Musical taste and social networks

Musical taste, social networks and ageing are interconnected. Following Bourdieu's (Reference Bourdieu1984) conceptualisation of cultural capital, musical taste can be seen as ‘the outcome of one's location in the stratified social system, and musical tastes reinforce that position’ (Harrison and Ryan Reference Harrison and Ryan2012: 651). This assertion is based on evidence that individuals adopt their musical taste from contact with school, friends and family (e.g. Bourdieu Reference Bourdieu1984; Bryson Reference Bryson1996; Coulangeon and Lemel Reference Coulangeon and Lemel2007). Musical taste can be part of an individual's skills and it can be used to negotiate social situations and interpersonal exchanges (DiMaggio Reference DiMaggio1987; Fiske Reference Fiske1987). Musical taste can become a form of portable knowledge used to present the self. It allows individuals to align with selected others and to differentiate themselves symbolically (Fiske Reference Fiske1987; Peterson Reference Peterson2005).

Moreover, taste patterns may contribute to maintaining health and ageing successfully (Agahi and Parker Reference Agahi and Parker2005). Studies on ageing and the body have shown that health promotion through activity and increased participation in social and leisure activities can promote wellbeing and overall life satisfaction in older adults (Chung and Park Reference Chung and Park2008; Ekerdt Reference Ekerdt1986; Havighurst Reference Havighurst and Kleemeier1961; Katz Reference Katz2000). Musical participation, in which taste is a key factor, is an important strategy for developing new friendships and sustaining networks in old age. ‘Taste’ is an important factor in promoting sociability (Erickson Reference Erickson1996; Lizardo Reference Lizardo2006). As DiMaggio (Reference DiMaggio1987) stated, cultural tastes provide common topics for conversation and facilitate the social gatherings necessary for friendships to grow. Cultural taste may provide the impetus for a social network, offering a basis for an individual to socialise with others who have similar tastes and allowing older adults to form replacement relationships as their networks reduce. Indeed, ‘cultural tastes are neutral, but their uses are social’ (DiMaggio Reference DiMaggio1987: 442).

To summarise, previous studies have indicated that musical tastes are important in old age for self-presentation, maintaining friendships, and maintaining physical and psychological health. At the same time, the above studies lead us to expect that there is a dynamic relationship between music, performance and social networks. The following section discusses how this dynamic relationship can be explored using an analysis of ritual and organisational cultures.

Rituals, culture and music participation

Ritual is a social phenomenon involving groups of people who have certain expectations in common (Bocock Reference Bocock1973). It is a form of communication that also should be understood within specific cultural contexts. Goffman (Reference Goffman1956) has defined ritual as informal or secular activity, which represents the way an individual's acts have symbolic implications. By focusing on the micro level of immediate interaction in everyday life, the manifestation of ritual can be examined.

Collins's (Reference Collins2004) perceives rituals as a mechanism of mutual emotion and action that produces a shared reality. Rituals generate solidarity and symbols of group membership. Therefore, ritual can create culture as well as reinforcing existing culture. The experience of ritual gives rise to group motifs and enhances group solidarity. In this sense, the analysis of ritual can help us understand how solidarity and commitment to shared symbols can occur in a wide variety of situations. However, there is no consensus over the term ‘culture’ studies (Hopper Reference Hopper2007). In the present study, ‘culture’ is defined as ‘a particular way of life which expresses certain meanings and values not only in art and learning, but also in institutions and ordinary behaviour. The analysis of culture, from such a definition, is the clarification of the meanings and values implicit and explicit in a particular way of life, a particular culture’ (Williams Reference Williams1965, cited in Hebdige Reference Hebdige1979: 6). Williams viewed culture as ‘a common process of participation in the creation of meanings and values’ (Reference Williams1974: 34). Within different cultural groups, there are ideas and values that reflect a shared lifestyle, interests, positions, etc. (Erikson Reference Erickson1996). Therefore, the study of the culture of Cantonese operatic singing lessons can reveal the relationships between its different elements and how people construct, articulate and interpret the meaning of this activity.

Finally, the concept of ‘organisational culture’ is used to understand the culture of Cantonese operatic singing lessons. As Simpson and Cacioppe (Reference Simpson and Cacioppe2001) have stated, an organisation's culture represents the core values that are shared by most of the organisation's members. Deal and Kennedy (Reference Deal and Kennedy1982) suggest that values are integral to organisational culture. These values determine how members define success and inform them about the principles of the organisation (Hofstede et al. Reference Hofstede, Neuijen, Ohayv and Sanders1990).

