Much has been written in the international political economy literature on the rise and the persistence of neoliberal globalization. Yet as extensive as this scholarship is, relatively little has been written about the relationship between neoliberalism and religious movements. Edited by Sabine Dreher and Peter J. Smith, this volume explores this relationship by studying how religious movements intersect with neoliberal globalization. Rejecting the claim that these movements simply model themselves on neoliberal ideas and trends (288), the book puts forward a threefold typology of the religious movement–neoliberal globalization nexus, as expressed with great clarity in the volume's subtitle (“Promoting, Reforming, or Resisting Neoliberal Globalization?”). This suggests that while some religious movements promote neoliberal globalization, others seek to either reform or challenge it.

The threefold typology is reflected in how the case studies featured in the volume are presented; the book begins with pro-neoliberal movements before moving to reformist movements and, finally, anti-neoliberal movements. More specifically, the case studies under consideration, respectively, focus on the prosperity gospel in the United States (Chapter 4), prosperity Pentecostalism in Nigeria (Chapter 5), corporate Hinduism in India (Chapter 6), the Gülen movement in Turkey (Chapter 7), the Renaissance Party in Tunisia (Chapter 8), the Justice and Development Party (AKP) in Turkey (Chapter 9), Hezbollah in Lebanon (Chapter 10), faith-based corporate social responsibility (Chapter 11), interfaith mobilization in Tanzania's mining sector (Chapter 12), the religious environmental movement in the United States (Chapter 13), faith-based organizations within the World Social Forum and the Occupy Movement (Chapter 14), and Indianismo in Bolivia (Chapter 15). These case studies are preceded by three broader chapters: an introduction that first locates the volume within the contemporary international relations and international political economy scholarship and then sketches the general approach and typology used (Chapter 1); a literature review that offers a critical discussion of key historical and theoretical approaches relevant for the topic at hand (Chapter 2); and an exploration of religious demographic trends around the world and, more specifically, in all the case study chapters (Chapter 3). These chapters are themselves followed by a conclusion that sums up some of the volume's contributions before discussing issues that require further attention, such as the role of spirituality, especially indigenous spirituality, in the ongoing struggle over neoliberal globalization (Chapter 16).

The contributors come from all over the world and, although political science is the dominant discipline here, other disciplines such as sociology are also well represented, which makes this book an interdisciplinary effort. Despite the diversity among contributors, the volume is coherent because all the case study chapters systematically explore the relationship between religious movements and neoliberal globalization.

That said, although Chapter 1 develops an overarching framework for the volume that is centered on the analysis of religious movements and framing processes as they relate to neoliberalism and economic globalization, the chapters’ theoretical foundations nevertheless vary. For example, some contributors draw extensively on the work of authors like Antonio Gramsci (Chapter 9) and Michel Foucault (Chapter 15), who are not cited in Chapter 1. As well, and regrettably, although this introductory chapter stresses the importance of framing processes in analyzing religious movements, only Chapter 13 discusses the concept of framing systematically; the vast majority of the other case study chapters do not even allude to it. Moreover, since the case study chapters focus mainly on Christian and Muslim movements, there is limited room to discuss Hindu (Chapter 6) and Indigenous (Chapter 15) movements. Although the idea of focusing on religious movements rather than world religions more broadly is excellent, the limited attention devoted to Jewish movements (only mentioned briefly in Chapters 11, 13, and 14) and the absence of any discussion of Buddhist movements is unfortunate.

Finally, the volume's ever present anti-neoliberal normative stance can sometimes impoverish analysis. For instance, Chapter 16 seems to suggest that the agency of religious movements is mainly apparent when they “take a more critical stance to neoliberalism” (291). The chapter provides little evidence to back that claim. On the contrary, some of the case studies, such as the analysis of prosperity Pentecostalism in Nigeria (Chapter 5), suggest that active support for neoliberal globalization is grounded in agency.

Beyond these critical remarks, it is hard to understate the contribution of this generally compelling and well-researched volume to our understanding of the relationship between capitalism and religious mobilization. By focusing on religious movements and exploring their diversity and the different relationships that exist between them and neoliberal globalization, Religious Activism in the Global Economy is likely to inspire more scholars to look at the ways in which religious beliefs and organizations are implicated, and play an active political role, in shaping and reshaping the economy and the political debates over its future. For this reason, the volume should be of interest to scholars interested in the interaction among economic, political, and religious factors in contemporary societies, in both the Global North and the Global South.