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Elamite Karintaš and Avestan Kvirinta: Notes on the Early History of Kerend

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2022

D. T. Potts
D. T. Potts*
Affiliation:
Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology and History at the Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York University.
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Abstract

The toponym Kerend has a long history. This study explores the appearance of Kerend in pre-modern sources, beginning with the toponym Karintaš in the late second millennium BC. Kassite, Elamite and Assyrian rivalry for control over the central western Zagros mountains is discussed and the survival of the name in later antiquity is investigated. A derivative of the name appears in Claudius Ptolemy’s Geography and in the Parthian Stations of Isidore of Charax, as well as in the late Antique Cosmographia of the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna. A homonymous name from the area east of the Caspian Sea is also discussed, as are several unrelated names occurring in other sources (Achaemenid Elamite, Armenian).

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Type
Articles
Information
Iranian Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 3 , May 2017 , pp. 345 - 367
Copyright
Copyright © Association For Iranian Studies, Inc 2017

Introduction

Excavations at Susa (modern Šūš/Shush), one of the most important archaeological sites in Iran, have yielded countless treasures and raised innumerable questions that remain to be solved. As the present study shows, sometimes even a small window on the past can throw unexpected light on an otherwise obscure aspect of Iran’s early history.

Elamite Karintaš

The toponym Karintaš is attested in only four inscriptions, all of them written in Elamite and all found at Susa during the early excavations there by the French mission. Three of the texts date to the late Middle Elamite period and may be assigned to the reigns of Šutruk-Nahhunte I (c. 1190‒1155 BC) and his son Šilhak-Inšušinak (c. 1150‒1120 BC), while the fourth dates to the reign of the Neo-Elamite king Šutruk-Nahhunte II (c. 717‒699 BC). In order of discovery the texts are as follows:

EKI 52Footnote 1—a 32 cm tall, inscribed sandstone stele fragment discovered near the base of the Apadana mound at Susa by Marcel Dieulafoy in 1891.Footnote 2 In his preliminary edition of the fragmentary Elamite text on this piece published three years later, F. H. Weissbach tentatively read “ka ri in?” on the reverse.Footnote 3 Hüsing was able to read and restore Ka-ri-i[n-taš] and to attribute the text to Šilhak-Inšušinak (c. 1150‒1120 BC).Footnote 4 The name Karintaš was preceded by the determinative hal, signifying country or region.Footnote 5

EKI 23—the base (50 cm tall, 38×38 cm) of a fragmentary nâru (kudurru) stele of the Kassite king Meli-Šipak (1181‒1167 BC) published in 1902 by Vincent Scheil. An Elamite inscription added to it tells us that it was seized by Šutruk-Nahhunte [I], son of Hallutuš-Inšušinak, king of Anzan and Susa, at Qarin.Footnote 6 The restored text reads,

I, Šutruk-Nahhunte, son of Hallutuš-Inšušinak, beloved servant of the god Inšušinak, king of Anzan and Susa, expander of the realm, heir to the throne of Elam. As Inšušinak, my god, instructed me, I smote [the land] Karintaš. I acquired the stele of Meli-Šipak in Kari[ntaš].Footnote 7

At the time, Scheil wrote, “le pays de Qarin … nous est inconnu” [the country of Qarin … is unknown to us].Footnote 8 The name Karintaš was preceded by the determinative HAL, signifying country or region.Footnote 9

EKI 51—a small fragment of a sandstone stele, published in 1904 by Scheil, on the reverse of which he restored the name of its author, the Middle Elamite king Šilhak-Inšušinak, and read the name qa-ri-in-taš. Footnote 10 The text is an account of a campaign against “the region of Karintaš and the offspring of the king of Karintaš” (pu-hu ru-hu su-gìr ka4-ri-in-taš-ir-ra-me) whom he deported along with his wives.Footnote 11 Scheil suggested that, phonetically, the toponym Karintaš recalled the Kassite royal name Kara-indaš.Footnote 12 The name Karintaš was preceded by the determinative AŠ, signifying a toponym.Footnote 13

EKI 72—a text “repeated on three clay slabs,” possibly foundation inscriptions for a temple, published by Scheil in 1904, in which Šutruk-Nahhunte II (717–699 BC) says he took possession of a statue of Inšušinak at Karintaš and re-installed it in a temple (kukunnum) at Susa.Footnote 14 The name Karintaš was preceded by the determinative AŠ, signifying a toponym.Footnote 15

Although small, the dossier of texts mentioning Karintaš suggests a rudimentary reconstruction of historical events spanning over half a millennium. Arranged chronologically, the dossier begins with the Meli-Šipak (1181‒1167 BC) narû fragment and its secondary inscription mentioning Šutruk-Nahhunte I (c. 1190‒1155 BC). As Kathryn Slanski has shown, the once common opinion that Kassite narûs (kudurrus) functioned as boundary stones is incorrect. Rather, most of the roughly 160 extant examples document royal land grants and “the acquisition of a source of perpetual income,”Footnote 16 usually by a single individual.Footnote 17 Moreover, they were generally erected in temples, under the protection of the presiding deity. The Middle Babylonian text on the Meli-Šipak narû fragment consists mainly of the concluding curse formula, of the sort commonly added at the end of monumental inscriptions,Footnote 18 expressing the dire misfortune that would befall anyone who removed it from the place where it had been erected on behalf of the Kassite king. Therefore, we are ignorant of the exact nature of the land grant or financial benefit it may have documented, and of the identity of the beneficiary. Nevertheless, the presence of this narû at Karintaš is a strong indication that, when it was erected there, the town was under Kassite control.Footnote 19 Moreover, in this connection it is relevant to note that the region remained under Kassite authority during the reign of Meli-Šipak’s son and successor, Marduk-apla-iddina (Merodach-Baladan) I (1166‒1154 BC). This is indicated by yet another narû, discovered in 1967 at Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb, c. 45.6 km west of Kerend. The text on this important monument mentions Šitti-Marduk, governor of Namar and Ḫalman, in which we easily recognize Ḥolwān, ancient Chalonitis, the area around Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb and Qasr-e Šīrīn.Footnote 20 If Ḫalman was centered on Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb, then Namar (Assyrian Namri) was presumably contiguous or, at the very least, nearby, judging from the fact that a single governor had jurisdiction over both regions. A cuneiform text from Choghā Gavāneh in modern Eslāmābād-e Gharb (formerly Hārūnābād), c. 80 km east of Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb, along the main (Khorāsān) road, mentions the personal name Šu-dNamar, in which Namar is distinguished by the divine determinative.Footnote 21 Even before the publication of the Choghā Gavāneh texts, J. E. Reade had suggested that Namar/Namri lay in this area.Footnote 22 This reference only strengthens that assumption. If Karintaš has been correctly identified as modern Kerend-e Gharb, which is situated roughly midway between Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb, where Merodach Baladan I’s narû was found, and Choghā Gavāneh, where the name Šu-dNamar is attested, then it presumably fell under the jurisdiction of the Kassite governor of Namar and Ḫalman. The area was certainly strategic for it was close to the so-called Zagros Gates (see below), the major pass leading from the lowlands up onto the Iranian plateau.Footnote 23 The possibility that Karintaš was the seat of a vassal kingdom that acknowledged Kassite suzerainty, rather than an area under its direct control, seems unlikely, particularly in light of the evidence of the narû of Merodach-Baladan.

