The transition from feudalism to capitalism constituted a principal theme in the historiography of the mid- to late twentieth century, thanks to, first, the Dobb-Sweezy debate and, from the mid-seventies, the so-called Brenner debate. Despite the large number of works on this topic, it remains open and new studies continue to be published that enhance previous interpretations by extending the geographical framework and introducing new approaches. Land, Proto-Industry and Population in Catalonia, c. 1680–1829, which is very well structured and excellently written, is a new contribution to this field. Julie Marfany analyzes the transition to capitalism in Catalonia, a region in the northeast of Spain that began to experience a process of industrialization similar to that of England in the eighteenth century. Her objective is to compare the case of Catalonia with occurrences in northeast Europe and to establish, first, the extent to which conclusions drawn from the studies on northern Europe can be generalized so as to constitute a model of transition from feudalism to capitalism and, second, the characteristics that made Catalonia different from other areas in southern Europe, where industrialization began much later.

Marfany displays an excellent knowledge of the international literature on the transition to capitalism and of the research carried out on the different components of this transition in Catalonia. Her contribution fundamentally consists of introducing the Catalan experience in the context of Europe as a whole, examining the evolution of Catalonia in light of more general interpretations. Furthermore, she examines the various aspects of the Catalan transition—for example, agricultural transformations, development of the protoindustry, changes in consumer behavior—together as a whole; until now, they have only been analyzed separately.

The author adopts a microstudy approach, using the town of Igualada. During the eighteenth century, Igualada became the region's principal production center of woolen cloth; later, it was an important center of the cotton industry. The community also participated in the expansion of commercial viticulture that characterized Catalonia's transition to agricultural capitalism. Marfany approaches Igualada as a microcosm of the transformations occurring in Catalonia in the eighteenth century, drawing from the rich historical documentation that the town has conserved. The household is the unit of study because, according to the author, “it is in studying the interactions of households with other households and with markets, as producers and consumers, that the specific relations of production that defined nascent capitalism can be identified and studied” (p. 5).

The book is divided into two parts. The first, titled “Transitions to Capitalism?,” explores the growth of production for the market in Catalonia in the eighteenth century, through both the commercial wine-producing sector and the protoindustrial production of woolen cloth and, later, cotton. Marfany highlights that in many areas of France and the interior of Flanders—and contrary to the English model—the expansion of commercial agriculture was based on a proliferation of small family farms, many with sharecropping contracts. Also peculiar to the Catalan case was the continued existence of a type of emphyteutic contract that practically granted ownership rights to the farmers and that facilitated the expansion of wine production. Protoindustrial textile production, on the other hand, seemed to have been essential for the subsequent industrialization process. The expansion in agriculture and manufacturing lowered the marriageable age, increased marital fertility, and reduced emigration, leading to rapid population growth during the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. However, this prosperity did not manage to fully avoid the Malthusian trap. Catalonia paid a high price for its economic growth, in the form of periodic mortality crises and high rates of child mortality.

The second part of the book, titled “Industrious Consumers?,” analyzes the link between the market and households, and it also deals with the way in which changes in the labor market and consumer patterns were embodied in Catalonia, which led to the use of the term “industrious revolution” in the northeast of Europe. Marfany reveals that an intensification of labor for the market in Catalonia was similar to that pointed out by Jan De Vries in the case of northeast Europe. However, Marfany clarifies that in Catalonia this reflected not a voluntary desire to access and consume new goods, but rather an attitude that family units were obliged to adopt in order to survive, due to the burdens of a challenging natural environment, increasing taxes, and other charges.

The book concludes, therefore, that the transition to capitalism in Catalonia did not correspond to the model of northern Europe and that the capital-intensive route toward capitalism and industrialization taken by England was probably less widespread than the labor-intensive route observed in Catalonia and other places. It is a valuable contribution to the international debate on the transition to capitalism, but it also constitutes an in-depth analysis of the economic growth of Catalonia, essential to understanding the evolution of this region and of Spain as a whole in the eighteenth century.