Introduction
This paper explores the process of training race reindeer in which cultural knowledge, skills and the relationship between the human and the reindeer are examined. The paper explores training race reindeer in northern Finland among Finnish reindeer herders with a specific focus on traditional Finnish reindeer herding practices. Ethnographic interviews from the field are used to describe the process of training race reindeer and the cultural practices involved in preparation for racing competition. These are presented by reindeer owners who are experienced in training race reindeer to explore reindeer racing as a cultural ritual. In this instance the term ‘ritual’ is the traditional and contemporary reindeer herding and training practices that are exercised in training race reindeer. The ethnographic interviews primarily focus on two interviewees, to illustrate the perspectives of the reindeer owner, who lives and works in the traditional village and the reindeer owner who works in the city. These ethnographic interviews play a crucial role in giving insight into the choices and actions taken by the reindeer trainers. Furthermore, it gives an understanding of the process of training the race reindeer from a traditional as well as a more contemporary perspective. The paper also explores how the reindeer racing competition reinforces northern identity, which is unique to Lapland and the Arctic regions. It investigates how this coincides with the training of the reindeer and how this transfers into the sport. This opens further questions as the research develops on how the competition defines northern culture and how this will evolve with the raise in international tourism to the region.
Methodology and theoretical concepts
The paper is a result of a pilot study that focuses on the history and culture associated with the process of training race reindeer for the World Cup competition. This study is the beginning of a larger research project, which examines reindeer racing events and the possible positive exchange that this might have with increasing tourism to Lapland, specifically from the United Kingdom. The research explores some of the new challenges that the reindeer herding community faces as the next generation is exposed to wider career and life choices. The reindeer racing organisation has welcomed this research, and is interested in presenting reindeer racing competition, in particular the World Cup, to the international tourist community. The United Kingdom is already perceived as a country that has a special relationship with Finland through tourism and the Santa Claus industry. The research will open opportunities for other research projects in the future and have positive social impacts on the communities involved.
The organisation for implementing the research drew on Spradley's (Reference Spradley1979) work to discover meaningful cultural patterns through participant observations and ethnographic interviews. It facilitated closer analysis to understand how cultural expressions and ethnic identity are used in defining and building relationships with the race reindeer. Furthermore, it assisted in giving us more understanding of how reindeer racing is perceived specifically as a northern culture and is used to celebrate and define aspects of the traditions performed throughout the process of training the race reindeer and participating in the event.
The ethnographic method was a tool for understanding the reindeer racing culture, which for the purpose of the research is described as a micro-culture. Spradley (Reference Spradley1979) draws attention to micro-cultures as systems of cultural knowledge characteristic of subgroups within larger societies. In this instance, the Finns in Lapland and Sámi cultures are perceived as separate cultures from the wider and popular Finnish culture. The research was carried out over a period of one year in which the first author visited Lapland four times to participate in ethnographic interviews and observe the reindeer racing events. The knowledge that has been brought to this research is also a result of visits to the reindeer training events in Kuusamo and racing events in Oulu, Levi, Pudasjärvi and Kuusamo in 2011–2012, in which participant observation and causal discussions with the reindeer herders, jockeys and the reindeer herding families were held during the games and training events. As the discussions were not formal interviews, this was used as background is information to give insight into the process of training a race reindeer and understanding of how the reindeer herders see the future of the event as a global one.
The introduction to the reindeer herders for ethnographic interviews for this pilot study was carried out by the f i r s t author who initiated the project and by a research colleague Mrs Terhi Vuojala-Magga who lives and works in the north as a reindeer herder and who conducts research at the Arctic Centre in Rovaniemi. I am very grateful to her for her participation in the research. She explained the nature of the project to the reindeer herders and translated the questions to them and their answers were then translated back into English. Some reindeer herders have a very good command of English, but preferred to speak in Finnish. Further questions arose as the answers became more detailed and interesting, which enriched anthropological discussions after the ethnographic interviews and the transcripts that were later translated. The interviewees were chosen because of their experience of selecting and handling race reindeer. The reindeer herders were established in the reindeer racing community and understand the complex relationships that are built with the race reindeer and the trainer in addition to the practices involved with training race reindeer.
The interview questions were carefully designed to understand the history of the races, which were not officially documented and the dynamics involved in training a race reindeer. This is complex and incorporates the development of the relationship between the reindeer trainer and the race reindeer. It reflects the northern identity and illustrates how traditional rituals and the culture of reindeer herding practices can create a contemporary sport. One of the fundamental questions of the study was how ‘wild’ or semi-domesticated animals such as reindeer relate to humans in the process of training and racing. Furthermore, it was important for the research to examine the significance of the competition as part of the reindeer herding culture and identity. The reindeer herders association was contacted and a presentation was given at the race reindeer committee meeting, after which permission to interview its members was granted. Mrs Terhi Vuojala-Magga was asked to assist in contacting members of the reindeer herding community to participate in ethnographic interviews. She did this by speaking to local reindeer herders who were very difficult to reach initially, but later agreed to be interviewed.
The questions were designed as open-ended questions to give insight into the reindeer herders’ perspectives of his relationship with the race reindeer. For instance: ‘What do you think about reindeer and what is the meaning for you?’, ‘What is the history of reindeer racing?’, ‘What do you consider to be a ‘good’ reindeer?’, ‘What physical characteristics make a potential champion reindeer?’, ‘How do you know when the reindeer is ready to start training?’, ‘How do you know when the reindeer is ready to follow the trainer?’, ‘How do you communicate with the reindeer?’, ‘How do you see the future for reindeer racing?’, ‘Is international tourism considered to be positive step for the reindeer racing sport and community?’. The responses to these questions were varied drawing on race reindeer historical stories, personal stories about champion reindeers, working with reindeer, the reindeer economy, among others. The result enhanced our knowledge of the process of training race reindeer and reached the research objectives. There were a total of 30 interviews carried out with reindeer herders and tourists for this research.
For the purpose of this paper, I have relied upon the ethnographic interviews of two reindeer herders, Mauri and Erkki with whom the interviews were carried out in 2012. Only the reindeer herders’ first names are used in order to protect their identity. Mauri is a traditional Finnish reindeer herder, who has a long history of racing reindeer and earlier owned a champion called Tapiolainen. Mauri's interview was carried out at his home in the company of his wife and his adult son. The questions were answered by Mauri, but his wife and son provided more details to his answers and prompted his memory on issues that were relevant to the questions being asked. Erkki organises the reindeer racing event in Rovaniemi and showed vast amounts of knowledge about the process of training race reindeer. His interview was more formal and carried out in the dining area of a hotel. The contrast between both informants is distinctive because Mauri resides in the reindeer herder community and Erkki resides in the city of Rovaniemi. This provides an important contrast of the perspectives of the reindeer herder that traditionally lives and works with reindeer and the reindeer herder that works in the city. This paper analyses the process of training the reindeer from these two perspectives. Both interviews were conducted in Finnish.