Under what circumstances did Meli-Šipak’s narû reach Susa? Around 1153 BC, almost twenty years after the death of Meli-Šipak (d. 1167 BC) and six years after the death of his son Merodach-Baladan I (d. 1154 BC), Šutruk-Nahhunte I invaded Babylonia and overthrew his Kassite contemporary, Zababa-šuma-iddina.Footnote 24 The campaign marked just one episode in a simmering relationship between the Kassites and Elamites whose royal houses were inter-married yet deeply adversarial. We see this most clearly in a letter from an unnamed Elamite king, probably Kidin-Hutran II,Footnote 25 to the reigning Kassite king, charging him with illegitimacy; noting that he himself was married to the eldest daughter of Meli-Šipak; and claiming, for himself, the right to the Kassite throne based on his own descent, through his mother, from Kurigalzu I.Footnote 26 In the course of his campaign against Babylonia Šutruk-Nahhunte I obtained, in addition to the narû of Meli-Šipak from Karintaš (EKI 23), an enormous amount of booty which included two statues of Maništušu, from Akkad (EKI 24a) and Ešnunna (EKI 24b); the victory stele of Naram-Sin (EKI 22); and an unidentified, headless statue from Ešnunna (EKI 24c). Each of these objects was inscribed with a formulaic Elamite text which included Šutruk-Nahhunte’s name and titles; Inšušinak’s command to destroy city/town X; a statement as to the seizure of the object; and a statement confirming its dedication/installation as an offering to Inšušinak.Footnote 27 Although we cannot reconstruct the route taken by Šutruk-Nahhunte I on this campaign, the inscribed booty found at Susa shows that he attacked Akkad, Ešnunna and Karintaš. A related text from Susa (EKI 28C I) contains a list of tribute in gold, silver and copper which Šutruk-Nahhunte I received from various cities, including the Kassite capital Dur-Kurigalzu, Sippar, Akkad and Upi.Footnote 28

Hüsing was the first scholar to identify Karintaš with modern Kerend.Footnote 29 Located on the Great Khorāsān RoadFootnote 30 between Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb and Kermānšāh, KerendFootnote 31 (Kerend-e Gharb; 34˚17.03′ N, 46˚14.32′ E) was first mentioned by Mostawfī in c. 1330Footnote 32 although, in discussing the Khorāsān road between Kermānshāh and Ḥolwān via Kerend and the famous pass of Ṭāq-e girrā, Mostawfī says, “but by Gīl-u-Gīlān the road, [although] 1 farsakh longer, is easier.”Footnote 33 Adolph Billerbeck suggested that the Ṭāq-e girrā only became an important conduit as a result of improvements to the route undertaken by Darius I but it is unclear what data prompted him to draw this conclusion.Footnote 34

Kerend appears in western sources by the late seventeenth century. Chierèn was described by Pietro Della Valle as a small place inhabited by Kurds.Footnote 35 Seventy years later Guirind was mentioned as a ruined village with a fort built at the foot of the mountain.Footnote 36 In 1810 Macdonald Kinneir visited the area and later wrote, “The district of Kurrend extends along the brink of Mount Zagros, from the vicinity of Holwan to the village of Goour. It is covered with forests of stunted oak, and inhabited by an extraordinary race of men.”Footnote 37 A much more favorable description of Kurund was given in 1827 by George Keppel (later Lord Albemarle) who noted the stream (Āb-e Kerend) that ran through the town, watering its extensive gardens and orchards, and praised its grapes as the finest in the Qajar empire.Footnote 38 The “Treaty of Limits, between Turkey and Persia,” signed at Erzerum on 19‒21 May 1847, restored “the Valley of Kerrind” to Persia, making it the westernmost point in western-central Iran.Footnote 39 Thus it is no surprise that in 1857 Karúnd was called “the first station within the Persian frontier” (i.e. coming from Iraq) by J. P. Ferrier.Footnote 40 A few years later G. Rawlinson identified the Ab-i-Karind, noted by Keppel, as a tributary of the Karkheh, the great river that flows past Susa.Footnote 41 In 1872 H. W. Bellew visited Karriud, which he described as “a charming spot … its air … delightfully pure and refreshing,” with about 2,000 houses “romantically situated in a deep hollow between two great hills of magnesian limestone.”Footnote 42 At the end of the nineteenth century, Karind or Kirrind was acknowledged as “the capital of the Karind Kurds, who are Shias. It is situated at the mouth of a gorge, in a bold picturesque rock-scarp, through which the Ab-i-Karind runs down to the broad valley.”Footnote 43

If the identification of Karintaš with Kerend is correct, then the targets of Šutruk-Nahhunte’s campaign, judging both by the booty accrued and the tribute received, included cities in north-central Babylonia (Akkad, Dur-Kurigalzu, Sippar, Upi), the Diyala region (Ešnunna) and the governate of Namar and Ḫalman (Karintaš), between modern Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb and Eslāmābād-e Gharb. Theoretically, Šutruk-Nahhunte could have invaded Babylonia from Susa before moving up the Diyala, into western Iran, and then circling back to Susa.Footnote 44 It is also possible that he followed precisely the opposite path, or that his attacks on Ešnunna and Karintaš were launched after reducing Babylonia, and that he returned from the Zagros to Babylonia before returning to Susa.Footnote 45 Hüsing observed that, despite its relative proximity to Elam, access to Kerend/Karintaš was difficult. Nevertheless its strategic position on the high road from Babylonia to the Iranian plateau is indisputable, as it controlled traffic entering and exiting the Ṭāq-e girrā pass.Footnote 46 It is not, therefore, surprising that this area was under Kassite control.Footnote 47

How, then, are we to interpret EKI 51, which reports on yet another campaign against Karintaš, specifically mentioning the deportation of the wife and children of its king? Noting that Šilhak-Inšušinak’s father, Šutruk-Nahhunte I, had already conquered Karintaš, König suggested that the campaign reported on in this text was probably a response to an uprising there following its initial conquest by the Elamites.Footnote 48 Alternatively, we might suggest that, once Kassite control had been eradicated at Karintaš by Šutruk-Nahhunte I, it was not effectively replaced by Elamite control. Rather a petty kingdom of Karintaš, whether nominally loyal to the Elamite throne or not, may have emerged. Elynn Gorris has suggested that, “Since these regions were located within the geopolitical power of the Kidinuid and Shutrukid [Middle Elamite] dynasties, these references … provide proof for local chiefdoms within the boundaries of the Middle Elamite kingdom.”Footnote 49 Although Karintaš is apparently absent in the long list of often fragmentary toponyms given in the account of Šilhak-Inšušinak’s wide-ranging, western campaign (EKI 54), it is unlikely that the attack on Karintaš was an isolated effort unrelated to the great round of conquest that subjugated many towns in northern Iraq.Footnote 50