Heroes are persons who possess characteristics highly prized in the organisation culture and who thus are the role models that personify the core culture value of the organisation (Wilkins Reference Wilkins1984), while rituals and rites show the members what kind of behaviour is expected of them. Rituals are the routines of everyday life in the organisation. Some members play the role of heroes, whereas others act as carriers to pass on the corporate values (Deal and Kennedy Reference Deal and Kennedy1982). This approach can be used to study how the culture of Cantonese operatic singing lessons manifests itself with values, rituals and heroes.

In summary, both ritual analysis and studies of organisational culture can further an understanding of how this particular music genre and its associated activities contribute to the life satisfaction of older people. The following section examines the second research question: how is the musical participation of older adults influenced by the lifecourse and ageing in terms of both vocal abilities and levels of participation?

Ageing and participation in singing activities

Previous studies suggest that music participation and ageing are interrelated (Bruhn Reference Bruhn2002). First, musical singing ability can change with age. An individual's vocal range begins to narrow towards the sixth decade of life. Songs written in lower keys allow older participants to continue singing with ease (Moore, Staum and Brotons Reference Moore, Staum and Brotons1992) and older people generally prefer slow tempos to medium tempos for singing (Moore Staum and Brotons Reference Moore, Staum and Brotons1992). However, a change in one's vocal ability does not necessarily coincide with biological age (Bruhn Reference Bruhn2002). The study of professional singers' vocal abilities illustrates that appropriate vocal exercises may help to delay the effects of ageing on vocal abilities (Sataloff Reference Sataloff1992).

Second, physical ability also declines as people age and may inhibit participation in terms of both proficiency and the ability to perform in public. Third, personal life factors specific to old age may also influence music participation. These factors relate to the extent to which Cantonese operatic singing interacts with other areas of older adult's life. Lifecourse events such as retirement allow participants to have more time to engage in musical activities.

Cantonese operatic singing and ageing

Cantonese opera belongs to one of the regional operas in China, and it flourishes mainly in the Pearl River Delta, in the southern province of Guangdong, one of the most densely populated areas of China (Yung Reference Yung1989). In Cantonese, operatic songs are referred to as yue qu (曲),Footnote ¹ whereas in Hong Kong, Cantonese opera is known as yue ju (劇). The word yue refers to Guangdong province, and qu in Cantonese refers to ‘song’. There are three voice types in contemporary Cantonese opera. Ping hou (平喉), used for male roles and occasionally for females, has a low pitch, whereas zi hou (子喉), used for female roles, is a falsetto, pitched an octave higher than ping hou (平喉). Da hou (大喉), used for male martial roles, is pitched between these two but ping hou (平喉) and zi hou (子喉) are used most frequently.

The status of Cantonese opera actors is traditionally associated with age as well as skills. In the past, Cantonese opera actors were assigned roles according to both qualifications and seniority. Even talented newcomers had to accept their position at the bottom of the pecking order simply because they were young newcomers (Tan Reference Tan Ming2010). The current study therefore hypothesises that age matters when it comes to the degree of respect one can earn in the world of Cantonese operatic singing.

Moreover, as a traditional Chinese music genre, collectivism is deeply embedded in the practice of Cantonese operatic singing (Liang Reference Liang2001): Chinese people sing together to articulate a sense of collectivism. This leads us to predict that the activities centred on Cantonese operatic singing emphasise the maintenance of group solidarity and interpersonal relationships.

Cantonese operatic singing lessons

Contemporary operatic singing lessons can be traced back to luo gu gui (鑼鼓櫃), local amateur troupes (Liu Reference Liu2001). Luo gu gui (鑼鼓櫃) were made up of groups of people who came from rural areas to form amateur Cantonese opera troupes in the early Qing Dynasty (1821–1850) (Huang and Zeng Reference Huang and Zeng ying1992; Xia and Chen Reference Xia and Chen1989). In the twentieth century, luo gu gui (鑼鼓櫃) slowly vanished, replaced by singing clubs and professionals offering voice lessons in Hong Kong instead (Chan Reference Chan1991). Non-governmental organisations and opera aficionados organised Cantonese operatic singing lessons and other activities for Cantonese opera fans in the 1970s (Liu Reference Liu2001). In the 1970s, popular music increased in popularity and Cantonese opera suffered a sharp decline. Nevertheless, singing clubs and singing lessons continued to flourish in Hong Kong, offering many types of lessons in Cantonese operatic singing. They can still be found today in almost every district in Hong Kong (Li Reference Li2010).

