and we will work hard. The process start, the dialogue with all political parties, NGOs, and trade unions start, and we hope and we are sure that in some couple of month Morocco will jump once again with—in this balancing approach: economic development, human development, and political progress.

Secretary Clinton. Minister, thank you so much.

Foreign Minister Fassi Fihri. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much.

Q. Thank you, Madam Secretary. I'm sure you'll beg our indulgence, because we have one question and a lot going on. I'd like you to clarify your comments, if you would, please, yesterday about Libya and members of Qadhafi's inner circle that are reaching out to you and the Arabs. Do you think that they're reaching out to save themselves, to defect, or do you think that president—Colonel Qadhafi is looking for a way out?

And then if you could talk about the Arab support, participation, and leadership that you asked for. I know that we've talked about humanitarian contributions, but you said that you were looking for a robust Arab support for the military operation. Are you getting that? Right now, it's only Qatar that's participating.

Mr. Minister, why do you think the Arabs are not participating more on the military side? Are you uncomfortable with the mission?

And then lastly, on Yemen, President Salih has presented a plan to the opposition with a lot of significant points. However, the opposition is really—the only thing they're calling for is for him to step down immediately. We have a decisive day Friday. Are you concerned, given that what the minister said about al-Qaida in the region, if President Salih were to go, what that would mean for security in the region? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, Elise, we've been hearing a lot of things from many different sources. But what is very clear is that Qadhafi has lost his legitimacy to govern and the confidence of his people. And that is the main reason why he should leave power, because he cannot continue to govern and to refuse to meet the legitimate aspirations of his own people.

Now, over the last several weeks, as you know very well, the international community has taken a number of steps through sanctions, through freezing of accounts, through other accountability measures to put pressure on Qadhafi and the people around him. And added to that is now the military action which is adding even greater pressure. So Qadhafi has a decision to make, and the people around him each have decisions to make. The quickest way for him to end this is to actually serve the Libyan people by leaving.

Q. Do you think—-(inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we think that there is a lot of discussion going on about what the outcome of this strong international support for enforcing 1973 will actually lead to. Now, I want to be clear that that was not the purpose or the aim of the use of force. Our military action was taken in response to the obvious humanitarian crisis. And we have begun to see the easing in different parts of the country of that crisis. So the UN Security Council resolution's goal is to protect the Libyan people. And our military action is, therefore, focused on the goal of protecting civilians, enabling the no-fly zone, enforcing the arms embargo and all that goes with it. It will be up to Qadhafi and his insiders to determine what their next steps are, but we would certainly encourage that they would make the right decision and not only institute a real comprehensive ceasefire, but withdraw from the cities and the military actions and prepare for a transition that does not include Colonel Qadhafi.

Now, we are very satisfied by the Arab participation, and there will be more announcements in the days ahead. But this is a comprehensive effort, and I think that it's very clear that as the minister said, each nation is contributing what it is capable of doing, and providing support for one or more of the various missions called for under 1973.

And finally, with respect to Yemen, we're not going to make predictions about what will happen in Yemen other than to say that the people of Yemen have the same rights as people anywhere, and we support dialogue as a path to a peaceful solution to Yemen's current political situation that includes genuine participation by all sides. And we are certainly making our views known on a regular and consistent basis both publicly and privately.

Q. Madam Secretary, have you discussed with your Moroccan counterparts the reforms—constitutional reforms that were announced by the King recently as well as decision of a month ago of a national human rights body? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Yes, we discussed at some length. I expressed to the minister our appreciation for the King's actions. We think that the reforms that he is outlining hold great promise first and foremost for the Moroccan people themselves, but also as a model for others in the region. Because as the minister said, what His Majesty King Mohammed VI is doing is economic reform, social reform, political reform, and some countries are only going one direction. And there needs to be a comprehensive approach, which is exactly what has been proposed in Morocco.

Perhaps you'd like to add something, Minister.

Foreign Minister Fassi Fihri. Just to confirm that we discussed about this matter—and that we have the same position. I talk about two legs to walk. Now, maybe it's three legs.

Secretary Clinton. But the reason that I would just add that we're so encouraged is because the King has been making reforms over the last several years. And so we're already seeing the result of those reforms and these additional announcements that he has made will add to that. So we're seeing exactly what the King has said he will do being enacted.