Interestingly, another narû inscription composed several decades later during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I (1125‒1104 BC), fourth king of the Second Dynasty of Isin, throws unexpected light on the situation in the region after it was excised from the Kassite state by Šilhak-Inšušinak’s conquests. Although principally concerned with Nebuchadnezzar’s campaign against Elam, the text also identifies a cavalry commander named Šitti-Marduk, head of Bīt-Karziabku, which was at the time subject to Namar and required to pay taxes to it.Footnote 51 Recognizing the services rendered in the Elamite campaign by Šitti-Marduk, Nebuchadnezzar freed his towns, in the district of Namar, from future tax demands, at the same time as he “ordered the armies stationed in those towns [of Bīt-Karziabku] as the special aid of the governor of Namar and the herald.”Footnote 52 Discussing this text many years ago, Cameron supposed, presumably because of Šilhak-Inšušinak’s conquest several decades earlier, that Bīt Karziabku and, by extension, Namar, was by then Elamite territory and inferred that, in the campaign memorialized in the narû inscription, Šitti-Marduk must have “transferred his support to the Babylonian monarch” Nebuchadnezzar I, away from his Elamite overlords.Footnote 53 This is certainly plausible and, logically, the reference to troops stationed in the area must also imply that, after Elamite sovereignty had been extinguished, it was replaced by that of the Second Dynasty of Isin.

It should also be noted that, judging by his name, Šitti-Marduk, of the house of Karziabku, was ethnically Kassite.Footnote 54 This is consistent with Brinkman’s observation that the “eastern mountain region remained linked with the central government in Babylonia during the eleventh and tenth centuries,” as demonstrated by the fact that six of the kings who reigned between 1216 and 986 BC bore Kassite names; and numerous weapons, admittedly lacking provenance but said to come from “Luristan,” bear the names of Second Dynasty of Isin kings, including Ninurta-nadin-šumi (1131‒1126 BC), Nebuchadnezzar I (1125‒1104 BC), [Enlil-nadin]-apli (1103‒1100 BC) and Marduk-nādin-ahhē (1099‒1082 BC).Footnote 55

Brinkman suggested that, over time, Namar/Namri gradually gained independence, creating difficulties for Assyria until Šalmaneser III campaigned there in 843 BC, removed its king Marduk-mudammiq and installed a vassal, one Ianzu of Bīt-Hamban (Habban), on the throne as “king of Namri.”Footnote 56 Two more campaigns, in 835 and 828 BC, however, were launched against Namri by Šalmaneser III, as a result of which the area lost its autonomy and came under direct Assyrian administration. A decade or so of renewed independence, marked by Namri’s participation as a Babylonian ally against Assyria in the battle of Dur-Papsukkal in 814 BC, was followed by four more Assyrian campaigns against Namri between 797 and 744 BC.Footnote 57

Despite this long history of subjugation to the Second Dynasty of Isin and Assyria, a wholesale move away from Elamite religion in all its forms, which must have followed the region’s conquest by Šutruk-Nahhunte and his son, Šilhak-Inšušinak, did not occur. On the contrary, EKI 72 attests to the worship of Inšušinak, the chief deity of Susa, at Karintaš during the reign of Šutruk-Nahhunte II (c. 717‒699 BC). Arguing that Šutruk-Nahhunte II is unlikely to have controlled Karintaš, since the region had most recently been defeated by Tiglath-pileser III (745‒727 BC),Footnote 58 Andreas Fuchs queried whether the identification of Karintaš with Kerend is indeed correct.Footnote 59 Moreover, in support of the idea that Karintaš might have been located elsewhere, Fuchs noted that there is no mention of it in any Assyrian campaign report. Equally illogical in Fuchs’ view is the notion that an Elamite cult center, implied by the presence of a cult statue of Inšušinak at Karintaš, was located in an Assyrian-held area. In response to these queries, however, one could equally suggest that (a) Karintaš was located at modern Kerend; but (b) this area had reasserted its independence after 744 BC and was no longer under Assyrian control when it was visited by Šutruk-Nahhunte II. One possibility, as W. Hinz suggested over half a century ago, is that Šutruk-Nahhunte II was able to operate in the region and take possession of a cult image of Inšušinak at Karintaš following Sargon II’s defeat at Der in 720 BC.Footnote 60

Karina

In 1948 Ernst Herzfeld suggested that Elamite Karintaš denoted the same place identified by variants of the name Karina/Carema in both Greek (Strabo, Isidore of Charax, Claudius Ptolemy) and Late Antique sources (Cosmographia of Ravennas Anonymus).Footnote 61 A printed edition of Isidore of Charax’s geographical work Parthian Stations (Σταϑμοι Παϱϑιϰοι, Mansiones Parthicae) has been available since 1600.Footnote 62 Neither the limited notes on the text made by the original editor, David Hoeschelius [Höschel] (1556–1617), nor those of John Hudson (1662–1719) in his edition of 1703Footnote 63 make any mention of the name Karina (Κάϱινα) in §4, the first (i.e. westernmost) district of Media, which had five villages with stations but no cities.

Karina has been identified with Kerend since at least the late eighteenth century when the French naturalist Guillaume-Antoine Olivier first made the connection in an account of his travels (1792‒98) on behalf of the French Republic.Footnote 64 In this he was followed by virtually all writers on the subject, none of whom, however, acknowledged the source of the identification.Footnote 65 Most scholars have also considered Isidore’s Karina identical to Cl. Ptolemy’s (Geog. 6.2) Καϱίnη.Footnote 66 Karina has also been assimilated with Kurin/Kudin/Kurino, a place mentioned during the reign of al-Mutawakkil (822–61) in Bar Hebraeus’ (d. 1286) Chronicon Ecclesiasticum.Footnote 67 Herzfeld speculated that Κάϱινα may originally have been Κάρινδ but he could adduce no evidence to support this.Footnote 68

A source of potential confusion, however, is caused by the fact that the ancient name of Erzerum, before it was renamed Theodosiopolis in honor of Theodosius (408–50), was Karin,Footnote 69 a name found already in the regional name ΚαρηνῖτιϲFootnote 70 or Caranitis.Footnote 71 According to Sebeos, Armenian Christians were deported from Karin in 610/11 by Xosrow II and resettled at Āwah, between Hamadan and Rayy, where they built a church.Footnote 72 Moreover, the toponym is unrelated to the personal name Kārina (Ka-ri-na/Kar-ri-na; both masculine and feminine) in the Persepolis fortification tablets or Καρην in Šābuhr I’s Ka’ba-ye Zardošt inscription at Naqš-e Rustām.Footnote 73