In the past, only those who wanted to become Cantonese opera singers or opera actors learned Cantonese operatic singing. This has changed in recent decades: many Cantonese opera lovers and amateur singers take Cantonese operatic singing lessons to learn vocal skills. It no longer requires years of strenuous and extensive training, and thus attracts many Cantonese opera lovers and older adults in particular (Liu Reference Liu2001). The popularity of Cantonese operatic singing among older people therefore provides an opportunity to study the relationship between ageing and music activities.

Rituals of conversation

In the singing classes, students gave each other nicknames based on their singing experience, and this behaviour reveals a hierarchy between the participants in the class. Collins (Reference Collins2004) has noted that degrees of friendship (i.e. solidarity), intimacy or respect can be revealed in minor conversational routines. Small details in these conversations distinguish strangers, people who know each other well and other people in the group. Changing the form of greetings and small talk is one way to illustrate the character of a social relationship. In class A, most of the students had been studying Cantonese operatic songs for one to two years. In their eyes, they had a similar singing experience. The participants used nicknames or English names such as shi jie (師姐; senior sister apprentice) or shi xiong (師兄; senior fellow apprentice).Footnote ² Two students with seven and over ten years of experience were called Ting Jie (婷姐) and Xue Jie (雪姐),Footnote ³ respectively. Sometimes other students also called them da shi jie (大師姐; senior sister apprentice). The above titles also imply family relations in the mentoring system. Xue Jie: ‘Why do we call each other fellow apprentices? Because we treat each other as brothers and sisters, we are just one big family’.

Although Xue Jie and Ting Jie are not the oldest among the students, they have the richest experience of singing Cantonese operatic songs. When one participant, Ellie, was referred to as shi jie (師姐; senior sister apprentice), she responded: ‘Don't call me senior sister apprentice, I have only studied singing for about one year’. At the lunch gathering, Ting Jie explained: ‘All of you [the students] have a similar singing ability in terms of experience’. In addition to experience, age also matter in determining the level of respect one earns. Students aged above 70 are called Li ge geFootnote ⁴ (哥哥); ge (哥) means ‘brother’ or ‘senior’ in Chinese. The above title reflects people's respect for older classmates.

In class B, most of the students had more than ten years of experience in singing, and they also called each other by nicknames or English names. Each student was accorded a mutual respect with regard to their study. There was no apparent hierarchy among the students in class B. The vocal teacher was called shi fu (師傅; master) or shi gong (師公; grand master). Mui, one of the students in class B, claimed: ‘He [the vocal teacher of class B] is called grand master, because some students have been taught by his students before. It is a kind of respect’.

In the past, people learned to sing Cantonese opera through apprenticeships. The first thing an opera apprentice learned was how to help the master actor prepare for the day's work. Lave and Wenger (Reference Lave and Wenger1991) suggest that such a learning process is a community of practice, which involves more than the technical knowledge and skill involved in singing and acting. Apprentices also participated in activities at multiple levels: the learning process encompassed a wide range of relationships. A newcomer went from being a novice to being a participant, and then finally became an adept or master. The authority of the master and relationships between apprentices varied dramatically across communities of practice.

Although this initial peripheral participation has been replaced by directive pedagogy in Cantonese operatic singing, the above description indicates that the social structure of the practice and its power relationships follow the conventions of traditional apprenticeships. The master is still the locus of authority, and the power relationships among apprentices are still determined by singing experience and age. As the conversational routines illustrate, master–apprentice relationships are asymmetrical. It is expected that the masters are in a position of authority and should be well respected by their students. There are also hierarchical relations between learners and experienced learners; apprentices not only learn singing from their master, they learn from other senior apprentices.