Keywords such as ‘wild’ and ‘practices’ used in training and racing reindeer were recorded with the view that they would become important concepts for understanding traditional and cultural discourses and rituals within the reindeer racing community, as the project develops. It was observed that the reindeer herders called semi-domesticated reindeer ‘wild’, which was interesting as the reindeer are in contact with humans. This made me consider how the race reindeer is viewed compared to the semi-domesticated reindeer as they spend longer periods with the reindeer herder. The ethnographic interviews and races were listed and the ethnographic interviews were analysed. Spradley's volumes The ethnographic interview (Reference Spradley1979) and Participant observation (1980) were used to organise the collation of data and to analyse the results. The ethnographic interviews and reindeer racing events were recorded and transcribed as a basis for the analysis of the cultural language and practices.
Spradley (Reference Spradley1979) methods provided a workable approach to using systematic techniques that were vital for understanding the basic aspects of race reindeer culture and exploring specific domains that presented themselves on entry to the community. His methods were also used to identify difficulties and apply problem-solving solutions to participant, conceptual and analytical problems that arose at any particular time. Though Spradley (Reference Spradley1979) was useful in providing a holistic approach to engaging in participant observation and ethnographic techniques, it failed to explore the alternative methodologies and was narrow in the introduction of varied skills for interviewing and analysis. Pelto and Pelto (Reference Pelto and Pelto1978) also provided a variety of techniques, in particular qualitative methods in anthropological research. Their deductive and inductive strategies were used to analyse oral narratives against a model of power, which will be explored in the research as it develops. This enabled us to understand the relationship between power and the influence of oral narratives and how they affected concepts such as identity and culture. Cruikshank's (Reference Cruikshank1998) work was consulted to give insight into how meanings shift in oral narratives as the teller addresses audiences, situations and historical contexts. This is in particular how the ethnographic interview acquires authority as it is transferred from the narrator to the audience.
The approach taken in the research was used to seek out the important concepts and patterns of the race reindeer culture, as well as to analyse and understand to the best of my knowledge how the race reindeer community perceives these. In order to do this, I relied on experts in reindeer herding and race reindeer trainers who were willing to teach me about the race reindeer and the race reindeer community. This was beneficial as Mrs Vuojala-Magga has experience of training sledge reindeer and she was able to explain some of the techniques of training sledge reindeer and make comparisons with training race reindeer, which made it easier to understand some of the training processes and relationships with the race reindeer. In particular, I focused on the analysis of narrative in which the training of the reindeer and the processes that developed the power relationship between the trainer and the reindeer were explored.
The research methods applied in this fieldwork were separated into two halves, which sometimes overlapped and integrated when information was being gathered. These methods were used to describe the cultural behaviour and to document the reindeer herder's understanding of how to train a race reindeer through the transference of knowledge using oral narrative and ethnographic interviews. This enabled me to explore complex concepts based on reindeer experts and herders perspectives. The second approach was to observe and identify patterns of behaviour in social settings, which enhanced the information already provided through detailed interview questions. The research focused on explicit cultural knowledge, defined as cultural knowledge communicated by language, and, to the extent that this is possible, tacit cultural knowledge, defined as all the things we know but cannot express or talk about in direct ways (Spradley Reference Spradley1979: 9). Much of the research revolved around the ethnographic interviews and the fieldwork, which had its limitations as it was not possible to spend long periods of time in the field at one time due to the restrictions of the pilot study.
I understood that within the context of ‘traditional’ the activities were symbolic as a powerful reinforcement of cultural knowledge. At the personal level, this added significance to the skills and practices I learned about the culture of reindeer training and racing practices that I experienced in my observations. The concept of ‘tradition’ may be defined as the action of transmitting or handing down information from one generation to the next (Simpson and Weiner Reference Simpson and Weiner1989). I understood that the ‘tradition’ was practised in numerous ways and was often referred to when people carried out customary practices. Tradition is not only found in old customary behaviour but also in changes with the introduction of technology. For instance, in research among the Deh Cho Dene of northern Canada, hunting moose remains a traditional practice even when guns are used instead of bows and arrows (Moore Reference Moore2005). According to Hymes (1964) cultural traits such as languages vary by the extent and the nature of their integration into the societies and cultures in which they occur. Whilst I understood emphasis on ‘tradition’ to have a positive impact on our exposure to race reindeer culture, it also led me to question the idea of ‘tradition’, and in particular how the concept is used to establish the importance of the cultural practices.
Reindeer herding in Finland
The reindeer herding area in Finland covers 114,000 km2, which is almost one third of the surface area of the country. In 2002 there were about 200,000 semi-domesticated reindeer and 5,485 reindeer owners in the reindeer herding community and in 2006–2007 this latter figure had declined to 4,900 (Myrvoll Reference Myvoll, Ulvevadet and Klokov2004: 99–100; Näkkäläjärvi Reference Näkkäläjärvi and Rantamäki-Lahtinen2007a: 78; Vuojala-Magga Reference Vuojala-Magga and Tennberg2012). The practice of reindeer herding was already established and organised in the 1700s. Now there are 56 herding co-operatives, which were established since the early 19th century. Each reindeer herder is a shareholder in a herding co-operative and the Reindeer Husbandry Act (1990) creates the policies that are observed by the herding co-operatives. In Finland the authorities b a sed t h e management structure of reindeer herding on the nineteenth century eastern tradition of reindeer husbandry (Reindeer Herding Act 1932; Jensletten and Klokov Reference Jernslettern and Klokov2002; Kortesalmi Reference Kortesalmi2007: 382–385). Each co-operative is organised by its members, who are closely connected and work together frequently. The election of the head of a herding co-operative [poroisäntä] is carried out using a system based on the numbers of reindeer with each herder holding as many votes depending on the amount of animals owned (Reindeer Herding Act 1932). Each herder in a co-operative has personal rights and obligations according to the number of reindeer he or she owns (Reindeer Herders’ Association 1960–2007; Reindeer Husbandry Act 1990; Kortesalmi, 1996; 2007; Vuojala-Magga Reference Vuojala-Magga and Tennberg2012). The rights and interests of the co-operatives are protected by the Reindeer Herders’ Association, which is administrated by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (Reindeer Husbandry Act, 1990). The ministry confirms the largest permissible numbers of living reindeer for each co-operative once per decade. In Finland both ethnic Finns and Sámi have similar rights to own reindeer and engage in reindeer herding.