In 1841 the toponym Karhina, which appears in the Babylonian Talmud (Tractate Šabbat 152a), was identified with Median Karina by S. J. Rapoport.Footnote 74 This, however, is almost certainly incorrect, for in Yaqut’s description of Karḫīnē, which is surely the same place, it is situated between Daqūqā and Erbil.Footnote 75

Carema/Carena

“In qua patria Persarum plurimas fuisse civitates legimus, ex quibus aliquantas designare volumus, id est.”Footnote 76 Although all three extant manuscripts of the Cosmographia by Ravennas Anonymus (early eighth century) preserve the form Carema,Footnote 77 Wilhelm Tomaschek recognized this as a corruption of Carena, which he took to be a cognate form of Karina in Mansiones Parthicae.Footnote 78 Further, because of its location, Tomaschek inserted CARENA into the Peutinger itinerary as seen here: ALBANIA [Ḥolwān]—CARENA—ONOADAS—DARATHE—CONCOBAR [Kangāvar]—BELTRA—ECBATANA POLIS [Hamadān], identifying it with “Karind = Marğ (Diz Marğ).”Footnote 79

Charinda(s)

In his commentary on Tacitus, Annals 11.10, Ryckius (Theodorus Rijcke) suggested in 1686 that the hydronym in “huic contraitum ad amnem Erindem” was a corruption for “ad amnem Charindem,”Footnote 80 taking this to be the Charinda river mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus in his description of Media, where we read, “Many streams flow through this country, of which the greatest are the Choaspes, Gyndes, Amardus, Charinda, Cambyses and Cyrus.”Footnote 81 Shortly thereafter, Christopher Cellarius suggested that the Charinda drained Hyrcania, emptying into the Caspian Sea,Footnote 82 and in this he was followed by most scholars.Footnote 83 The Charinda was described by Pappus of Alexandria around the turn of the third century AD. After discussing Hyrcania and the Caspian, and mentioning the Oxus, Pappus wrote,

[Here are found] the Astabani nation and the River Maxera and a district of the same name [extending] as far as the River Charinda, [all of] which belong to the land of Hyrcania … On the south is the land of the Medes [Mark’]. Beginning at the same River Charinda and extending to the west, is the nation called the Anarian Medes.Footnote 84

A. Knobel suggested in 1850 that the hydronym Charinda was cognate with the choronym Karina mentioned by Isidore of Charax and Καϱίnη of Cl. Ptolemy’s Geography.Footnote 85 Eduard Sachau identified Avestan khneñtem in Vendidad I.42 as a cognate of Charindas (Χαϱινδαϛ, the form given by Cl. Ptolemy 6.2.2), the river that marked the boundary between Hyrcania and Media, and the Chrendi (Χϱῆνδοι, Cl. Ptolemy 6.9.5), who took their name from that of the river.Footnote 86 This is the Erindes of TacitusFootnote 87 and has been variously identified with the Gorgan,Footnote 88 Haraz, TalarFootnote 89 and Tedžen river.Footnote 90 The Charinda/s is presumably the Kirrind river of the anonymous tenth century Ḥudūd al-‘Ālam, on which Shah ‘Abbas later built or re-built a retaining wall.Footnote 91

Karintaš, Kviriñta and Khneñta

The proposed linkage between Karina and Charinda(s), and the derivation of the latter name from Avestan Xnǝnta raises questions about the derivation of Kerend from Karintaš, particularly as Kerend has also been linked to Karina and Avestan Kviriñta.

Kass. Kara-indaš > El. Karintaš—a case of an eponym?

Scheil did not explicitly derive Elamite Karintaš from Kassite Kara-indaš. Rather, he noted the phonetic resemblance between the two.Footnote 92 Two Kassite kings by this name—written Ka-ra-in-da-aš, Kara-in-da-áš and Kar-in-da-aš Footnote 93—are known. Kara-indaš I was a contemporary of the Middle Assyrian monarch Aššur-bēl-nišēšu (1417‒1409 BC), with whom he concluded a treaty regarding the border between their respective domains.Footnote 94 He probably received an ambassador from the Egyptian pharaoh and, in addition to building a temple to Inanna at Uruk, reigned during a period of considerable stability in Babylonia following the Kassite conquest of the Sealand.Footnote 95 Karaindaš II, on the other hand, was a contemporary of Aššur-uballiṭ (1363–1328 BC).

Kara-indaš has long been viewed as an etymologically Kassite name.Footnote 96 Whereas Delitzsch understood the element kara as meaning “help, helper,” he offered no explanation for in-da-aš.Footnote 97 Halévy understood the name as “protection of Indaš.”Footnote 98 Tallqvist identified the particle d/taš as Elamite and Kassite “he has made.”Footnote 99 Similarly, Balkan considered Kara-indaš a compound name consisting of kara + indaš, and pointed to the first component kar(a/u) as a common one in Kassite onomastics and toponyms without proposing a meaning for it.Footnote 100 Scheftelowitz considered it an Indo-European compound, *kara-nidha-s, “der Hort des Heeres,” or “lord of the army,” comparing Sanskrit nidhi-s, nidhāna-s, “accumulation, receptacle, (hidden) treasure” but also “residence”, hence possibly “residence of the army, encampment.”Footnote 101 This, however, was roundly rejected by Bloomfield,Footnote 102 followed by Balkan, who queried the Indo-European nature of kara, cf. Old Persian kara, “army.”Footnote 103 More recently, Roiter has suggested that the element indaš is a theophoric element signifying “Indra/Indar … an Indo-European deity” and, further, that this is contained in the royal name Indaššu, attested both as the name of a king of Gutium (northwestern Zagros) and as a governor/king (ensí) of Zabšali (Iranian plateau, location uncertain).Footnote 104 Zadok, however, has rejected any consideration of Kassite as an Indo-European language.Footnote 105

The validity or otherwise of these suggestions notwithstanding, the transformation of an anthroponym into a toponym requires further consideration. The onomastic term eponym refers to the “proper name of a person or group of persons, forming the basis of the name of another person, family, place, object, etc.”Footnote 106 We are familiar enough with towns and cities being named after individuals, namely Wellington in New Zealand or Washington, DC. The alteration of a personal name, e.g. Columbus to Columbia, is also familiar. In the ancient Near East, however, toponyms do not normally duplicate anthroponyms without the addition of another component. Using examples drawn from the Middle Babylonian (Kassite) and contemporary Middle Assyrian texts, for example, we find not a town named Tukultī-Ninurta, after the Middle Assyrian ruler, but rather Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta; rather than the tribal name Nazi-Marduk used to denote a city, we have Bīt-Nazi-Marduk; instead of calling a fortress simply Kurigalzu, after the Kassite king, we find Dūr-Kurigalzu; and in the case of a place named after Ubalissu-Marduk, we have Āl-Ubalissu-Marduk. These examples could be multiplied many times over, particularly where divine names are used, yet always with a prefix indicating “town, place, fortress, market” and so forth, rather than a suffix like -ville, -town, -ford, etc. in English.Footnote 107 In fact, the western Zagros region, where Karintaš was located, if its identification with Kerend is correct, was an area which, during the Neo-Assyrian period, had several towns with names of the sort Kār-X (constructed using Akkadian kāru, “quay, port, emporium”), such as Kār-Šarrukīn and Kār-Sennacherib. Some of these were new foundations, while others were older towns that were renamed by the Assyrians.Footnote 108 It must be remembered, however, that Karintaš pre-dated the Neo-Assyrian period by several centuries.