Q. How about the (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. Well, the human rights council that has been announced, I think, is an excellent idea. We obviously want to see it come into effect, we want to see it in action, but it fits very well with the full range of reforms that have been announced, and we think it will serve a very important purpose. Thank you all.

Foreign Minister Fassi Fihri. Thank you. Goodbye.

Secretary Robert Gates and Minister Ehud Barak delivered these remarks in Tel Aviv, Israel

Minister Barak. Good afternoon. I will make a short statement in English, then a few words in Hebrew and then will yield to the secretary. And then we'll answer one question on each side, with your permission.

I would like to welcome Secretary Gates in his visit here to Israel, and a leading American and a leading friend of the whole region and of Israel as well. I would like to draw our attention once again to the pivotal role of the relationship and the unique relation between the United States and Israel in shaping our security, the qualitative military edge of Israel, and the stability of the whole region.

We share with the United States a common set of values, and the main topic that we discussed is the developments in the region and the need to keep fighting against terror and the sources of radical behavior.

Just in the recent hour, once again a rocket hit Ashdod and probably another one even north of Ashdod, and that's part of an escalation which takes part in the last several days. I would like to reemphasize that Israel will not tolerate these terror attacks, and we will not allow terror to rise once again.

The Israel Defense Forces are our main guarantee for deterrence, consultation and even for the backing of our efforts to pursue peace in the region, which we continuously keep doing.

And once again, I would like to thank you, Secretary Gates, for your friendship, for your personal and institutional contribution to making our security-related exchanges more profound, more substantial than ever in the past. We highly appreciate this, and we wish you all the best in this visit all around the region and back home. Thank you.

Secretary Gates. It's a pleasure to be back in Israel and to have this opportunity to visit with my friend Ehud Barak, a true warrior-statesman and someone I've known and respected and worked with for over 20 years.

I would start by joining President Obama in condemning yesterday's terrorist bomb attack in Jerusalem, as well as the rockets and mortars fired into Israel from Gaza in recent days and even today. The thoughts and condolences of the American government and the American people are with the victims and their families. We underscore that Israel, like all nations, has the right to self-defense and to bring justice to the perpetrators of these repugnant acts.

In my meeting today with Minister Barak, in addition to discussing these attacks, we discussed a range of important defense issues both in our bilateral relationship and across the region, including the dramatic political shifts taking place in the Middle East and the implications those changes hold for the future; Iran's nuclear program; the security environment on Israel's borders, including southern Lebanon and the Palestinian territories; and the ongoing military operation over Libya.

Our bilateral relationship and this dialogue is so critical because, as Minister Barak once said, Israel lives at the focal point of some of the biggest security challenges facing the free world: violent extremism, the proliferation of nuclear technologies, and the dilemmas posed by adversarial and failed states. And I think it important, especially at a time of such dramatic change in the region, to reaffirm once more America's unshakable commitment to Israel's security.

Indeed, I cannot recall a time during my public life when our two countries have had a closer defense relationship. The U.S. and Israel are cooperating closely in areas such as missile defense technology, the Joint Strike Fighter, and in training exercises such as Juniper Stallion—cooperation and support that ensures that Israel will continue to maintain its qualitative military edge.

As you know, I have a full agenda here during my visit. Later today, I will see President Peres. Tomorrow, I will meet with Prime Minister Netanyahu to discuss our defense relationship and the prospects for a two-state solution, and I will then have discussions with Palestinian Prime Minister Fayyad.

I know there may be a temptation during this time of great uncertainty in the region to be more cautious about pursuing the peace process, but in my meetings with Israeli and Palestinian leaders, I carry a different message: that there is a need and an opportunity for bold action to move toward a two-state solution. And as the parties move forward, the United States stands ready to support them in any way we can.

In closing, every time I visit Israel, I'm reminded of the extraordinary challenges the Jewish people have overcome throughout their history, the tremendous accomplishment that the state of Israel represents and the importance of our alliance to ensuring Israel's security.

Thank you, Ehud, for hosting us, and I look forward to seeing you again at dinnertime.

Q. Thank you very much. Good afternoon. This is a question for both Minister Barak and Secretary Gates. What is your opinion of the upheaval that has now reached Syria by all accounts? Is this something that Israel's encouraged by? Perhaps not, given calls by yourself at times to approach the Assad government for peace. I'd also like to deepen that question and ask whether Israel sees potentially a Syrian connection to the flare-up in Gaza. It's no secret that Islamic Jihad, Hamas have their headquarters in Syria. Perhaps there's an outside interest in opening up that front?