In contemporary Finnish society reindeer herding is often perceived as a traditional way of life for both the local Finnish and Sámi population. The first semi-domesticated reindeer were tamed from the wild Scandinavian mountain deer. The semi-domestication of reindeer was later adopted by the Finnish population and spread quickly from the southwest to Enontekio and Inari in the 1600s and to Utsjoki a hundred years later (Reindeer Herders Association 2005). The use of reindeer in Finland remains important to its economy and the social structure of some communities in the north of the country (Dana and Light Reference Dana and Light2011). The domesticated reindeer has been a part of northern people's lives since the 1600s due to the primary needs for food, clothes and tools. Moreover, reindeer were used as a draught or sled pulling animal during the winter and as a pack animal during summer. This was before the birth of extensive reindeer herding in the 1700s that originated from Russia, Norway and Sweden (Näkkäläjärvi Reference Näkkäläjärvi, Magga and Elo2007b: 40). Ingold (Reference Ingold1986) describes the first association of man and reindeer dating back to half a million years ago. The relationship between reindeer and humans anchors on the hunter-gatherers who hunted wild reindeer and the farmers and reindeer herders who use semi-domesticated reindeer for their livelihoods (Ingold Reference Ingold2000). Until around 1962, draught reindeer were commonly used, which marks the snowmobile revolution (Pelto Reference Pelto1973), when draught reindeer were completely replaced by snowmobiles (Müller-Wille and Pelto Reference Müller-Wille and Pelto1971; Hukkinen and others Reference Hukkinen, Müller-Wille and Aikio2006; Müller-Wille Reference Müller-Wille1978; Pelto Reference Pelto1973). Müller-Wille and Pelto (Reference Müller-Wille and Pelto1971: 60) write, ‘The use of reindeer sleds for any sort of transportation was almost completely obsolete by 1967, and even economically marginal households throughout northern Lapland found means to purchase machines during the late 60s’.
In contemporary society, reindeers are a living resource central to the culture of many northern circumpolar indigenous peoples, including the Sámi, as well as non-indigenous peoples in some areas for example in Finland and Russia (Forbes and others Reference Forbes, Bölter and Müller-Wille2006: 12). Ingold describes the contrasts between the attitudes towards land by the Sámi and the Finns. For the Sámi the forest is a domain in which lives and identities are inscribed, while for Finns it is a resource to be appropriated and transformed (Ingold, Reference Ingold and Mousalimas1997: 69). Similarly, for the Sámi reindeer ownership is a source of wealth and value, whereas the Finns view reindeer ownership as a secondary source of income (Ingold Reference Ingold and Mousalimas1997). Likewise, Paine (Reference Paine1994) discusses how herding is about the control and nurture of the reindeer within their terrain and husbandry is about the growth of capital and profit (Forbes and others Reference Forbes, Bölter and Müller-Wille2006: 14; Ulvevadet and Klokov Reference Ulvevadet and Klokov2004; Jernsletten and Klokov Reference Jernslettern and Klokov2002; Dana and Light Reference Dana and Light2011). I take this one step further and argue that in the race reindeer community the semi-domestication of reindeer has a sophisticated human/animal culture. The animal is perceived as more than a commodity, but gains status in some cases as a good friend. This is based on the continued communication between the animal and human, which is intensified over the years.
Human and reindeer relations and the process of race reindeer training
My brother had a reindeer that was so old it had no teeth (it was such a dear animal for my brother) that when my brother went to the tiipii to relax and have some beers, the reindeer and him would lay in the tiipii together. He was so attached to the reindeer that he could not kill it. Finally, it was so old that could no longer eat food without teeth. Eventually a friend killed the reindeer and the meat was divided between my brother and his friend. My brother's wife made a soup with the reindeer and gave it to him. He tried to eat and as he tasted the meat he said that the meat was not good and that it tasted ‘bad’. So, he gave all the meat away to another friend. . . . I ate the soup and noticed that the meat was in fact very good, but I understood that my brother could not eat the meat because the reindeer was his good friend (Mauri 2012).
The ethnographic interviews discuss the relationship between the race reindeer and the reindeer trainers and owners. It shows the depth of attachment felt by the reindeer owner to the reindeer and gives a sense of their emotional attachment in the spoken words. Mauri's discussed his brother's relationship with his race reindeer to show the intensity of the human/animal companionship after many years. The interview reveals the depth of the friendship, which appears to be based on the reindeer's predictability and trustworthiness. This suggests that the demands of the solitary care for the race reindeer during the intense years of training (domestication, feeding and physical training) produces a reciprocal relationship between both the trainer and the race reindeer. In this case the construction of emotional closeness, a comfortable intimacy that is intensified. Mauri's description of his brother's relationship with the animal proposes an emotional connectivity with the animal and satisfaction for his interpersonal relationship with the reindeer. The reindeer shares social activities that are usual in human male companionship. His brother's refusal to eat the ‘bad’ reindeer meat after it was slaughtered magnifies the depth of their attachment.
Mauri's also discussed his relationship with his former race reindeer called Tapiolainen, which was an established reindeer champion at the peak of its racing career. In his interview he gave an indication of the emotional bonds that emphasise the fondness and respect for the animal. These sentiments were also constantly displayed by the racers and trainers who worked with the animal before its accidental death. It was clear in the interview that the reindeer remains respected in death by its owners as a great reindeer champion. A picture was brought out of the animal to show its magnificence as a reindeer champion. The stories from the ethnographic interview illustrate two different outcomes for the reindeer champions. For Mauri's brother, the race reindeer became a best friend and companion. Tapiolainen was respected and immortalised as a great champion. However, the respect and acknowledgement seen in Tapiolainen's story as a great champion was not present with Mauri's brother's race reindeer story, which showed that the relationship with race reindeer is multi-layered.
The ethnographic interview shows that although reindeers are more commonly herded for the livelihood of the reindeer herder, there is a variety of ways to relate to the reindeer, which are not estranged and impersonal. The process of training a race reindeer starts with the exposure to a new environment, which cultivates a more intense relationship. The animal is selected for its character, which is very important and this is assessed, amplified and placed at the centre of the human/animal relationship (Anderson Reference Anderson, Anderson and Nuttall2004; Osherenko Reference Osherenko1988). Mauri's interviews show the emotional bonds that exist with the champion reindeers and the multi-layers that exist in the human/animal relationship. The ethnographic interviews revealed that people train the reindeer because they have their own interests and styles in raising and racing a race reindeer. Mauri's ethnographic interview embodied an enthusiasm for training and taking care of the animals. The stories of Mauri and his brother demonstrate the different ways in which time and invested interest in the race reindeer can eventually lead to varying levels of bonding. The practice of training race reindeer I believe is established on the sociable and responsive behaviour between both the reindeer and the reindeer trainer.
The research revealed that the knowledge required for training reindeer is a combination of personal experiences as well as shared experiences to get the best results from the reindeer. Mauri's interview describes the race reindeer and the sledge reindeer's attitudes once they have become familiar with the reindeer trainer and their environment:
The calf is sent out to the wild and in the second year it starts its training and is to become familiar with people when it is tied to the tree. I tied 9 calves to the tree and when I went to train one of them, the other reindeers started to cry out because they wanted to go with me. . . . When you feed reindeer they are very different to ‘wild’ reindeer. Race reindeer and sledge reindeer come to the house when unharnessed and will be asked to stay outside (Mauri 2012).