Kassite control over Karintaš during the early and middle twelfth century BC is suggested by the capture of a narû of Meli-Šipak there by Šutruk-Nahhunte I and indirectly supported by the discovery of a narû of Merodach-Baladan’s at Sar-e Pol-e Zohāb. If the anthroponym Kara-indaš is indeed the source of the toponym Karintaš, then one might be tempted to push the Kassite presence in this area back as early as the late fifteenth century BC, based on the synchronism between Kara-indaš I and Aššur-bēl-nišēšu (discussed above). An answer to the question, how much earlier a Kassite presence in the region might have existed, is provided by a small yet important archive of fifty-six cuneiform texts from Chogha Gavaneh, in the center of Shahabad/Eslāmābād-e Garb, the former Harunabad, which date to the eighteenth century BC. These are relevant in that the site lies only c. 35 km east of Kerend along the main road leading to Kermanshah. The Chogha Gavaneh texts have overwhelmingly Akkadian names, with “no clear sign of Elamites or Hurrians”—with the possible exception of one individual named Zuzzu—or any Gutian, Lullubian or Kassite names.Footnote 109 One Amorite name, Karanatum (Ka-ra-na-tum), begins with ka-ra, which shows that this kind of formation is not unique to one linguistic group.Footnote 110 Moreover, the deities mentioned in the theophoric names on these texts are almost entirely Mesopotamian (Sin, Ištar, Amurrum, Šamaš, Adad, Ea, Gula, Išḫara, and so on) Interestingly, the three names of months attested at Chogha Gavaneh—Kinūnu(m), Tamḫīrum and Saḫarātum—are indicative of the Amorite calendars used at the Diyala sites of Tell Asmar (ancient Ešnunna) and Tell Ischali (ancient Nērebtum).Footnote 111 This material strongly suggests that, although modern and historic political boundaries in this region might have led us to expect that Chogha Gavaneh was well outside of a Babylonian sphere of influence, this is clearly not the case. The absence of Kassite personal names at Chogha Gavaneh also implies that, half a millennium before the Meli-Šipak narû was erected at nearby Karintaš, the region was not yet populated by Kassite speakers, let alone under Kassite control. Equally, the absence of Elamite personal names in the texts strongly suggests that the area did not fall under Elamite control until the reign of Šilhak-Inšušinak.

There is, however, another possibility to consider: namely that Karintaš is not derived from the Kassite royal name Kara-indaš or, even if it is, that Kara-indaš is not linguistically Kassite but rather Elamite. Ran Zadok pointed out many years ago that Kara-indaš/Kar-in-da-aš, “can alternatively be analyzed as Elamite kar + in + taš.”Footnote 112 Further, he noted that the Elamite ending -intaš corresponds to the Kassite ending -indaš.Footnote 113 Note that, although the name is written with the Elamite geographical determinative AŠ,Footnote 114 thus Aškar4- <in>-daš, in EKI 72, this is no guarantee that the name is etymologically Elamite. Moreover, an Elamite etymology for Karintaš does not alter the fact that the town was under Kassite control prior to the campaigns of Šutruk-Nahhunte I and Šilhak-Inšušinak. Regardless of their etymology, Eilers was convinced of the linguistic identity of Karintaš and Kara-indaš, both of which he considered pre-Iranian.Footnote 115

Av. Kvirinta > Karina > Kerend

If, however, as Knobel suggested in 1850, Karina/Carema is cognate with Charinda and Καϱίnη, as well as modern Kerend and the homonymous Kirrind river to the east of the Caspian Sea, then an alternative explanation for Karintaš must be considered. Brunnhofer considered Kviriñta and Κάϱινα to be synonymous.Footnote 116 Both Geiger and Hommel adduced Avestan Kviriñta in Yašt 15, 19, as the source of the toponym Kerend.Footnote 117 Similarly Tavernier, who accepted that Karintaš was named after Kara-indaš, suggested that the name “is also attested in Avestan” as Kviriñta, in which case the Avestan form reflects a loan word from Kassite or Elamite.Footnote 118

Conclusion

Regardless of the support given by a number of prominent scholars to the derivation of Kerend from Kviriñta and, by extension, Karina/Carema, chronological priority must be given to Elamite Karintaš as the ultimate source of these names. Whether the Avestan noun is a loanword from Elamite/Kassite is difficult to say but, given the presumed geographical separation of these languages, it seems unlikely. Geographical proximity instead suggests that Kerend and Karina/Carema were derived from Karintaš, regardless of whether Kara-indaš was an eponym for Karintaš. The fact that Kerend’s position saw it alternately fall under Ottoman and Persian control in the early modern period echoes the changing patterns of governance in this section of the Great Khorāsān road, so close to the all-important Zagros Gates. Alternatively a Babylonian-dominated region, as witnessed in the Chogha Gavaneh texts; a Kassite possession, as shown by the narûs of Meli-Šipak and Merodach-Baladan; part of an Elamite cultural zone, following campaigns by Šutruk-Nahhunte I and Šilhak-Inšušinak; subject to the Second Dynasty of Isin, beginning in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I; an area ruled by the (semi-)independent kings of Namar/Namri; and a vassal kingdom of Assyria, it preserved some elements of Elamite culture, as shown by the removal of a cult statue of Inšušinak in the reign of Šutruk-Nahhunte II. Although not an important town in and of itself, Karina/Carema and later Kerend could not help but attract notice, given its location on the high road documented by Isidore of Charax in his Mansiones Parthicae and the Anonymous Geographer of Ravenna in his Cosmographia. The changing fortunes of the town known as Karintaš, Karina, Carema and eventually Kerend constitute a microcosm of the ever-evolving social, political and religious situation to which the populations of the Zagros mountains have always had to adapt themselves.

Footnotes

1. EKI is the siglum used for Elamite texts cited according to the edition in König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften.

2. Dieulafoy, L’Acropole de Suse, 429, Fig. 284. Cf. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 18, 137.

3. Weissbach, “Neue Beiträge,” 741, Incertum 2.

4. Hüsing, Die einheimischen Quellen, 73, § 52.

5. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 117; Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 153, n. 71. For the Elamite determinatives see Steve, Syllabaire, 17.