Rituals of musical inquiry

Rituals of musical inquiry refer to the vocal skills training. This ritual can include a large-class course, individual teaching and live practice. In the case of Cantonese operatic classes, both large-class courses and live practices are collective activities, and serve to maintain a collective identity. They also express the class hierarchy. Both class A and B are large-class courses, during which the vocal teachers demonstrate how to sing, and the students imitate the teachers' vocal styles and sing together. The vocal teacher of class A: ‘When you sing alone, you have to develop your own style of singing, but when you sing with others, you have to follow the rhythm and melodies of the group’. Each time the vocal teacher of class A introduced new songs to the students, Ting Jie and Xue Jie, the senior sister apprentices, first demonstrated how to sing the new song. Xue Jie sometimes pointed out the mistakes of other fellows and provided useful tips for singing. This further reinforces their roles as senior sister apprentices. However, only senior fellow apprentices and teachers can point out others' mistakes in class, and deviation from this ritual creates tension. This follows the traditional Cantonese opera practice of stressing seniority, which granted privileges to members who were more experienced. Newcomers had to accept their position at the bottom of the pecking order despite possessing good vocal or acting skills. The most experienced actors usually had the final say in casting (e.g. Liu Reference Liu2001; Wen Reference Wen2012). Also, teachers (masters) were just like fathers: they not only taught students singing skills, but also a range of other social skills (Liang Reference Liang2001).

Although relationships between masters and their students are now more casual, teachers and senior fellow apprentices are still authoritative, particularly when they teach vocal skills. Xue Jie shared her personal experience at a lunch gathering: ‘Although I have over ten years’ experience of singing, I am a junior sister apprentice in my singing club. When I pointed out a mistake made by my senior sister apprentice, she rebuked me in anger. Master took her side. The musicians finally settled the debate by pointing out her mistakes'. Vocal teachers would feel angry in similar situations. The vocal teacher of class A: ‘She [a student of another class] was so rude … I did not have enough time to practise the new songs and she shouted at me’. After the vocal teacher left, the musician told the other side of the story, saying, ‘It was his fault. He made the same mistakes three times’.

Live practices are called cao qu (操曲; singing practices) or kai ju (開局; self-practising group) in Chinese. A group of students come to a singing club and sing with accompanists. Students sometimes go to Mainland China for live practices, because they are cheaper. According to Mui, the students meet twice a week at a club for four hours to practise and socialise. The club is divided into two parts: a studio and a sitting room. The studio is big enough for five or six musicians and the sitting room accommodates eight to ten people. The participants distribute the accompanists' printed music scores of the songs they chose, and then a 20-minute solo or duet performance follows. Other members waiting in the sitting room continue to chat, eat and listen to the music in the next room. A few of them warm up in the sitting room or in the corridor. Most of the participants wait until everyone is finished. One of the participants, usually the senior sister apprentice, is responsible for organising the practices: ‘We practise singing at the singing club and socialise with one another. We usually stay until the last person has finished practising, and we have dinner together’ (Mui). Mui emphasised that live music made a great difference.

Collins (Reference Collins2004) notes that not all rituals are successful. Failed rituals are easy to identify if there is a public announcement and widespread understanding that a ritual is being challenged and questioned. The ritual of live practice is not very successful in class A. Most of the students in class A seldom practise with accompanists. During the study period, there was only one occasion when Ting Jie and Xue Jie had singing practices. Several times during class A, the vocal teacher urged students to practise their skills at singing clubs. He regards this as an essential path to success: ‘It is necessary for you to practise your skills. Time is limited in class. Secondary students cannot get a great grade without doing their homework. You cannot acquire good singing skills without practice’. Xue Jie agrees with the teacher: ‘You cannot make much improvement without singing with accompanists'. When asked the reasons why the participants did not join the practice, Ellie explained: ‘It is too expensive. It is difficult for novices to sing with accompanists. I would be so embarrassed if I made mistakes’.

Rituals of integration

In the case of Cantonese operatic singing classes, examples of rituals of integration are the Chinese New Year carnival, a master's birthday celebration, annual ceremonies, and lunch and dinner gatherings after class. A major consequence of social rituals is that they can bind people together as a group, even binding divergent groups of people into a larger community. Lunch and dinner represent casual gatherings without formal protocol. Chinese New Year carnival and a master's birthday celebrations are more formal and large scale. Members of other classes are also invited to these events on some occasions.