Mauri describes the semi-domesticated reindeer as a ‘wild’ animal, which implies that this is the perception of some members from the reindeer herding community. The disconnected relationship between the semi-domesticated reindeer and the reindeer herder is magnified in the remark of the tied up reindeers manner towards the trainer. The reindeers undergo a process of familiarisation with human beings and ‘man-made’ surroundings. The ethnographic interview illustrated the calf's dependency on the trainer for food and their overall domestication in their surroundings. Oral narrative from a Finnish reindeer herder suggests that the methods used to tame reindeer in Finland are traditional and were practiced from the beginning. It was concluded that reindeer training began in the winter season with the animal begin tied to a tree and the process of hunger and relying on the herdsman for food established the domination of the reindeer herder. The most skilled reindeer was singled out and trained to become a riding or pack reindeer. These reindeer were initially trained on the ice and later joined other experienced reindeer, which was considered the best form of training.
The origins of Sámi sport originate from reindeer herding, riding behind reindeer in the sledge or on skis, these practices have been transformed into sporting events (Eskola Reference Eskola1993: 5; Huttunen Reference Huttunen and Korhonen1995; Skilles Reference Skilles, Hallnan and Judd2013). In his interview Mauri (2012) tells how the first reindeer races were organised and competed in by the Sámi and were held in Inari, Utsjoki and Ivalo. For the most part, reindeer racing is considered a traditional activity that is practiced in its original form, unlike reindeer husbandry, which is reliant on modern equipment (Varsi Reference Varsi1997; Skilles Reference Skilles, Hallnan and Judd2013). Mauri told a traditional story, which is commonly known among the reindeer herders in his community and gives a flavour of how people raced in the beginning. ’In the early days there was a racer who had a traditional fur coat and he was racing with a sledge. The fur coat got caught under the sledge and he hung onto the fur coat and he slid all the way to the final. This is a very old story.’ Mauri (2012).
Mauri's interview shows that the first races were conducted on sledges or ahkoi and involved risks when participating in the games. He explained that the Golden Cup has always been held in Inari and Ivalo and this was associated with social events such as dances that lasted for two weeks. Huttunen (Reference Huttunen and Korhonen1995) states that the competitions were initially between the villages, but are now competing internationally, across the borders with Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. The Reindeer Cup has been established for at least 57 years and involves five heats ending with the Reindeer championship that is held annually in Inari. The reindeer racing season starts in February and finishes in March. The qualifying races are usually held in different locations in Finland (Levi, Pudasjärvi, Aavasaksa, Kuusamo, Oulu and Rovaniemi), and consist of the general races that appeal to race enthusiasts and reindeer owners. The reindeer races are one of the oldest forms of competition in the northern region and more recently have been enjoyed by people from all over the world. The training of race reindeer involves further training of the semi-domesticated reindeer. The ethnographic interviews revealed that there are two stages to the process of training a reindeer for racing, the first being the further domestication of the animal in its familiarisation with humans and the human environment. The second is the development of the human race reindeer relationship that requires trust and a degree of mutual understanding, which revolves around working together to achieve the results found in an animal/human friendship or partnership.
Selection for training
Traditionally, there are no emotional attachments to reindeer as often found in relationships with a horse, as reindeer are considered to be ‘wild’ or semi-domesticated and spend a large proportion of their lives foraging in the wilderness (Reindeer Herders Association 2002; Helle and Kojola Reference Helle and Kojola1993, Kumpula and others Reference Kumpula, Colpaert and Niemineni2000). However, this research has revealed that such traditions may have been transformed as illustrated in Mauri's brother's emotional attachment to his race reindeer. Mauri's interview (2012) shows that some reindeer calves are removed from the herd and some orphaned are hand reared. These reindeer are used to human company, in particular those that are trained by people who have the time to devote themselves to nurturing reindeer. This is important when training a race reindeer as the knowledge of the reindeer's emotional and physical capabilities is important in producing a champion.
The calf born in the spring is selected in the same year at autumn round up and the male calves, most of them are sold for slaughter and people check for good looking calves (character, body shape, antlers), those they don't kill and they let them go into the forest again). There might be only a few calves selected - because people don't know at the end of the day whether the calf is ok for racing or whether it will even survive the next coming year. Eventually, if there are good looking male calves during one year a trainer might pick them out. This is a quick decision because people have to decide to kill them or keep the reindeer alive in the kirnu [place of selection] for running reindeer. . . . The bottom of the legs has to be straight and the front legs thin, the back has to be long because this gives it speed - it has to show also that it has the will to run (Mauri 2012).
This interview shows the significant amount of uncertainty in the training of reindeer. In particular, there is unpredictability in whether the chosen reindeer will be a successful champion. The reindeer owner relies heavily on his/her judgement, experience and knowledge to determine the untrained reindeer's racing potential. ‘There might be only a few calves selected - because people don't know at the end of the day whether the calf is ok for racing or whether it will even survive the next coming year’ (Mauri 2012). The interview by Mauri and his wife gives some insight into the qualities that were sought after when selecting a prospective champion. The basic criterion for the selected reindeer is that it is in good physical condition, has a calm temperament and the ability to run with speed.
The interviews show that the process of selecting a reindeer for racing is quick and involves risk the moment the decision has been made. The untrained reindeer is subject to a number of underlying uncertainties that are not yet revealed. The selection involves loss of earning because the reindeer is not slaughtered but instead sent back to graze freely. Thus the first few years of training are ultimately based on chance, mostly because reindeers are not bred for the purpose of racing as in the case of race horses. Furthermore, once the reindeer begin to train, they continue to be sent out to graze freely during the summer months and are rounded up again in the autumn. The decisions have to be made swiftly because of the economic factors surrounding the slaughtering of reindeers (Ingold Reference Ingold and Mousalimas1997; Beach Reference Beach, Kockel, Craith and Frykman2012; Huikkinen and others Reference Hukkinen, Müller-Wille and Aikio2006). Mauri's ethnographic interview gives insight by showing a set of standards that relate to shared information within the reindeer racing community, which are applied in the selection of potential race reindeer. It revealed that the reindeer must be male and have specific physical qualities and have particular characteristics in their personality to be considered as a potential race reindeer.
The oral narratives showed that the independent decision-making involved in assessing the qualities of a good race reindeer are based on many years of contact and personal experience in the racing community. According to Wenger (Reference Wenger1999), the acquisition of knowledge by the individual is the process of social participation. The strategies used in selecting and training reindeer illustrate the ways in which owners and trainers build their relationship with the reindeer and that these set standards are circulated and practiced in the race reindeer community. In this context, the acquisition of knowledge, experience and personal connections with members of the race reindeer community qualifies the herder as a legitimate and valued member of the community.