6. For a full treatment see Slanski, The Babylonian Entitlement Narûs, 190–96. Although Brinkman, Materials and Studies, 258, wrote: “Line 7 of the Elamite text (B) was alleged by Scheil to contain the beginning of the name Meli-Šipak; but all that is visible is mMe-x … which provides little support for such an interpretation,” subsequent collation by Slanski confirmed that the name is likely to be Meli-Šipak. Although the nature of this piece has sometimes been queried, Slanski concludes that it is indeed a fragmentary nâru (kudurru).

7. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 77, Karintaš was written Ka4-ri-in-ta[š]; Slanski, The Babylonian Entitlement Narûs, 194.

8. Scheil, Textes élamites-sémitiques, 164–5.

9. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 117; Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 153, n. 71. For the Elamite determinatives see Steve, Syllabaire, 17.

10. Scheil, Textes élamites-anzanites, 31–2.

11. König, Elamische Königsinschriften, 117. See Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 157.

12. Scheil, Textes élamites-anzanites, 32.

13. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 117; Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 153, n. 71. For the Elamite determinatives see Steve, Syllabaire, 17.

14. h. kar-in-taš. See Scheil, Textes élamites-anzanites, 62 ff., l. 11; König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 147; Montagne and Grillot-Susini, “Les inscriptions royales de Suse,” 25; Henkelman, “Šutruk-Nahhunte,” 371. Judging by the very limited information provided in MDP 8, the text seems to allude to the re-installation of this and several other royal statues in the small, square temple of glazed brick built by Šutruk-Nahhunte II in the southeastern part of the Acropole mound. See de Morgan, “Découverte d’une sépulture,” 34.

15. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 117; Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 153, n. 71. For the Elamite determinatives see Steve, Syllabaire, 17.

16. Slanski, “Classification, Historiography and Monumental Authority,” 98.

17. Brinkman, “Babylonian Royal Land Grants,” 14.

18. Levtow, “Artifact Burial,” 143.

19. But it must be remembered that in some cases the event or financial benefit memorialized in a narû inscription “may not always have taken place in the same town where the artifact was made or displayed.” See Brinkman, “Babylonian Royal Land Grants,” 15.

20. Borger, “Vier Grenzsteinurkunden,” 2; Nashef, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen, 115; Frayne, The Early Dynastic List, 64.

21. Abdi and Beckman, “A Cuneiform Archive,” 55, ChG 19, rev. l. 17.

22. Reade, “Kassites and Assyrians in Iran,” 138.

23. Parpola and Porter, The Helsinki Atlas, map 11, located Namri in precisely the area of the Zagros Gates.

24. For the dates of the reigns of Meli-Šipak, Merodach-Baladan I and Zababa-šuma-iddina see Paulus, “Beziehungen zweier Großmächte,” 435, 438. These differ by five years from those given in Brinkman, “Mesopotamian Chronology,” 338.

25. Paulus, “Beziehungen zweier Großmächte,” 437.

26. Much discussed in recent times, see e.g. Potts, The Archaeology of Elam, 197ff; Paulus, “Beziehungen zweier Großmächte,” 430ff., both with earlier bibliography. See Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 174ff. (Chronicle 22 or P) for Kassite and Elamite campaigns and counter-campaigns in the thirteenth century involving Kidin-Hutran II and Hurpatila. Cf. Gassan, “Une inscription Cassite,” 189.

27. See Potts, The Archaeology of Elam, Table 7.9 for a list of the booty brought back to Susa by Šutruk-Nahhunte I and other Elamite kings.

28. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 83; Potts, The Archaeology of Elam, 227‒8 and Fig. 7.1.

29. Scholars who have followed Hüsing’s original identification have included Eilers, “Der Name Demawend,” 281; Labat, “Elam and Western Persia,” 486; Vallat, Les noms géographiques, 131; and, with a question mark, Henkelman, “Šilhak-Inšušinak I, II,” 494.

30. MacGregor, Central Asia, 620ff.; Rausch von Traubenberg, Hauptverkehrswege Persiens, 72ff; Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, 899–907 with refs.

31. The toponym appears under many guises in the literature. Thus, in the works accessible to Carl Ritter, it is spelled at least seven different ways. See Müller, Namen- und Sach-Verzeichniß, 265: “Kerend (Kerent, Krent, Kirínd, Kírrínd, Kerrund, Karund, Kurund, Carina), Ort am Zagros-Paß in Kermanschah.” Elevation 5350 ft. according to Wilson, Handbook for Travellers, 326, or 1,620 m according to Herzfeld, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, 38, n. 3.

32. Le Strange, Mesopotamia and Persia, 57, 98; Lands of the Eastern caliphate, 191; Krawulsky, Īrān, 370–371. Minorsky, Abū-Dulaf Mis’ar, 87, clearly thought Kerend should have been mentioned by Abū Dulaf Mis’ar b. Muhalhil al-Khazrajī in his account of his travels in Iran c. 950, for he wrote: “Marj al-qal’a, lying 4 farsakhs further on (I. Khurd.) should be Kerind (Isidore of Charax, §4: the beginning of Media is Carina) with a meadow by the road, but the distance between Sar-mīl and Kerind is less than 4 farsakhs (10 miles?).” In any case, whether or not the traveler passed Kerend on his route, he did not mention it by name.

33. Minorsky, “The Gūrān,” 83.

34. Billerbeck, Das Sandschak Suleimania, 8, n. 1.

35. Della Valle, Der Reisen, 7: “ein kleiner von den Curden bewohnter Flecken Chierèn genandt [a small place inhabited by Kurds galled Chierèn].”

36. Otter, Voyage en Turquie, 176, 177: “Guirind & Khouchan sont deux villages au haut de la montagne de Halvan; le premier est ruiné … Le fort de Guirind est bâti au pied d’un rocher peu éloigné de Dertenk” [Guirind & Khouchan are two villages at the top of the Halvan mountain; the first is ruined … The fort of Guirind is built at the foot of a cliff near Dertenk]. Nothing further is said about Kerend/Guirind in Otter, Reisen in die Türkey, 171.

37. Macdonald Kinneir, A Geographical Memoir, 141. What made the inhabitants (members of the ‘Alī Ilāhī sect; see Hoffmann, Auszüge aus syrischen Akten, 126) so “extraordinary” were their alleged “nocturnal festivals” in which women are said to have thrown their clothes into a heap and then submitted “to the embraces of the person who has become possessed of her dress, whether father, son, husband, or brother.”

38. Keppel, Personal Narrative, 334–5: “Kurund has a southern exposure. It is built on the ascent of the mountain on the north side of the valley, with a ravine behind it, whence issues a fine stream of water, which runs through the centre of the town. It is surrounded with extensive orchards and vineyards, that produce the finest grapes in the whole of the Persian dominions. The gardens are kept in the neatest order, and every thing indicates an advanced state of agriculture.” Cf. MacGregor, Central Asia, 259, s.v. Kirrind, where its stoneless grapes were particularly noted.