Secretary Gates. Well, first of all, I would say that what the Syrian government is confronting is, in fact, the same challenge that faces so many governments across the region, and that is the unmet political and economic grievances of their people, in some of these countries—Libya is an example, Syria is another example—where authoritarian regimes have suppressed their people and have been willing to use violence against them. Of course, the other example is the Iranian government prepared to use force against its own people.

And so I think that what we see is the opening to the future that's occurring in virtually all of these countries. Some of them are dealing with it better than others. I've just come from Egypt, where the Egyptian army stood on the sidelines and allowed people to demonstrate, and in fact, empowered a revolution. The Syrians might take a lesson from that.

Minister Barak. First of all, I do not pretend to know exactly what happens now in Syria. We learn it through a low-visibility kind of filters. But if our—and I'm—I think that we are lucky enough to be at the center or the focal point of this internal (inaudible) Syria. But if I would have to advise them, I would join the advice of the secretary, saying that we prefer the Egyptian model of behavior rather than the Libyan one to be adopted by our neighbors.

In regard to the peace opportunities, once again, we cannot—we cannot pass a judgment right now whether it's good or not, whether the situation really is right or not. But in time, the Syrian government will decide that they are open to consider negotiating with us. We will be open. But it's up to them. It's their decision. We cannot pass a judgment. I think that this difficult situation creates not just sweat and challenges but also opportunities. And we have be—have to be alert to be able to see those opportunities the moment they emerge rather than let them slip out of our fingers and face the uncertainties of a deeper chaos in the Middle East.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you've just emphasized the special relationship between the United States and Israel. In light of the recent events in the Middle East, could you comment on Minister Barak's suggestion that the United States will expand its military aid to Israel by $20 billion? And Mr. Barak, regarding the shootings from Gaza, do you see Hamas as the only—only Hamas as responsible for this situation, or do you make a distinction between Hamas and Islamic Jihad?

Minister Barak. I would like to answer, sir, with your permission. I raised the issue of 20 billion [dollars] as a part of a wider development; will Israel sign a peace agreement with a major neighbor, be it the Palestinians or the whole region or Syria or whatever. It's only within this context when we are taking extra mile of risks in order to stabilize the whole region that we can afford turning to the United States and ask them, in spite of all the circumstances therein, to try to help us to upgrade the security of Israel for the next generation.

In fact, that's nothing new. I talked about it 10 years ago with Clinton. I talked about it five years ago with President Bush. I already talked to him about it more than once at the Pentagon and the Americans.

So it's nothing new about it. In order to make peace in this tough neighborhood where there is no mercy for the weak, no second opportunity for those who cannot defend themselves, Israel has to take further security risks for all potential development that could happen, as we see around there from time to time. And that's where we ask the United States to help us to upgrade our security capabilities by systems that sometimes they are the only one who produces (inaudible). And we've sent in support for us in systems that only we know how to build and develop.

In regarding to your other question, we see the Hamas as responsible because Hamas is basically not just a terrorist group. It's also the regime in Gaza. And they have to enforce or impose their will upon—be it the Islamic Jihad or other dissident groups. We cannot make this fine differentiation between different sources of rockets. When the rockets come on the head of a family somewhere in Ashkelon or in Beersheba or in a small village or city around the Gaza Strip, it doesn't matter for them whether it came from the—this gang or the other gang or from the Islamic Jihad or from the Hamas. For us, Hamas is responsible for whatever comes from Gaza.

Secretary Gates. First of all, I understood the minister's comment and in precisely the context that he described it. And I would just restate what I said in my opening statement, that President Obama is the eighth American president I've worked for. And I don't believe that the security relationship between the United States and Israel has ever been stronger than it is right now. And the steps that we have taken in the last two years in terms of, just as one example, collaborating together on missile defense, I think are without precedent. I see no change in prospect for that relationship. David.

Q. Mr. Secretary, you've just come from Egypt. And I wonder whether in your conversations with Field Marshal Tantawi and others you had any chance to think about whether Egypt will be as strong a partner as it has been in security issues—for example, in preventing smuggling of weapons to Gaza—and if you had any other questions or concerns after your visit.