Customary sports such as reindeer racing give importance to tradition and culture, in which ethnic identities can be played out without constraints (Skilles Reference Skilles, Hallnan and Judd2013). Although ethnicity and identity are prominent aspects of these practices (Barth Reference Barth1969; Huttunen Reference Huttunen and Korhonen1995), it is argued that the demonstration of knowledge and wisdom that are characteristic of the community is central to the construction and reconstruction of the identity. This is tied to the traditions, skills, narratives and discourse associated with the reindeer racing community. The oral narratives shared by reindeer herders give some understanding of how reindeer owners are practitioners that have a sophisticated shared language through years of experience and shared stories in the ways of training race reindeer (Wenger Reference Wenger1999; Lave Reference Lave, Resnick, Levine and Teasley1991). Fairclough (Reference Fairclough2003) argues that language is part of the social process, in which different social settings generate human cooperation, discourse and identities across a particular network of social practices. This process is important in understanding the events that shape social behaviour and identity through the network of human interaction. The practice of acknowledging reindeer trainers for their skill and cultural knowledge is confirmed by the recognition and acceptance that is given to individuals in the community. Lave and Wenger (Reference Lave and Wenger1991) present this in their observations of different apprenticeships. Initially people have to join communities and learn at the periphery, and as they become more competent they move more to the ‘centre’ of the particular community. Learning is, therefore, not seen as the acquisition of knowledge by individuals as much as a process of social participation. The nature of the situation impacts significantly on the process (Lave and Wenger Reference Lave and Wenger1991: 29). The ethnographic interview below illustrates this as the narrator, Erkki, who is well-established in the reindeer racing community, discusses the techniques used in selecting a potential champion race reindeer:
The reindeer is not treated like the horse because it is a semi-domesticated animal and is let free during the summer time. When autumn comes around it's difficult to know which reindeer got the females pregnant, unlike the horse. The rule of thumb is that if you know the female that has given birth to good calves for racing, then you observe that calf. Also people know where the good male racing reindeers have been grazing, which means that the calves in this area have good racing potential. And usually you are observing this calf for 1 year then you will really know whether the calf has good racing potential. You know the calf is physically good if he has long legs and a long back compared to the other calves. It's a question of eye observation. . . . The speed of the reindeer is usually inside of the reindeer. It is always good to have a calf if the reindeer is good, it has better lungs and better muscles and if you pick up a champion then you as the trainer become the champion because of the connection between the reindeer and the man. It could be six years before you win and you may not be the champion trainer because the reindeer hasn't won the championship and the reindeer has to face the race (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
Erkki's interview shows similarities to Mauri's in the selection of a potentially good race reindeer, both interviews tell of the challenges, which subtly show the economic risks and loss of time. They reveal that the knowledge of selecting reindeer is governed by a practice that is connected to a set of rules, which are based on local skills and experiences established in the reindeer racing community. They suggest that the knowledge of the reindeer owners and trainers is developed over time and the result of shared practice and repertoire (Wenger and others Reference Wenger, McDermott and Snyder2002; Linell Reference Linell1998; Scollon Reference Scollon1998, Reference Scollon2001; Fuller and Unwin Reference Fuller and Unwin2003). This knowledge is based on a collection of information that is physical and cognitive. These practices are also connected to discourses, which are linked to the social interactions based on mutual engagements between reindeer herding members and their own personal experiences. The discourse is important because its gives structure and meaning to the idea of the negotiated character of what is considered to be the practice for the successful selection of a good race reindeer (Wenger Reference Wenger1998; Wenger and Lave Reference Wenger and Lave1991).
The interview draws attention to the process of selection and gives insight into how the calf is chosen by the reindeer owner and the thought process of considering the criteria and the potential development of a successful race reindeer. It suggests that the selection of reindeer is not only dependent on past experience, but is also emotionally charged as the observations and choices are also dependent on ‘gut feelings’ or ‘guess work’. ‘The rule of thumb is that if you know the female that has given birth to good calves for racing, then you observe that calf. Also people know where the good male racing reindeers have been grazing, which means that the calves in this area have good racing potential’ (Erkki Reference Erkki2012). This is because the reindeer owner makes assumptions of where the champion reindeer has grazed in an area. It is assumed that he has probably mated with the female reindeer in the area. Erkki mentions that ‘It's a question of eye observation’, which suggests that experience and knowledge are complex in the understanding of what makes a good race reindeer in the initial stages of the selection process.
The physical features of a reindeer are as important as understanding how to train them. The reindeer owner Erkki's interview highlights the level of understanding of the nature of the human relationship with the reindeer herders according to the culture and customs involved with training reindeer racing. The interview captures the important element of the traditional knowledge in the selection of the calf for training. He shows himself as a practitioner in his own right and that his judgement in the choice of reindeer comes from shared and personal experiences. The significance of this experience is a result of sharing verbal exchanges, shared stories and practical experiences with other reindeer owners within the community, which is evident in his description of the physical attributes of a potentially ‘good’ calf.
The bottom of the back legs has to be straight and the front legs thin. The back legs have to be long because this gives it speed and the reindeer has to show also the will of running. The next year autumn-winter ‘the possible race reindeer’ is one and a half years old and is then called ‘urakka’. They take the one and half year old or two and half year old reindeer home and then tie them to the tree, it is called ‘ventaa’ and then keep it there during the day time and keep it by the fence at night (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
The interview describes the ideal physical characteristics and the process that the reindeer experiences before it is eligible to start training to run for competition. The calf's body is observed physically for speed, however, the context of the interview also reveals how the physical structure is not only appreciated for the potential of racing, but its emotional character. The reindeer needs to settle into the human environment, which involves emotional control and the observation of the new surroundings. Furthermore, the most important element of this process is forming a new kind of social relationship with human beings.
The knowledge about where to look for the reindeer and whether the speed is ‘inside’ is critical when choosing reindeer for racing. The speed being ‘inside’ the reindeer signified its will and ability to run fast or to full capacity. This process of taking the reindeer and tying it to a pole or tree outside the house is the practice of getting the reindeer used to humans and human activity. Mrs Vuojala-Magga's discussion of working with sledge reindeer, mentioned that when the reindeer is harnessed to a tree, this teaches it to trust the sounds and movements around the yard. This is conceivable as reindeers are herding animals with the natural instinct to flee swiftly away from predators. This enabled me to process Mauri's interview more deeply as I understood that the reindeer's natural instinct stimulates the animal's will to run, which is connected to the idea of being caught by a predator. Thus, I understood the importance of the reindeer trainer's ability to control the race reindeer by walking front of it. This confirmed that the natural instincts are fundamental in the making of a champion race reindeer as they urge the reindeer to try to run a head of the jockey who is behind the reindeer on skies during the race. The reindeer's natural instinct stimulates the animal's running that is connected to the idea of being caught by a predator, so it will try to overtake a human. Hale (Reference Hale and Hafez1969) argues that the critical period of taming the reindeer is in its early infancy when it begins to identify itself in relation to the individuals in its immediate surroundings. During the ethnographic interview with Mauri (2012), it was explained that the trust of the animal was vitally important, and desensitising the animal to the human environment both emotionally and tactically is one key aspect to relationship building between the animal and its trainer.
