Cuihong Cai’s Cyber Governance in China offers the first book-length investigation of China’s philosophies, institutions and practices in governing cyberspace. Its central claim is that prevailing analyses focusing on “state centrism” obscure the extent of “collaborative dynamics” among domestic stakeholders in Chinese cyber governance. This is a strong foundation, as discussions of China’s cyberspace can coalesce around a control-versus-resistance dichotomy. The book breaks with this pattern primarily through a descriptive analysis of policy documents, media articles, statistics and other official statements. In the process, Cai assembles a wealth of empirical detail on governing philosophies, strategic frameworks, institutions, policies and events. She comprehensively reviews these to create a framework that clearly elucidates the what, why and how of cyber governance in China.
The book proceeds in a conventional structure: it defines key concepts and presents a history of cyber governance in China (chapter one), outlines China’s evolving governing philosophy and strategies (chapter two), traces institutional changes (chapter three), analyses regulatory challenges and practices (chapter four), and concludes with an assessment of outcomes (chapter five). Throughout, it depicts a mode of cyber governance that extends beyond the management of politically sensitive content. Although Cai acknowledges that content control remains central to China’s cyberspace authorities, she shifts the emphasis to their efforts to find innovative solutions to global challenges such as cybercrime, data security and privacy. For example, she highlights policies addressing the re-skilling of workers, noting that 100 million Chinese may become redundant due to artificial intelligence – an aspect rarely examined in international scholarship. Thus, she portrays China’s cyber governance not simply as an authoritarian state’s bid for control, but also as confronting policy dilemmas that trouble governments worldwide.
An especially notable point is Cai’s extensive comparison with the US, which illuminates where the approach of China’s authorities is distinct and where it is not. Cai identifies three contrasts that have shaped China’s approach since its connection to the internet in 1994 (pp. 17–20): a preference for order over unbridled freedom; a balance between development and security, in contrast to the US emphasis on development; and a conception of state–society relations as co-constitutive rather than antagonistic. Notably, she recognizes that Western governments are increasingly converging on China’s approach. Simultaneously, she discusses how pivotal moments like the Arab Spring, the Snowden-revelations and recent Western “de-risking” efforts are perceived by China’s authorities and influence their actions (pp. 88–96).
Yet, Cai’s ambition extends beyond describing this model. It also analyses its strengths and deficiencies, and establishes causal links. It is here that the book disappoints. Cai tends to present government perspectives as natural and self-evident, rather than as contingent, contested and serving specific political purposes. She rarely addresses trade-offs and tensions, except in a section toward the end of the book. Elsewhere, she often frames challenges linearly: “This was the problem; this is the government’s effective solution.” For example, one section presents censorship as an unequivocal good (pp. 144–146) while neglecting its role in silencing crucial information, such as early warnings about the COVID-19 pandemic. Similarly, Cai portrays the health code system as a triumph while sidestepping well-documented concerns about abuse and exclusion (pp. 101–102). At times, she even echoes official rhetoric, as when she suggests that rapid internet growth disproves China being an “authoritarian” state (pp. 26) – preferring to rebel against an analytic concept because of its political connotations over providing sober analysis. The much stronger critical evaluations appended at the end of the book arrive too little, too late to offset this.
The methodological reliance on public, official sources further constrains the book’s analysis of “collaborative dynamics.” State–citizen collaboration, for example, is reduced to citizens reporting undesirable content (p. 128). Likewise, Cai interprets acts of compliance under the “primary entity responsibility” system, which obliges platforms to police content under threat of losing their license, as a form of collaboration (p. 202). By privileging state documents, Cai is unable to engage seriously with non-state perspectives, leaving the analysis of collaboration shallow. This would not be a major limitation if the book restricted itself to documenting statecraft. Instead, the broader ambition to examine collaborative dynamics brings its weaknesses to the forefront: description is detailed but analysis is often superficial and one-sided.
Perhaps the root cause of these challenges is that Cai, based at a PRC institution, mirrors the conventions and expectations of Chinese academic publishing. Social science writing in the PRC often serves a policy-supporting rather than critical function. Within this tradition, authors emphasize factual description and constructive recommendations over critical debate. This also results in different expectations regarding engagement with existing literature, methodological rigour and analytic depth. For typical readers of the China Quarterly, this approach will feel unfamiliar and unconvincing. It also raises the question to whom Cai is really trying to speak. There is practically no engagement with English-language research on China’s cyber governance. This leaves the book stranded: too international in its language and choice of publisher to serve a domestic readership, yet insufficiently aligned with the debates, norms and expectations of international scholarship to satisfy a global one.
Beyond its positioning, the book struggles in readability. While systematic and encyclopaedic, its structure is often formulaic and repetitive. It frequently reproduces Chinese policy jargon without proper explanation. The book does not explain many important concepts and abbreviations upon first mention. The occasional lack of engaging narratives and anecdotes makes it difficult to absorb and retain the empirical information contained in the book. This also limits its usefulness in classrooms or for professional audiences.
Ultimately, Cyber Governance in China has two faces. It excels as a detailed and rich exposition of the PRC’s official position on cyber governance. As an encyclopaedia of how the PRC frames and narrates cyber governance, it is indispensable. As an analytical study, however, it disappoints. Ironically, it is a book that sets out to challenge state centrism but ends up reproducing it.