39. Hertslet, Treaties, 169; Greenfield, Die Verfassung, 43.

40. Ferrier, Caravan journeys, 4. Cf. Prellberg, Persien, 66: “Kirind mit 1000 Häusern ist nach Westen zu der letzte nennenswerte Ort in Persien“ [With 1,000 households, Kirind is, in the west, the last noteworthy place in Persia].

41. Rawlinson, History of Herodotus, 456–7. The “Ab-i-Karind” originated behind Hamadan, receiving the Singur, Guran and Gamasab, before it flowed westward past Bisotun, “winding among the mountains as far as the ruined city of Rudbar. Here it bursts through the outer barrier of the great range, and receiving the large stream of the Kirrind from the N.W. flows S.S.E. and S.E. along the foot of the range between it and the Kebir Kuh, till it meets the stream of the Abi-Zal, when it finally leaves the hills, and flows through the plain, pursuing a S.S.E. direction to the ruins of Susa.”

42. Bellew, From the Indus, 444.

43. Wilson, Handbook for Travellers, 326.

44. For possible routes used see Frayne, The Early Dynastic List, 53ff.

45. Cameron, History of Early Iran, 109, and n. 42, contradicted himself when reconstructing Šutruk-Nahhunte's itinerary, for after having him enter Babylonia, he had him proceed from Ešnunna to Sippar, to Akkad, after which, Cameron wrote, “He was now in the land Karintash”, followed by an advance on Babylon and the overthrow of the Kassite king. While Cameron acknowledged that Karintaš = Kerend “on the Baghdad-Kirmanshah road,” it seems unlikely that the Elamite king would have attacked Ešnunna, then the cities of Babylonia, followed by Karintaš, and then Babylon. This makes for a very circuitous route, full of back-tracking.

46. Hüsing, Die einheimischen Quellen, 53: “Kerind wird von Šutruk-Nahhunte II [717–699 BC] als Stadt erwähnt, das ‘Land’ ist also der Gau dieser Stadt, die ihren Namen von ‘Karaindaš’ herleitet und von ihm gegründet wäre; es dürfte sich um das heutige Kerind handeln, das für eine Eroberung insofern sehr in Betracht kommt, als es vom eigentlichen Elam aus trotz seiner Nähe schwer zugänglich ist und doch die Karawanenstraße über den Taq-i-Gerra beherrscht. Es muß dem Reiche von Susa stets schwer gefallen sein, diesen Posten zu halten, dessen Wichtigkeit andrerseits ihn sehr begehrenswert erscheinen lassen mußte” [Kerind is mentioned as a city by Šutruk-Nahhunte II, the “land” is thus the surroundings of this city, the name of which is derived from “Karaindaš” and would have been founded by him; it must denote modern Kerind, which would have been ripe for conquest insofar as it controls the caravan route via the Taq-i-Gerra and was, despite its proximity to Elam, difficult of access. It must have always been difficult for the regime in Susa to hold this position, the importance of which, on the other hand, must have made it highly desirable].

47. Herzfeld, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, 27: “Šutruk Nahhunte von Elam setzt um 1170 a. Chr. nach seinem Sieg über die Kossäer seinen Sohn Kutir Nahhunte—der in Elam nicht sein Erbe ist—auf den Thron von Babylon. Er kam von Karintaš-Kirind, von wo er eine Stele des Kossäerkönigs Melišipak II nach Susa schleppte, die große Königstraße herab und eroberte Upi, Dūr Šarrukēn, Dūr Kurigalzu und Sippar, dann Babylon“ [Around 1170 BC, after his victory over the Kossaeans, Šutruk Nahhunte of Elam placed his son Kutir Nahhunte—who was not his heir in Elam— on the throne of Babylon. He came from Karintaš-Kirind, from which he dragged a stele of the Kossaean king Melišipak II to Susa, along the King's Highway and conquered Upi, Dūr Šarrukēn, Dūr Kurigalzu and Sippar, then Babylon].

48. König, Die elamischen Königsinschriften, 118, n. 8.

49. Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 314.

50. Potts, The Archaeology of Elam, Table 7.11 with identifications.

51. King, Babylonian Boundary-stones, 32; Cooley, “Middle Babylonian Texts,” 161. Cf. the discussions in Streck, “Das Gebiet,” 323; Brinkman, A Political History, 107ff; Nielsen, “Nebuchadnezzar I's Eastern Front,” 405ff.

52. Cooley, “Middle Babylonian Texts,” 161‒2.

53. Cameron, History of Early Iran, 133.

54. Brinkman, A Political History, 247, 253. The mention of Šitti-Marduk in the narûs of both Merodach Baladan I and Nebuchadnezzar I of course raises the possibility that both texts refer to one and the same individual. Apart from the fact, as Borger, “Viergrenzsteinurkunden,” 8, pointed out, at least forty years probably separate the two texts, it is unlikely that the two individuals by this name were identical since, in the first case, Šitti-Marduk was governor of Ḫalman and Namar, while in the second, he pleads for his people to be released from tax obligations to Namar. While one cannot exclude the possibility that both texts refer to the same individual, this circumstance makes it highly unlikely.

55. Dossin, “Bronzes inscrits,” 150.

56. Brinkman, A Political History, 200.

57. Ibid., 259.

58. Gorris, “Power and Politics,” 202.

59. Fuchs, “Review,” 130.

60. Hinz, Das Reich Elam, 118. Cf. Medvedskaya, “Media and its Neighbours,” 151‒2.

61. Herzfeld, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, 51.

62. Hoeschelius, Geographica, 184–9.

63. Hudson, Veteris Scriptores Græci Minores.

64. Olivier, Voyage dans l’Empire Othoman, 7 : “Krent est l’ancienne Karina, que sa position militaire rendait très-importante” [Krent is ancient Karina, the military position of which rendered it very important].

65. Dupré, Voyage en Perse, 230; Williams, Two Essays, 63‒4; Ritter, Die Erdkunde von Asien, 116; Rawlinson, “Notes on a March,” 112; Jones, “Narrative of a Journey,” 270*; Masson, “Illustration of the Route,” 105 (read 15 Nov. 1845); Knobel, Die Völkertafel der Genesis, 151; Müller, Geographi græci minores, LXXXVIII and 250, s.v. §4; von Niebuhr, Geschichte Assur's und Babel's, 381; Spiegel, “Medien II.,” 219; Spiegel, Érân, 29; Spiegel, Erânische Alterthumskunde, 118; Kossowicz, Inscriptiones Palaeo-Persicae, Glossarium Palaeo-Persicum 18; Mordtmann, “Zur vergleichenden Geographie Persiens,” 368; Schoff, Parthian Stations, 28; Weissbach, “Κάϱινα”; Stein, “An Archaeological Journey,” 341–2; Herzfeld, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, 51.