There are lunch or dinner gatherings after every class. When the students ate lunch or dinner after class, more than half of the students in class A joined these gatherings. At such gatherings, students and teachers get to know one another better. They share their background and discuss news stories and health information. The gatherings are usually full of jokes and laughter. A sense of closeness is increased through eating and chatting. Many students enjoy the gatherings and consider it the most important part of the class. The gatherings also serve as informal settings for exchanging information. Participants share information about other classes, concerts and the norms of Cantonese operatic culture. In such gatherings, they also organise concerts, practices or other events. In a dinner given for the master's birthday celebration, hundreds of students attended, eating and talking or playing mah-jong. Accompanists were available to play music. Some of the students sang on stage before dinner. Divergent groups of students were bound together into a larger community: ‘We are familiar with the students in other classes of the master. We see each other on many occasions, such as the master's birthday celebration carnival’ (Mui).

In more formal and large-scale gatherings, there is also an apparent hierarchy among Cantonese opera singers. The teacher of class B indicated that he showed more respect for guests who are more experienced in singing Cantonese opera and for those who are older than him. He treated them with deference and greeted them first, even if they did not sing as well as he does. This is yet another indication that the status of a Cantonese opera singer is influenced by both experience and age.

Rituals of performance

Music performances are rituals. The collective focus and the attention on the singers make the experience at concerts more significant than just listening to the same music at home. This is not simply a matter of being seen by the public; rather, the interplay between the singers and the public creates a shared enthusiasm. The subjective ritual experience provides moments of collective emotion (Collins Reference Collins2004). There are different types of operatic singing performances, ranging from the music performance in senior homes and recreational centres to city halls, from street performances to concerts. A large-scale performance, such as a singing concert, requires much more preparation. The concert usually lasts for three to four hours and about eight to ten students will perform at each concert. Tickets are usually distributed free of charge. Most of the time, students perform duets. Unlike Cantonese operatic performers, whose faces are painted white and who are dressed in traditional costumes, students in a concert will dress formally and use a lighter than normal make-up. They aim to look fashionable and elegant. Dressing up inspires a desire to perform. Xue Jie advised her colleagues to treat the performance as homework. Carman, a student in class B: ‘I can dress up and look great. I enjoy singing in front of older people’.

The performances are usually organised by teachers or by senior sister apprentices and participation is voluntary. Only a few of the students in class A had any stage experience, whereas most of the students in class B had enjoyed this experience. According to Ting Jie, the cost of a performance is quite high, particularly concerts: ‘To be glamorous, you have to spend thousands of dollars on buying dresses and getting make-up artists, renting a venue and paying for accompanists’. Bonnie said, ‘I don't like performance. It costs too much, and I feel shy singing in front of the public’. Some students despised this kind of performance: ‘I will not perform at concerts; students only do that to gratify their own vanity’ (Susan, a student in class B).

Vocal teachers also have their own performances. For instance, the vocal teacher of class B held concerts once or twice a year. Cantonese operatic celebrities or the teachers may become sacred objects or hero symbols, in the same manner as Durkheim's (Reference Durkheim1965) political leaders became an emblem for the crowd. At a concert of the vocal teacher of class B, which I attended in May 2011, he was the centre of attention. The audience applauded loudly every time the teacher and his partners sang a new song. When the vocal teacher performed difficult parts well, the audience burst into an enthusiastic applause. The crowd cheered at the end of the concert. Some participants took photos of themselves with the teacher during the intermission.

The above descriptions show that ritual activities are abundant among students of Cantonese operatic singing lessons. The rituals have four major functions: (a) they maintain identity and emotional attachment for the students; (b) they fulfil the task of musical training through different types of practice, and allow students to implement their pursuit of musical knowledge; (c) they provide the students with the experience of being the centre of attention, and this creates a sense of satisfaction for students; and (d) they maintain hierarchy and roles. The analysis of ritual also illustrates how musical taste is positively linked to social networks, which are particularly important in old age. The status of participants is influenced by age and experience in addition to skill.

As mentioned, some rituals are more successful than the others, in terms of the degree of involvement and the shared emotional focus. In class A, tension sometimes arose when teachers repeatedly urged others to join the rituals. Students in these situations sometimes responded with amusement or jokes, in the same manner that Goffman (Reference Goffman1956) described among dispersed cosmopolitan groups. In these cases, there is less conformity and intensity. Students in class A emphasised that, for them, Cantonese operatic singing activities are a kind of leisure activity. They enjoy the freedom to determine how much time and money they spend on this leisure pursuit.

