INTRODUCTION
In their response to our paper on the problems of using on-farm trials in efforts to scale-out new crop production technologies and practices among smallholder farmers, Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) focus on our descriptions of on-farm trials in just one of the three case studies of Agricultural Research for Development (AR4D) projects that were presented. They argue we did not understand the projects’ philosophy and that the biases in farmer and site selection we discussed, do not exist in the southern Africa case study.
It is unfortunate that Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) do not engage with the core arguments of our paper, which problematises the role of on-farm trials in technology scaling. Rather, it appears their comment mainly aims to defend the philosophy of the AR4D projects in which they were (lead) agronomists, and which used on-farm trails in multiple locations,
. . .to develop “infection points” and training grounds for the scaling of CA [Conservation Agriculture], as well as exploring the performance of CA under contrasting conditions (Wall et al. Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019).
Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) also note that they ‘carefully worded project titles to reflect this facilitation of the widespread adoption of CA’.
Our paper did not seek to contest the often-outlined complexities of extending CA technologies and practices among smallholder farmers in southern Africa–as reiterated by Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) in their comment. It was not a paper about CA. Nor did we seek to challenge the philosophy of these AR4D projects, as outlined in the project proposals and policy documents. Instead, our paper elaborated on the everyday challenges agronomists face when implementing on-farm trials in the context of development-oriented agricultural research that aims to have impact on resource-constrained smallholder farmers.
Building on insights from science and technology studies that position scientific research as a socially embedded practice, our paper highlighted how agronomists, collaborating with partners and farmers, face a double challenge of simultaneously providing scientific evidence and persuading farmers to apply the studied technologies and practices. Because the reality of project implementation may not always reflect the philosophy or activity plans outlined in project and strategy documents, our analyses did not focus on those. Rather, our paper provided an empirical analysis of what happened on the ground in specific case study locations. Yet, as we highlight below, project and strategy documents related to these AR4D projects also suggest that on-farm trials were used for both research and scaling purposes. As such, they exhibit precisely the types of tensions between research and development practice that we identified. But before discussing this issue, we first address some of the selection biases that Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) allege do not exist in the southern African AR4D projects they were involved in.
SELECTION BIAS IN ON-FARM TRIALS AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR TECHNOLOGY SCALING
Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019)’s comment contests the socially embedded nature of AR4D and the ways in which this can result in unintended biases in the design and implementation of on-farm trials. As a consequence, they do not engage with the ramifications of selection bias for scaling. Their comment ironically provides further evidence of how the social organisation of AR4D project implementation can produce selection biases. For instance, Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) emphasise that previous experience with extending CA in southern Africa had shown ‘. . .[t]he need to concentrate initially on innovative and progressive farmers, rather than on “average” or random farmers’. They also acknowledge selection bias emanating from their interactions with farmer communities, which had sometimes selected ‘influential farmers [among themselves] rather than only representative farmers’ for hosting the on-farm trials. Yet, at the same time, Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) assume that holding community meetings ensures the selection of representative farmers: ‘. . .the community was unlikely to select farmers they thought were outliers of who did not represent their conditions’. In addition to the apparent contradictions between these statements, we consider this assumption to be highly problematic.
There is a considerable literature on the social dynamics of group meetings in development contexts that emphasises the effects of power, authority, gender and the presence of outsiders–such as researchers, extension agents and/or development professionals–on the outcomes of participatory processes (Cooke and Kothari, Reference Cooke and Kothari2001; Leach et al., Reference Leach, Mearns and Scoones1999; Mosse, Reference Mosse1994). In addition, studies of smallholder technology adoption–as well as the Bangladesh case in our paper–show that farmers’ interest to participate in AR4D projects cannot be reduced to an interest in the (testing of) technologies alone (Andersson and D'Souza, Reference Andersson and D'Souza2014; Kiptot et al., Reference Kiptot, Hebinck, Franzel and Richards2007, Pircher et al., Reference Pircher, Almekinders and Kamanga2013). Agronomists thus need to be acutely aware of the social environment in which they conduct their on-farm experiments. Organising on-farm trials in a participatory manner, as Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) suggest they did, is likely to introduce different kinds of selection bias, rather than guarantee against it.
We fully acknowledge the challenges inherent to conducting rigorous experiments in partnership with farmers and other stakeholders, while also assuring that technologies can be adapted to local conditions. There are no easy solutions here. Yet, to collaborate with innovative, progressive and influential farmers when evaluating and adapting technologies underscores the very dilemma that our paper seeks to address: that the selected farmers may not be subject to the same resource constraints as ‘average’ or randomly selected farmers. Similarly, Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019)’s use of one standardised rate of fertilisation ‘across the plots and comparisons within a community to facilitate farmer comparisons’ is another of example of how the organisation of on-farm trials may–unintentionally–reduce the recommendation domain of a technology (CIMMYT, 1988) and, hence, its scalability.