Mauri's interview discusses the process of transforming a semi-domesticated reindeer into a race reindeer. He reveals the level of communication between the reindeer trainer and the reindeer and how the information is shared and understood by the animal and human.
The reindeer should not be touched under the stomach and side, as well as the area of the tail as these are the most sensitive areas and will make the animal run . . . When the reindeer is being harnessed the trainer has to be firm because the reindeer is afraid and therefore, it is important that the trainer is gentle and not aggressive because the reindeer is not used to being touched (Mauri 2012).
The ethnographic interview presents the importance of handling semi-domesticated reindeer. Mauri describes the features that are sensitive to animals that are preyed upon and shows that firmness and building trust are fundamental to the reduction in anxiety and uncertainty in the animal's behaviour. This illustrates that the trainer's actions are fundamental in developing the character of the animal in reindeer/human relationships. In the race itself, it is common knowledge that the personality of the reindeer is an important factor in the making of a champion. This is seen in Mauri's ethnographic interview, when he mentions that his reindeer Tapiolainen used to sit quietly before a race and was a successful champion. The energetic or ‘rave’ reindeer are soon exhausted as they expel energy before the race, which will inevitably affect speed negatively during the race. A reindeer that is calm before the race and runs fast during the race is considered to have the best qualities for making a potential champion.
The sharing of information and communication between the race reindeer owners demonstrate how they share their information with one another is not fully understood. However, there are codes of conduct that are observed in the reindeer herders’ ‘tricks of the trade’ and ‘lessons from past experiences’, which give insight into how knowledge is shared and understood by some members of the reindeer racing community. The methods used in the initial part of the training are personal to the reindeer trainer and often practised away from the public gaze of the other reindeer herders. Erkki's interview included a short story, which exposed the nature of reindeer owners’ and trainers’ attitudes towards each other during the initial stages. It confirmed that the initial stages of training as private and closed to revealing any kind of training methods. ‘One guy from east Finland asks a trainer, how did you get a good reindeer? So the trainer gave him advice. When they met the following year, he said your advice that you gave me didn't fit well with me and the trainer replied, it doesn't fit well with me either’ (Erkki Reference Erkki2010). The exact methods used by the trainer to produce a champion reindeer are not fully understood as told through Erkki's ethnographic interview.
The good reindeer will be separated from the others so that it becomes competitive (although it depends on the personality of the reindeer). Everyone has their personal training area and they don't share their information with everyone else. They don't tell their best tricks to each other and they think that they are the best . . . When the heat has been done during the practice race, then you go to the racing place for training for the common place to go with the reindeer. On a nice day, usually Sunday, the reindeer herder will phone other reindeer herders (usually ten people) and they will observe their reindeer running 500 metres or 1 kilometre (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
The interview suggests that there are two parts to the training; the first is crucial for pacifying the reindeer, in which the animal's personality is analysed and understood. In this context its relations with human beings is developed in a process of becoming more receptive to human activity and the environment. This part of the training contains the ‘tricks of the trade’ and ‘secrets’ that are exclusive to the trainers. The second part of the training involves the exposure to speed and the racing against other race reindeer. In this context the technique of practice runs and racing with other reindeer involves the race community discourse and shared experiences.
The knowledge that is brought to the practice of pacifying and training the race reindeer involves the experience of shared engagements by its trainer. This experience is both personal on the one hand and linked to the social interactions shared with other reindeer trainers and members in the race reindeer community (Wenger Reference Wenger1999; Rommetveit Reference Rommetveit1987; Lave and Wenger Reference Lave and Wenger1991).
Everyone has their personal training area and they don't share their information with everyone else. They don't tell their best tricks to each other and they think that they are the best . . . When the heat has been done during the practice race then you go to the racing place for training for the common place to go with the reindeer (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
In this sense the term ‘community’ refers to the shared knowledge and relationships that the reindeer owners and trainers have with one another (Wenger Reference Wenger1999). In particular the social interactions sustain the personal challenges and social competitions, which connect the reindeer herders in a way that is complex and multi-layered. This can emerge in many forms in terms of the training, competition, power and politics of the reindeer racing community, economic relationships, success and failure, and suspicion. However, in this instance, the practices that are adopted in training race reindeer define the trainers’ identity in the race community as participants who are skilled or not in the process of training a potential champion reindeer. The characteristics that are associated with training the race reindeer is presented in a shared language, which has a sophisticated discourse that is meaningful for the reindeer community (Wenger and others Reference Wenger, McDermott and Snyder2002). This expresses methods of handling reindeer that relate to the membership and identities of the reindeer herders.
Preparing the race reindeer
Each reindeer has its own training programme and these training programmes are passed down from one generation to the next. This is explained in Erkki's (Reference Erkki2012) interview, which describes the reindeer training technique being passed on from father to son.
His father introduced the reindeer from the north to the south. In training the old man kept his eye on his son, who took over. The son should do exactly as the father has done in the past. Each reindeer has its own training programme and the son has to do exactly as his father asks.
This indicates that the technique of training reindeer is carried out through practical experience and is learned by the method of sharing information and hands-on experience, which means listening and observation. It was clear from the interview that the reindeer are seen as individuals and the instructor who is handing down the information can show his apprentice how to identify with the reindeer. The learning process involves following exactly what is being asked of the son (the apprentice) from his father, who has the knowledge and experience. Although there are variations of training a reindeer according to their personalities, it is important that the trainer understands the methods required to train the reindeer. The knowledge handed down is methods that work and do not work in achieving a successful partnership with the reindeer.
The interviews revealed that training race reindeer is an isolated incident for each reindeer herder, which involves his own technique and ‘tricks of the trade’ that provide the recipe for producing a champion. However, it is important to recognise that the techniques practiced in each isolated incident are a result of shared history and engagements with other experienced race reindeer owners and trainers. The training has its own discourse and sets of practices that enables the trainers to pass through one stage of training to the next. In this context the reindeer owners and trainers have shared resources in which a set of goals through a number of traditional practices, which are bound to the discourse of training race reindeer, are central to the community's identity (Anderson Reference Anderson1983; Billig Reference Billig1976; Moore Reference Moore2005). It is important to emphasise that traditional practices are not static, but are fluid in the way that the owners’ and trainers’ judgement adjusts the training techniques to suit the race reindeer (Moore Reference Moore2005). This may be seen in the way they decide to determine the pace in which the reindeer is trained towards the final goal of racing. The ethnographic interview describes how the reindeer is trained after it has become familiar and respectful towards the trainer.