Carriers

In the case of Cantonese operatic singing classes, vocal teachers and senior sister apprentices usually act as carriers of the values embedded in the culture. For example, the vocal teacher in class A urged students to engage in the activities that he perceives as important to the learning process. He also organised activities and asked students to join the lunch gatherings. Xue Jie, the senior sister apprentice, served as an intermediary by explaining the meaning and benefits of the rituals.

Heroes

Vocal teachers, senior sister apprentices and Cantonese operatic singers are role models for students to emulate. The hero symbols are created by memorable events, such as singing demonstrations and music performances. The senior sister apprentices, Xue Jie and Ting Jie, are respected by other students in class A: ‘Xue Jie and Ting Jie are experienced in singing. They sing very well’ (Ellie).

Famous operatic singers are also perceived as heroes. James, a student of class A, said with appreciation, ‘Ma Shi Zeng (馬師曾) was singing well. I would like to sing as well as he did, although it seems impossible’. The vocal teacher in class B was admired because of his singing ability: ‘Master is much better than other teachers’ (Carman). Mui commented: ‘It is hard for you to surpass him [master] in singing, even if you start learning from now on and spend ten years on it’. In addition to rituals and roles, shared values were another core element of group culture.

Core value

Lifelong commitment is clearly demonstrated by the fact that many students spend years learning Cantonese operatic singing skills. Almost all of the students in class A and class B had participated in the same class over time, and most of the students in class B had attended the same class for more than ten years. Learning to sing is part of their lives. Students in both classes also emphasise that Cantonese operatic singing is a practice of lifelong learning. ‘The pursuit of musical knowledge will never end. There is no graduation date for a Cantonese operatic singing class. I have spent over ten years learning the skills, and I am still working hard on it’ (Xue Jie).

The other core value of Cantonese operatic singing lessons is enjoyable learning. Fun and happiness are two words mentioned many times by the students when they are asked to describe the class: ‘The members are playful. We have a lot of fun in class. I am lucky to come here, and I enjoy spending time with them’ (Bonnie). The vocal teacher of class B said: ‘Cantonese operatic singing is a kind of folk art. In the eyes of the students, it is a leisure activity. Students have fun and enrich their lives through the learning process’.

Satisfaction, wellbeing and health promotion

Students experienced three different types of satisfaction while participating in this activity: emotional closeness, a sense of achievement and relaxation. The positive atmosphere of the Cantonese operatic singing lessons and the related activities were highly valued by the students. Many expressed their appreciation for their colleagues and teachers: ‘Our colleagues are very nice and funny. I feel very happy when we practise together’ (Ellie). The pursuit of achievements or personal goals through participation in leisure activities in later life establishes a sense of personal accomplishment (Holahan Reference Holahan1988; Lawton Reference Lawton and Kelly1993). Students in both operatic singing classes enjoyed their achievements in the learning process: ‘I was scared to death to sing in front of other people in the past, my hands shook just uncontrollably. It is much better now. I have developed self-confidence in the process. That is great!’ (Bonnie). Students in both classes also enjoyed singing operatic songs because it reduced stress and at the same time promoted relaxation: ‘In the past, I was not interested in Cantonese operatic singing, but I have now discovered that Cantonese operatic songs lyrics are beautiful. I will imagine the stories when I sing the songs. I spend two to three hours a day practising. It makes me feeling good and relaxed’ (Ellie). Many students regarded singing as a good exercise. Joey confirmed that singing exercises improved his respiratory system and benefited his physical health. Another student, Sarah, emphasised that classes helped her to maintain a healthy living style and that good health and body shape are important elements in singing. Musical tastes can promote wellbeing by developing social networks, creating satisfaction and maintaining health through organised activities.

Social resources and economic resources

In class B, some students have become singing teachers. Mui, who has taught Cantonese operatic singing for more than ten years, is one example. She wanted to keep improving her skills, and thus she joined the course again. In both classes, students exchanged not only information about operatic singing but also about their health. They also help each other with practical tasks such as shopping and repairing computers. Creating new networks and sustaining friendship are important considerations in choosing leisure activities. When asked why they kept enrolling in the same class, more than half of the participants stated that it is because they made friends in the class.