66. Miller, Périple de Marcien d’Héraclée, 267; Ritter, Die Erdkunde im Verhältniß, 391; Knobel, Die Völkertafel der Genesis, 151;

67. Bruns and Kirsch, Gregorii Abulpharagii, 166: “Scharfuræ, Ispahano, Kumo Kaschano, Kurino, Kezuino, omnibusque montanis Persidos”; Bernstein, Gregorii Bar-Hebraei, 43: “quod, quippe ita scriptum, legi posse Kurinum vel Kudinum … una cum Kurino” [that, for so it is written, can be read Kurinum or Kudinum...in one case Kurino].

68. Herzfeld, Geschichte der Stadt Samarra, 51, n. 2.

69. Hübschmann, “Die altarmenische Ortsnamen,” 213, 231, 244ff.

70. Jones, The Geography of Strabo, 325; Strabo, Geog. 11.14.5.

71. Rackham, Pliny Natural History, 285; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.83, where it is identified as the source of the Euphrates and called “a prefecture of Greater Armenia.” See the discussion by F. C. Andreas apud Hartmann, “Bohtān,” 144–5; Hübschmann, “Die altarmenische Ortsnamen,” 288; Schmitt, “Sūrēn, aber Kārin,” 201.

72. Fiey, “Médie chrétienne,” 370–71.

73. Schmitt, “Sūrēn, aber Kārin,” 199.

74. Neubauer, La géographie du Talmud, 389, n. 1 and 397, n. 11, following S. J. Rapoport in Kerem Chemed 5 (1841), 217. Finzi, Ricerche, 197, n. 346, on the other hand, identified Karhina with Kurna in southern Iraq.

75. Hoffmann, Auszüge aus syrischen Akten, 272.

76. Schnetz, Ravennas Anonymus, 26, Book 2.5.3.

77. Ritter saw this as a corruption of Barama, “Berg am Tigris. X, 237”; see Müller, Namen- und Sach-Verzeichniß, 71.

78. Tomaschek, “Zur historischen Topographie von Persien,” 148.

79. Ibid., 148.

80. Ryckius, Ad C. Cornelium Tacitum, 129. Cf. Jacob, Œuvres de Tacite, 14, n. 6

81. Rolfe, Ammianus Marcellinus 23.40.

82. Cellarius, Notitiæ orbis antiqui, 474 : “Fluvii plerique in mare Caspium effunduntur … tandem Charindas, qui Hyrcaniæ proximus delabitur” [many rivers pour into the Caspian Sea … finally Charindas, which flows from neighboring Hyrcania].

83. E.g. Zedler, Grosses vollständiges Universal Lexikon, 2014; Moulines, Ammien Marcellin, 296, n. n; Mannert, Geographie der Griechen und Römer, 140–41; Anonymous, “Ueber Persiens alte Geographie,” 35; Dorn, Caspia, 22 (read 23 April 1868); Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, 570; Weissbach, “Charinda.”

84. Hewsen, “The Geography of Pappus,” 190.

85. Knobel, Die Völkertafel der Genesis, 151.

86. Sachau, “Zur Erklärung von Vendidad I.” 147. Cf. Dorn, Caspia, 275; Forbiger, Handbuch der alten Geographie, 570. For a village near Mašhad named Kārendeh, see Krawulsky, Ḫorāsān zur Timuridenzeit, 225.

87. Jackson, Tacitus Annals 263, 11.10.2. Brunnhofer, Historisch-geographische Untersuchungen, 250, compared this with the Kalinda river in India.

88. Spiegel, Érân, 123.

89. Von Stahl, “Notes on the March of Alexander the Great,” 328.

90. Chaumont, “Études d’histoire parthe,” 164 and n. 1.

91. Minorsky, Ḥudūd al-’Ālam, 386. Cf. Dorn, Caspia, 103‒4; von Gutschmid, Geschichte Irans, 126, n. 1.

92. Scheil, Textes élamites-anzanites, 31–2, col. II 10.

93. For the writing of the name, see Tallqvist, Assyrian Personal Names, 112; Brinkman, Materials and Studies, 171.

94. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 158, chronicle 21 [Synchronistic Chronicle] i 1’‒4’: “Karaindaš, king of Karduniaš, and Aššur-bēl-nišēšu, king of Assyria, made a treaty between them and took an oath together concerning this very boundary.” For the sources mentioning or written by Kara-indaš see Brinkman, Materials and Studies, 169‒72.

95. Sassmannshausen, “Kassitische Herrscher und ihre Namen,” 178.

96. Beginning with Delitzsch, Die Sprache der Kossäer, 22.

97. Ibid., 28, 38.

98. Halévy, “Notes assyriologiques,” 217. Cf. the etymology proposed by Roiter, “An Indo-European God,” discussed below.

99. Tallqvist, Assyrian Personal Names, 312. But see the skepticism of Clark, “The Alleged Indo-Iranian Names,” 271.

100. Balkan, Kassitenstudien, 95. Cf. perhaps the most famous name beginning with kara/karu + n, Kar(an)duniaš, the Kassite name for Babylonia. See Balkan, Kassitenstudien, 95; and Zadok, “Kassites.”

101. Scheftelowitz, “Die Sprache der Kossäer,” 267. Cf. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit‒English Dictionary (2008 revision). http://www.sanskrit-lexicon.uni-koeln.de/monier/

102. Bloomfield, “On Some Alleged Indo-European Languages,” 6.

103. Cf. Balkan, Kassitenstudien, 158. Cf. Keith, “Aryan Names,” 571.

104. Roiter, “An Indo-European God.”

105. Zadok, “Kassites.”

106. International Council of Onomastic Sciences, “List of Key Onomastic Terms,” 2.

107. For examples see Nashef, Die Orts- und Gewässernamen. For a systematic study of the principles governing the creation of toponyms from anthroponyms—e.g. toponyms named after groups (Frankfurt), toponyms named after their owners (Garrison's Landing), toponyms named after their patrons (St. Peter in the Black Forest) or compound toponyms named after individuals Smithville, Jonestown)—see Greule, “Personennamen in Ortsnamen,” 246ff.

108. Vér, “Neo-Assyrian Kārus,” 794.

109. Abdi and Beckman, “A Cuneiform Archive,” 48.

110. Ibid., 70.

111. Ibid., 48. Cf. Cohen, The Cultic Calendars, 250‒54

112. Zadok, The Elamite Onomasticon, 55. Note that the initial Kar- in Karintaš, whether or not the name is Kassite or Elamite, is unrelated to Akkadian Kār- (kāru) in Assyrian toponyms.

113. Ibid., 42, 236c.; Zadok, “The Babylonia–Elam Connections,” 127, n. 14.

114. Vallat. Les noms géographiques, 131.

115. Eilers, “Der Name Demawend,” 281.

116. Brunnhofer, Historisch-geographische Untersuchungen, 242: “d.h. das Κάϱινα der Alten in Medien.”

117. Geiger, “Geographie von Iran,” 375, n. 4: “dem schwerzugänglichen Kvirinta”; Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie, 205, n. 1.

118. Tavernier, “A Survey of Neo-Elamite History,” 203.

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