In the autumn the reindeer are in the fence (corral) and the castrated reindeer tend to get fat and we need to drop the weight and the non-castrated reindeer tend to be thinner and will need to pick up their weight. Factory food is given 1kg per reindeer. The skinny reindeer are given small amounts at the beginning. When they reach their optimum weight then you drop the weight to under 1 kilo. You have to know each reindeer personally when you are feeding; it depends on how far you want to take the reindeer for that year. 600 kilometres is too much, it needs to be about 100 or 200 kilometres for training the reindeer, this involves 3 days training and 1 day off and you need to look at the will of the reindeer (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
This interview discusses the initial stages of the training to show the importance given to the physical condition of the reindeer. The reindeer's feeding regime is implemented to achieve a particular weight in the early stages of training, in which there is a considerable difference between the castrated reindeer that increases weight easily and the non-castrated reindeer that suffers weight loss. Castrated reindeers are popular as they are more evenly tempered and stronger than non-castrated males. In general non-castrated males are weak after the rut. The feeding process is an important part of the training as the nutrients are designed to give the reindeer body weight and build up their muscles to cope with racing.
As mentioned earlier, feeding the race reindeer is the first step in the process of building the trust and a personal relationship between the reindeer and the trainer. ‘You need to know each reindeer personally when you are feeding; it depends on how far you want to take the reindeer for that year’ (Mauri 2012). This draws attention to the importance of supplying food to the reindeer to increase the intensification of trust between the reindeer and the trainer. The expression ‘need to know each reindeer personally’ reflects the beginning of the process of identifying with the animal and appreciating it from a holistic viewpoint that is physical and psychological (in terms of the animal's character). When you feed the reindeer they are very different to ‘wild’ reindeer. Race reindeer and sledge reindeer will come to the house when unharnessed and will be asked to stay outside (Mauri 2012). The process of feeding and understanding the reindeer is a valuable part of the training. This is because the reindeer is conditioned to understand the trainer's body language and voice and begins to take cues that will assist the reindeer with learning the next stages in the process of training to race. The reindeer will become more settled and not confused or stressed during the training programme.
Training a race reindeer is a long lasting process. There are various ways of doing it, but the most common training is to walk and run after a snowmobile. You train the reindeer taking him tied to a rope behind the snowmobile. There are two tyres attached to the reindeer in ropes behind the animal. There is 1–2 km distance and the reindeer runs with the tyres - the speed of the snowmobile is adjusted according to the run speed of the reindeer. (This can be seen within the willingness to run of the reindeer). A good reindeer tries to run not at the back of the snowmobile but beside the snowmobile or even tries to overtake it. By doing this - picking up its speed - the trainer picks up the speed of the snowmobile and lets the reindeer run that speed it naturally wants to do. This is the stage of training the fast run. After 1–2 km they turn back home and take a so-called relaxed slow run ‘nulkata’ back home (there are different kinds of runs, just like the horse) - so the reindeer has time to recover and the muscle can get relaxed. The endorphins are released into the bloodstream to relax the muscles. After the run the trainer massages the reindeer on both the back and front of its back (Mauri 2012).
The interview focuses on the training routines of the reindeer to reveal how the animal is exercised to build up its stamina and muscles. The trainer's observations of each reindeer are important at this stage. The training not only prepares the reindeer by changing its physical appearance through muscle building, but by constructing emotional change by nurturing competitiveness inside the reindeer.
A good reindeer tries to run not at the back of the snowmobile but beside the snowmobile or even tries to overtake it. By doing this - picking up its speed - the trainer picks up the speed of the snowmobile and lets the reindeer run that speed it naturally want to do. This is the stage of training the fast run (Mauri 2012).
Central to the animal's training is the opportunity for the trainer to monitor the reindeer's progress through observation and the use of past experiences. For instance the reindeer is given the freedom to build up speed, rhythm and pace, which is established and controlled by the snowmobile. Erkki's (Reference Erkki2012) interview describes this technique in training the reindeer.
The long fence is where the reindeer are able to run freely and the snowmobile is used too, where the reindeer are able to run behind it for 500 or 1 kilometre. Some reindeer can run alone; it depends on the fitness of the animal. The personality of the reindeer counts, un-castrated reindeer love to fight. The reindeer are group animals and like to follow, so the good race reindeer will be separated so that it becomes competitive; although it depends on the personality of the animal (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
This indicates that race reindeer ideally must maintain a state of calm, obedience and a natural will to run fast. This method of training the reindeer in the corral or fence gives insight into the process of how the transition is made by the reindeer from being a group herding animal that naturally follows and runs mostly when alarmed by predators, to a competitive animal with the will to race with speed. The corral provides boundaries in which movement is controlled by the amount of space and the movement of the snowmobile. In this way it is easier to assess the reindeer, as the reindeer herder is able to judge the speed of the reindeer's gallop as well as its mood. The controlled space serves the purpose of controlling the speed and retaining the movement of the reindeer through space limitation and constant schooling of the reindeer from the movement of the snowmobile in controlling speed (Bennett Reference Bennett1969). The snowmobile shows the reindeer when to pick up speed and when to calm down and canter or relax.
The reindeer must have natural talent, it is fundamental for a champion. The speed is inside the reindeer. The training is to produce the maximum speed and to connect it to the distance needed. This is the question of training, is how the human changes the reindeer (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
Within this context the process of training the reindeer to run behind the snowmobile changes both the animal's attitude and physical structure. The interviews indicate that the reindeer herder uses these training sessions to observe the reindeer's physical changes and emotional behaviour. This kind of nurturing and training are characterised by a set of unwritten rules that are designed to guide the reindeer to become resilient and composed in an environment that has competitive pressure at its core. The interview below gives some insight into how the training is developed nearer the competition. The trainer discusses the ‘heat’, which is understood as the actual racing event that the reindeer is participating in. This presents the process of how the reindeer is conditioned to responds to a routine and environment, under continued observation by trainers whose focus is on increasing the reindeers’ speed and building their muscle power.
Two months before the race you start taking the times for speed. You start to pick up the speed with the snow mobile. Then you put one or two reindeer in the fence - then you pick up the heat. When the heat has been done during the practice race then you go to the racing place for training, for the common place to go with the reindeer. The nice day is a Sunday usually, the reindeer herder phones other reindeer herders (10 people together). They take 500 metres or 1 kilometre running with their reindeer. A few times is for the reindeer's breathing technique, so that the reindeer gets the breathing technique before the race, which is a very important part. After the training has taken place for the race system the reindeer relax for 2 days. The reindeer are let loose in the fence without the snowmobile in the fence, and then they run as fast as possible; the reindeer want to run 11–12 kilometres. Then the snowmobile used to show the reindeer how to be slow and to relax the muscles. The snowmobile goes in front of the reindeer to slow them down and some may still run in front of it (Erkki Reference Erkki2012).
The interviews have shown how the training of race reindeer involves a process of touch and learning through repetition. The method of using the snowmobile moves the reindeer around the corral by applying non-tactile contact, but an application of speed to encourage the reindeer to run faster. The snowmobile is used for training the reindeer to give them the confidence to race and to understand themselves in the situation. The snowmobile provides the cues, which indicates to the reindeer when it should run fast and slow down. It describes the process of the reindeer herders gathering to race the reindeer after the animals have been trained in private using the ‘trick of the trade’. The reindeer are raced together on the flat race course to gain speed and to get used to the idea of running against other reindeer. The meetings are public presentation of their knowledge and skills and understanding the competing reindeer before the event.