And Minister Barak, I'd be interested in your views about the new Egypt. And also, as this revolution spreads, it seems now, to Syria, to Yemen, to other countries, do you sometimes think—

Minister Barak. Well, not Iran.

Q. Well—

Minister Barak. We wish together that it will jump directly to Tehran, yeah.

Q. Include that in your answer. But my question is whether you ever wonder whether the United States is—has been so supportive of change that perhaps it should think a bit more about stability in addition?

Secretary Gates. First of all, I was quite reassured by my conversations in Egypt, and in particular with Field Marshal Tantawi, about their commitment to the treaty with Israel and to their commitment to continuing a high-level dialogue on a routine basis between Israeli and Egyptian leaders. They, too, are concerned about the smuggling problem. And I offered our assistance to them, technical and otherwise, in terms of getting a handle on this. But I came away persuaded that they take it seriously, and that they also take the relationship with Israel seriously.

Minister Barak. I think that the historic aspect that we see on the—all over—all around the Arab world is something unprecedented—we didn't see such phenomena since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire some hundred years ago, almost hundred years ago, or the—or the demise of the French colonial empire some 60 or 50—it depends how you count—years ago.

And it's really—historically speaking, it's moving and inspiring phenomena; clearly promising for the future of the Arab people, for the young generation in the Arab world, for the right of women, for the right to self—express themselves and so on.

But unfortunately, we are experienced (inaudible). As the secretary mentioned today, you know, an optimist in the Middle East is a—a pessimist in the Middle East is an optimist with experience. We have to follow historic experiences of similar revolutions. Usually after a short period of elation from the romanticism and the idealism that spreads around the streets, there might come, and came in the past, a determined group, however small, who is ready to kill and be killed if necessary in order to come to power, and they come to power.

So we have to look around us and make whatever we can. We are extremely limited in our capacity to influence. United States has more influence. But the rest of the world should support the elements that provides or ensures stability in the short range and try to minimize the chances of extremist group to come to power.

I believe that the basic process is good. It's true that the moderate (inaudible) leaders in the region, and I don't count either Libya or Iran among them, but the others who are extremely sensitive and responsible regarding to the stability issue and extremely sensitive to international commitments, including the Israeli-Egyptian peace. So I feel that we have to be careful and open-eyed in the short term to minimize negative developments and minimize risk for stability, but in the long run it's—it is an extremely positive phenomena.

In regard to the Egyptian leadership, I know Field Marshal Tantawi for many years. In fact, 35 years or so—30 years ago, we fought each other. We were both (inaudible) battalion commanders in the same—in the same sector when we crossed the Suez Canal. He was protecting the Eastern Bank with his infantry battalion. I came with my tank battalion. When I talked to him after he took power, I told him we have an utmost responsibility to make sure that our younger generation will not find themselves in the same experiences we had been through.

And I cannot quote him of course, but I have a reason to believe that as long as the Egyptian armed forces are in power, they're a major pillar of stability within Egypt. The peace agreement, as well as other Egyptian international commitments, will be respected and kept.

Thank you once again, my friend, Bob Gates, and have a good stay here. Thank you all.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. We applaud today's action by the Human Rights Council to create a Special Rapporteur on Iran who will help the international community monitor and respond to Iran's continuing human rights abuses. This is the first new country mandate established since the Human Rights Council was formed in 2006.

The United States worked closely with Sweden and a broad group of over 50 co-sponsors to establish this mandate, which passed by a margin of more than three to one. The Special Rapporteur will investigate and report on human rights abuses in Iran and will speak out when the government there does not meet its human rights obligations to its people.

Independent investigation and reporting by the Special Rapporteur will help the international community responsibly address the serious human rights abuses in Iran. It will also give voice to the many Iranians who long not only for reform, but for their government to respect their most basic of human rights and freedoms.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Q. Good morning again. And we are joined in the studio by the Secretary of State and the Secretary of Defense.

Madam Secretary, let me start with you. Tens of thousands of people have turned out protesting in Syria, which has been under the iron grip of the Asad for so many years now, one of the most repressive regimes in the world, I suppose. And when the demonstrators turned out, the regime opened fire and killed a number of civilians. Can we expect the United States to enter the conflict in the way we have entered the conflict in Libya?

