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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2015
1 For two recent exceptions, see: Yonan, Michael, “Kunsthistorisches Museum/Belvedere, Vienna: Dynasticism and the Function of Art,” in The First Modern Museums of Art: The Birth of an Institution in 18th- and Early-19th-Century Europe, ed. Paul, Carole (Los Angeles, 2012), 167–89Google Scholar, and Rampley, Matthew, “Introduction: Museology in Central Europe,” Centropa 12, no. 2 (2012): 107–12Google Scholar. I would like to thank my academic host, Anita Aigner, and her home institution, the Technical University of Vienna, for providing research support for this introduction.
2 Duncan, Carol, Civilizing Rituals: Inside Public Art Museums (London/New York, 1995)Google Scholar; Sheehan, James, Museums in the German Art World (Oxford, 2000)Google Scholar; Klonk, Charlotte, Spaces of Experience: Art Gallery Interiors from 1800 to 2000 (New Haven/London, 2009)Google Scholar. Andrew McClellan noted a “predominance of English-speaking authors” in museum studies in 2008 in “Museum Studies Now,” in Spectacle and Display, ed. Deborah Cherry and Fintan Cullen, originally published as Art History 30 no. 4 (2008): 92–96 Google Scholar, at 92.
3 Duncan describes the resistance to a national art museum in the UK because of a concentration of power and wealth in country estates. Ibid., 34–37. In the United States, robber barons bought up European furniture and paintings to install in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, at first as donor memorials to themselves, creating the unique situation where entire rococo bedroom sets were placed in the museum to commemorate its collector, over a century after the Louvre had separated such trappings of aristocracy from its galleries in keeping with the context of post-revolutionary France. Ibid., 65.
4 For example, see: Klaus Albrecht Schröder, ed., The Origins of the Albertina, Exh. Cat. Vienna Albertina, 14 Mar.–29 June 2014 (Ostfildern, 2014), which provides a new look at the collecting of Prince Albert and Maria Christina, whose role as collector and art lover was foundational for the gallery.
5 Hassmann, Elisabeth, “Quellen zur Geschichte der kaiserlichen Gemäldegalerie in Wien (1765–1787). Eine Chronologie zu der Aufstellung von Rosa und Mechel,” in Die kaiserliche Gemäldegalerie in Wien und die Anfänge des öffentlichen Kunstmuseums, ed. Swoboda, Gudrun (Vienna, 2013), 133Google Scholar.
6 Swoboda, Gudrun, “Die Verdoppelte Galerie. Die Kunstsammlungen Kaiser Karls VI in der Wiener Stallburg und ihr Inventar,” in Die Galerie Kaiser Karls VI. in Wien, ed. Haag, Sabine and Swoboda, Gudrun (Vienna, 2010), 12–13 Google Scholar. The first public art gallery in France opened at the Luxemburg Palace in 1750, in a display of one hundred paintings from the royal collection. McClellan, Andrew, The Art Museum from Boullée to Bilbao (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London, 2008), 118Google Scholar.
7 Bredekamp, Horst, The Lure of Antiquity and the Cult of the Machine, trans. Brown, Allison (Princeton, 1995)Google Scholar. The early modern display history of Austria is better covered in English-language publications, as, for example: Kaufmann, Thomas Da Costa, “From Treasury to Museum: The Collections of the Austrian Habsburgs,” in The Cultures of Collecting, ed. Elsner, John and Cardinal, Roger (London, 1994), 137–54Google Scholar.
8 Kraus, Karl, “Von den Sehenswürdigkeiten,” Die Fackel 10, no. 266 (30 Nov. 1908): 5–10 Google Scholar, at 8.
9 The process of exhibiting ethnicity helped to constitute the categories of ethnic groups, which ones were legitimate and which were merely subgroups of other groups. I am grateful to Pieter Judson for offering insights on this.
10 Tony Bennett first uses this term to refer to the inherent power structure in the architecture of display as a “vehicle for inscribing and broadcasting the messages of power.” He goes so far as to suggest that visitors to the exhibitions—that is, the great unwashed public—imbibed a sense of being seen and therefore submitted to a new behavioral control (power from below model of Foucault): “The exhibitionary complex and . . . its constituent institutions . . . sought also to allow the people to know and thence to regulate themselves; to become, in seeing themselves from the side of power, both the subjects and the objects of knowledge, knowing power and what power knows, and knowing themselves as (ideally) known by power, interiorizing its gaze as a principle of self-surveillance and, hence, self-regulation.” The Birth of the Museum: History Theory, Politics (London/New York, 1995), 61–63 Google Scholar.
11 Her research bears comparison to Timothy Mitchell's look at Orientalism in Paris, in which exhibitions were supposed to represent a reality beyond but “the real world they promised was not there” (450). The Paris exhibits constituted a simulacrum, a fantastic projection of the West's idea of the East recreated for show in the West. In one instance, the visiting Khedive of Egypt stayed in a fake medieval Egyptian palace at the 1867 Exposition Universelle, becoming part of the display as he received visitors “with medieval hospitality.” Mitchell, Timothy, “Orientalism and the Exhibitionary Order,” in Grasping the World: The Idea of the Museum, ed. Preziosi, Donald and Farago, Claire J. (Aldershot, 2004), 442–61Google Scholar, at 445.
12 The 24-volume encyclopedia Kronprinzenwerk (The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in Words and Pictures) issued from 1885 to 1902 also celebrated these differences, as did the Kaiser-Huldigungs-Festzug of 1908.
