In the introduction to his latest book, the eminent sociologist Steve Bruce describes himself as a ‘grumpy old man’. He is aggrieved at what he considers to be the persistent misuse and undermining of the secularisation thesis in recent literature on religion. Certainly Bruce has a point here; with faith dominating the news agenda and huge sums being channelled into research over the last ten years, the tendency has been to talk of the ‘resurgence of religion’ and to challenge the secularisation theory as a framework of analysis. In his new book Bruce puts himself in the dock, defending the thesis against all charges and refuting the claim that religion is undergoing a renaissance. Much of the confusion, according to Bruce, stems from an inaccurate and inappropriate use of the theory. He therefore begins by setting out a precise definition of the thesis and its application. Bruce affirms that the secularisation paradigm only applies to modern trends in industrial liberal democracies, that church attendance figures are the most reliable and accurate measure of religiosity and that it is class not culture (indeed industrialisation not sexual liberation) that has been the main trigger for declining belief in society. Bruce tackles the counter-arguments one by one – American exceptionalism, scientific and technological development, New Age spirituality, the growth of Islamic fundamentalism and the strength of Christianity in the developing world – concluding that, despite nuances and minor retarding signs, there has been a consistent and irreversible trend towards secularisation. This statement is hard to dispute but it is also a somewhat reductionist explanation for religious change. Theoretical frameworks can illuminate, but it is only historical specificity through empirical research which can adequately explain such phenomena. As much as his analysis of the relationship between modernity and religion is convincing, I wonder if Bruce is in danger of making generalisations and assumptions about the religious climate of the pre-modern world. Bruce highlights one aspect that is particularly important, namely that of the impact of secularisation on religion, which he rightly asserts has prompted a two-way spilt. On the one hand, faith groups have sought to adapt their message to the secular liberal climate (what Bruce calls ‘internal secularisation’), while others have invested in a more fundamentalist approach to faith. This liberal/conservative split is evident today in all religions and is the source of much tension. Bruce asserts that both developments are an indication of secularisation rather than religious revival. This is true, yet it also suggests something more subtle and interesting. Religion is not immune to modernity but nor is it simply its victim. The fact remains that religions are continually responding to and engaging with modernity, in different guises and extremes and for different means and ends. The key merit of this book however, is that it is not simply a reiteration or clarification of the secularisation theory, but a passionate, compelling and responsive book that acts as a useful collation of all recent studies on belief and religiosity seen through a critical eye.