Secretary Clinton. No. Each of these situations is unique, Bob. Certainly, we deplore the violence in Syria. We call, as we have on all of these governments during this period of the Arab Awakening, as some have called it, to be responding to their people's needs, not to engage in violence, permit peaceful protests, and begin a process of economic and political reform.

The situation in Libya, which engendered so much concern from around the international community, had a leader who used military force against the protestors from one end of his country to the other, who publically said things like, “We'll show no mercy. We'll go house to house.” And the international community moved with great speed, in part because there's a history here. This is someone who has behaved in a way that caused grave concern in the past 40 plus years in the Arab world, the African world, Europe, and the United States.

Q. But, I mean, how can that be worse than what has happened in Syria over the years, where Bashar Asad's father killed 25,000 people at a lick? I mean, they open fire with live ammunition on these civilians. Why is that different from Libya?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I—

Q. This is a friend of Iran, an enemy of Israel.

Secretary Clinton. Well, if there were a coalition of the international community, if there were the passage of Security Council resolution, if there were a call by the Arab League, if there was a condemnation that was universal—but that is not going to happen, because I don‘t think that it's yet clear what will occur, what will unfold.

There's a different leader in Syria now. Many of the members of Congress of both parties who have gone to Syria in recent months have said they believe he's a reformer. What's been happening there the last few weeks is deeply concerning, but there's a difference between calling out aircraft and indiscriminately strafing and bombing your own cities and then police actions, which, frankly, have exceeded the use of force that any of us would want to see.

Q. Secretary Gates, you have strongly condemned Bashar Asad and said he must learn from Egypt. I think it's fair to say he didn't pay much attention to you.

Secretary Gates. Well, that's not a surprise. No, what I—

Q. Should he step down?

Secretary Gates. What I said in—when I was in the Middle East was that the lesson should be—that should be taken from Egypt was where a military stood aside and allowed peaceful protests and allowed political events to take their course. That's basically the lesson that I was talking about with respect to Asad. In terms of whether he should stand down or not, these kinds of things are up to the Syrians, up to the Libyans themselves.

Q. This whole region is in turmoil now, trouble in Bahrain, in Yemen, whose governments have been allies of ours in the fight against terrorism. Now there are demonstrations in Jordan, one of our closest allies in the Arab world. How do we decide which of these countries we're going to help and which ones we're not?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Bob, we're trying to help them all. I mean, there's a lot of different ways of helping. We have certainly offered advice and counsel. I think the role that the United States played in Egypt, for example, particularly between our military, between Secretary Gates, Field Marshal Tantawi, between Admiral Mullen and his counterpart, was only possibly because of 30 years of close cooperation.

So we have to look at each situation as we find it. We don't have that kind of relationship with a country like Syria. We just sent back an ambassador for the first time after some years. And as you recall, the Administration decided we needed to do that because we wanted somebody on the inside. The Congress was not so convinced that it would make a difference. Each of these we are looking at and analyzing carefully. But we can't draw some general sweeping conclusions about the entire region.

Q. There are some people in the Pentagon quoted in various newspapers as saying this no-fly zone may last for three months or so. How long do you think this is going to be in place?

Secretary Gates. I don't think anybody has any idea.

Secretary Clinton. But Bob, I think it's important to take a step back and put this into context. When the Libyan people rose up, as their neighbors across the region were doing, and said look, we want to see a transition, it was after 42 years of erratic and brutal rule. Qadhafi's response was to basically not just ignore but to threaten and then to act on those threats. Our country, along with many other countries, were watching this unfold.

The United States Senate passed a resolution calling for a no-fly zone on March the 1^st. As Bob reminded everybody, there's a difference between calling for it and actually enforcing it. When the Security Council, in a really stunning vote of 10 to 5, 10–4, 5 abstentions, said look, take all necessary measures to fulfill this mission of protecting the Libyan people, it was a mission that the United States, of course, was going to be in the forefront of because of our unique capabilities. But look at the coalition of European, Canadian, Arab countries that have come together to say we're going to make sure that we protect these civilians.

The military mission is not the only part of what we're doing. We have very tough sanctions that are ferreting out and freezing Qadhafi and Qadhafi family assets. We have a lot of diplomats and military leaders in Libya who are flipping, changing sides, defecting because they see the handwriting on the wall. We have an ongoing political effort that is really picking up steam to see if we can't persuade—