The reindeer racing championship offers a unique environment and more recently it has attracted more interest from international tourists who are seeking an authentic cultural experience. This aspiration is achieved at the King championship competition, which is popular with members of the reindeer herding community who wear their finest traditional costumes. Finns have a long history of reindeer meat consumption and this can be purchased along with other traditional food and drinks sold close to the race track. This cooking and the opportunities to buy traditional handicrafts present some light relief from standing in the atmospheric environment with freezing temperatures. There is also gambling opportunities for the locals and inquiring tourists; however betting is not an obvious part of the experience as the emphasis is on family fun and cultural practices such as lasso throwing competitions. Whilst anything goes with the very informal crowd, encountering the reindeer race stirs emotions of excitement and feelings of uniqueness. This is accompanied with children playing in the snow and people standing at the side of the tracks breathing warm air into the atmosphere from their laughter and conversations. The excitement of listening to the witty commentary over the loud speaker, whilst watching the race reindeer being lead to the traps to the join the jockeys builds up the thrill and anticipation of the race. The jockeys’ skill and pose on the skies and control of the reins, while they battle behind the reindeer exceeds expectations as they sprint around the 2 kilometre track towards the finish line. The reindeer competition and practices has rejuvenated some of region's customary practices to create a fascinating and time-honoured spectator sport for both the international tourists and the locals from northern communities. These customary practices revealed that reindeer racing is a multi-layered process that shapes social expectations that are socially constructed in which traditions, discourse and identities are celebrated and shared.
Summary
This paper focuses on the training of race reindeer in which cultural practices were presented. In this context the examination of the customary practices shed light on the domestication of race reindeer and the symbolism of reindeer ownership. It provides an understanding of the approaches applied in training practices and the ethnographic interviews shaped our understanding of the reindeer owners’ concepts of what makes a ‘good’ race reindeer. Furthermore, it showed how customary reindeer herding practices develop relationships between the reindeer and reindeer trainer, which are complex and multi-layered. The research set out to understand the reindeer herders’ concept of the race reindeer; this was evident in the quality of the relationships that were mentioned in Mauri and Erkki's ethnographic interviews. These interviews described the unique position that trainers have in managing and transforming the reindeer into potential racing successes and in some cases domesticated companions.
The historical accounts of reindeer domestication discussed the nature of human/animal contact and relationships. Ingold (Reference Ingold2000) contributed to offering historical insights of the physical environment, the cultural artefacts and the training procedures. This exposed the multi-layer nature of the human/animal relationships that were uncovered in the Mauri's and Erkki's ethnographic interviews. Mauri's interview illustrated that the relationship with the reindeer is sometimes taken beyond the process of training. Erkki's ethnographic interview focused on the responsibility of training and understanding the reindeer both physically and mentally. These interviews emphasised the physical and emotional attachment and how they are developed. They showed how this process changed the human-animal relationship, in which the reindeer is no longer considered a commodity for meat production. Skilles’ (Reference Skilles, Hallnan and Judd2013) discussion of Sámi sport and identity provided insight into the empowerment and self-determination that is significant to indigenous sport. The process of training reveals how cultural perspectives and rituals are vital in establishing social boundaries with other race reindeer trainers and owners at particular stages of the training. An examination of the training of race reindeer exposed some of the unwritten rules designed to develop the reindeer to be resilient and competitive. Furthermore, it revealed some of the intricate relationships that the reindeer herders experience with one another when training race reindeer.
The ethnography interviews and oral narratives shaped my thoughts about the practice of reindeer racing and the process of training the reindeer. I realised that most narrators felt responsible for the types of information that they presented, as they were aware that the reindeer racing culture would be introduced to people who have limited knowledge of their culture and practices. Furthermore, the introduction of reindeer racing to a global community could have possible positive economic impact on the reindeer racing competition as a tourist destination and as a sport. The experience of collecting information was welcomed by the reindeer racing committee and they were firm in their understanding of what the research information could provide in the immediate and distant future. In this instance, the information provided would produce a written account of training race reindeer and how reindeer herders relate to their reindeer. Future research will provide a comparative study of reindeer racing in Russia, Finland and Sweden. Furthermore, data will be provided to the race reindeer communities to enable them to understand how international tourists view their experience in the north, which will enable sustainable development of the race reindeer competition.
The history of training reindeer explained the lifestyle of the reindeer herders, their dependency on the reindeer and how the reindeer enabled them to cope with the natural environment. Mauri's and Errki's ethnographic interviews describe the reindeer characteristics and the unique position that the trainers have in managing and transforming the reindeer into domesticated companions. These elements exposed a culture, which produced mental images that contributed to the construction of the social environment, when experiencing first-hand during the fieldwork. This also confirmed the customary practices employed to train race reindeers and the animal-human relationships that are formed.
The ethnographic interviews accentuated the dedication involved in the development of human-animal relationships. They illustrated that the process of attachment began at the start; choosing the race reindeer, training it and racing it in competitions. In an analysis of the data I discovered that the trainers’ approach to the race reindeer produced a reciprocal relationship with the animal in showing their willingness to participate and be led by the trainer during the training and competition events. Wenger's and Lave's (Reference Lave, Resnick, Levine and Teasley1991) discussion of communities of practice gave insight into the reindeer herders’ relationships with each other. Erkki's interviews demonstrated how some rituals adopted in the process of training reindeer are accepted as cultural practices. These practices implied that the knowledge and discourse developed in the race reindeer community give structure and meaning to the training processes.
The interviews give an opportunity to consider the risks and advantages taken by the reindeer trainer when choosing and training race reindeer. The research shows the impact of taming and training semi-domesticated reindeer as both an isolated and shared experience for the trainer and the race reindeer. It also shows the evolution of old methods of taming reindeer as a programme of training of race reindeer. Moreover, it emphasises that each race reindeer is understood as a unique individual, in which the concept of human ownership is central to the trainer perspective. The trainers’ judgement and techniques play an essential role in shaping the temperament and speed of the reindeer. Fundamentally, it seemed that it was taken for granted that the race reindeer and the trainers are in a process of developing a relationship bond during the process of training. This research has drawn upon these elements to understand the cultural practices and social interactions, which has given valuable insight into this unique community. Moreover, it has made it possible to see how customary practices based on training reindeer to become pack animals have been transformed into a contemporary sporting event.
Acknowledgements
This paper owes most to Erkki and Mauri and the reindeer herders who participated in the ethnographic interviews and discussed their stories patiently. I would also like to thank the reindeer herding association and reindeer racing committee who supported the research in the Finnish reindeer herding community. I am also very grateful to Mrs Terhi Vuojala-Magga for her comments and the helpful suggestions in the early stages of this research. I am very grateful to Professor Monica Tennberg for her support. I would like to extend special thanks to Dr Colin Samson and my colleagues at Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies and Humanities, University of Essex.