The use of one standardised fertilisation rate in on-farm trials is, of course, sound experimental design that can facilitate the isolation of treatment effects and the above-mentioned ‘farmer comparisons’. Yet, as this fertiliser rate is often higher than what most African smallholder farmers can afford or are willing to apply outside on-farm experimental fields–as Cheesman et al. (Reference Cheesman, Andersson and Frossard2017) show for farmers participating in one of the AR4D projects discussed in our paper–this experimental design may also result in misleading interpretations of the technology's performance outside the experimental conditions. It may be, as Vanlauwe et al. (Reference Vanlauwe, Wendt, Giller, Corbeels, Gerard and Nolte2014) have argued for the case of CA, that fertiliser use is required for the technologies to have positive effects on African smallholders’ crop productivity. Hence, it is not merely the social environment in which the on-farm trials are conducted; the application of the experimental design itself may introduce selection bias that inadvertently affects the technology's scalability.
These kind of implementation modalities can influence the performance evaluation of a technology despite it being tested ‘on-farm’, as the farmers participating in the on-farm trials may not represent the concerns, interests or abilities of the broader farmer population (as exemplified in our paper's Bangladesh case study), thereby reducing the wider applicability of trial results. Consequently, initially promising results from on-farm trials may be misleading when technologies are moved from research into extension and out-scaling. Such methodological problems have ramifications, both for up-scaling (institutionalisation) and the out-scaling of technologies among smallholder farmers.
ON-FARM ‘DEMO-TRIALS’ AS ‘INFECTION POINTS’, BUT NOT FOR SCALING?
Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019) suggest that the southern Africa AR4D projects did not aim to scale-out CA technologies and practices, but rather, that they were intended to develop a scalable model, which would aid the ‘facilitation of the widespread adoption of CA ’. While it is indeed true that not all projects discussed in our paper had the same emphasis on the out-scaling of technologies, it is the inherent tension in the use of on-farm trials ‘as a means to understand and foster technology adoption’ (de Roo et al. Reference de Roo, Andersson and Krupnik2019) that we sought to analyse. This tension, which affects both up- and out-scaling, is clearly discernible in these AR4D projects.
A first indication of this tension can be found in the framing and naming of projects. The reader may be forgiven when thinking that projects with titles such as: ‘Facilitating the widespread adoption of Conservation Agriculture. . .’ and ‘Facilitating the adoption of Conservation Agriculture by resource-poor smallholder farmers. . .’ have nothing to do with technology out-scaling. Yet, as a strategy document on these projects suggests, collaborating public and NGO partners could apparently view on-farm trials as demonstration sites for technology scaling as they ‘have often spaced the plots out more than we would have liked, given normal extension practices of widespread blanket recommendations’ (Neely et al. Reference Neely, Dixon and Wall2008). Project activities such as farmer field days and study visits comprise another indication of the blurred boundaries between research and out-scaling in these projects’ use of on-farm trials. For example, Neely et al. (Reference Neely, Dixon and Wall2008) suggest that farmer study visits serve both learning among farmers, and the ‘[s]caling out of the technologies to other sites and communities’. As Wall et al. (Reference Wall, Thierfelder, Nyagumbo, Rusinamhodzi and Mupangwa2019)’s comment, communications on the AR4D projects we referred to in the southern Africa case study also evidence a multi-purpose perspective on the use of on-farm trials. One project even has very explicit out-scaling targets:
During the design phase, the program set targets and adoption pathways to achieve scaling out processes in terms of the number of research communities covered, number of farmers reached out and the number of adopters (. . .). The program managed to achieve cumulative of 235,422 farmers. As a result, SIMLESA has led to increased uptake of CA technologies both at community and household level. . .Footnote a
It is this kind of double-edged framing, and the differential way it is being interpreted and communicated by project partners, farmers and implementing agronomists, that reveals the intricacies of combining research and scaling activities in an impact-oriented development context. Our paper aimed to highlight the tensions involved when scientists work on the continuum between research and development. It showed the difficulties involved in maintaining experimental control and collecting quality data from farmers managing trials in the context of projects that aim to have both scientific and development impact. Acknowledging that such tensions exist is, in our view, a first and necessary step towards a reconceptualisation of the role on-farm experiments in scaling.
Acknowledgement
Research for this paper was partially funded by the Royal Netherlands Embassy in Addis Ababa (CASCAPE), the CGIAR Research Programs on MAIZE and WHEAT and by USAID/Bangladesh (CSISA-BD). The contents and opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of CASCAPE, USAID or the United States Government.