13 Telesko, Werner, Kurdiovsky, Richard, and Sachsenhofer, Dagmar, “The Vienna Hofburg between 1835 and 1918 – A Residence in the Conflicting Fields of Art, Politics and Representation,” Austrian History Yearbook 44 (2013): 37–61 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 39, 45. Beatriz Colomina and Tag Gronberg view the tensions between privacy and publicity as primary concerns of the fin de siècle. Colomina, Privacy and Publicity: Modern Architecture as Mass Media (Cambridge, MA, 1996)Google Scholar; Gronberg, Vienna City of Modernity, 1890–1914 (Oxford, 2007)Google Scholar.
14 Kraus, 9. For connections between this theatrical self-display and tourism in Vienna, see: Steward, Jill, “‘Gruss aus Wien’: Urban Tourism in Austria-Hungary before the First World War,” in The City in Central Europe: Culture and Society from 1800 to the Present, ed. Gee, Malcolm, Kirk, Tim, and Steward, Jill (Aldershot, 1999), 123–44Google Scholar, at 130.
15 Kraus, 8.
16 Telesko, et. al., 38–40.
17 Meijers, Debra J., “The Kaiserlich Königliche Gemäldegalerie in Vienna seen from an International Perspective. 1780 – 1855 – 1891: Its Architectural Setting and Museological Embedding,” in Swoboda, Gudrun, ed., Die kaiserliche Gemäldegalerie in Wien und die Anfänge des öffentlichen Kunstmuseums (Vienna, 2013), v. 2, 384–405 Google Scholar.
18 The new museums “represented symbolically the extension of the ancient dynastic patrimony of art and science, of a huge cabinet of curiosities, from the court to the people of the modernized Empire.” Schorske, Carl E., “Museum in Contested Space: The Sword, the Scepter, and the Ring,” Thinking with History (Princeton, 1998), 106Google Scholar.
19 Meijers, 397, 400. This is not to say that other collectors have eschewed donor memorials, or collections that are kept together to refer back to their collector, rather than being distributed into a larger narrative of geography and time. See: Duncan, chap. 3 and 4 for coverage of what has been an enduring controversy associated with donor memorials in non-imperial times, when museums are expected to educate, enlighten, and exist for the public good.
20 Ibid., 113–14.
21 Julius Victor Berger, Patrons of the House of Habsburg, ceiling painting in the golden hall of the Kunstkammer, 1891. For color reproductions of the Kunstkammer objects, see: Haag, Sabine, ed., Habsburg Treasures (Vienna, 2013)Google Scholar.
22 Husslein-Arco, Agnes and Schoeller, Katharina, eds., Das Belvedere. Genese eines Museums (Vienna, 2011)Google Scholar; Prinz Eugen. Feldherr Philosoph und Kunstfreund, Exh. Cat. Vienna Belvedere Orangerie 11 Feb.–6 June 2010 (Vienna, 2010).
23 Meijers, 391.
24 Swoboda, 2010, 11–32.
25 Ferdinand Storffer, Neu eingerichtes Inventarium der Kayl. Bilder Gallerie in der Stallburg...1720–1728.
26 Swoboda, Gudrun, ed., Die kaiserliche Gemäldegalerie in Wien und die Anfänge des öffentlichen Kunstmuseums (Vienna, 2013)Google Scholar.
27 Yanni, Carla, Nature's Museums: Victorian Science and the Architecture of Display (Johns Hopkins, 1999), 15Google Scholar.
28 Crane, Susan, ed., Museums and Memory (Palo Alto, 2000), 1Google Scholar.
29 Forster-Hahn, Françoise, “The Politics of Display or the Display of Politics?” Art Bulletin 78, no. 2 (June 1995): 174 Google Scholar.
30 Collectors were aware of the losses from the burning of Alexandria and considered the mind of the collector as a privileged site and potentially a more permanent repository. Paula Findlen, “The Modern Muses: Renaissance Collecting and the Cult of Remembrance,” in Crane, 161–78, at 178.
31 Anthony Grafton, “Introduction,” in Bredekamp, xiii.
32 Plakolm-Forsthuber, Sabine, Moderne Raumkunst. Wiener Ausstellungsbauten von 1898–1914 (Vienna, 1991)Google Scholar; Johnson, Julie M., The Memory Factory: The Forgotten Women Artists of Vienna 1900 (West Lafayette, 2012), 215Google Scholar, 245–93.
33 The Liechtenstein Gallery had 2,451 visitors in July 1910, whereas the court museum (KHM) had only 1,807. In July 1911, there were 2,149 visitors to the Liechtenstein ,whereas the KHM had 1,450. “Der Fremdenbesuch Wiener Sehenswürdigikeiten,” Der Morgen, 28 Aug. 28, 1911, 2 as cited in “‘….zu was bin ich denn Fürst, wenn ich nicht geben kann’: Fürst Johann II von und zu Liechtenstein als Kunstmäzen 1840–1929,” in Johann II von und zu Liechtenstein. Ein Fürst beschenkt Wien. 1894–1916, ed. Kassal-Mikula, Renata, Exh. Cat. Vienna, Wienmuseum (Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien), 13 Feb.–11 May 2003 (Vienna, 2003), 11–12 Google Scholar.
34 Along with 18,000 natural history objects, the ethnographic collection was put on display in the Upper Belvedere when he returned from the voyage and then moved into the Palais Modena Este, making it the largest private museum in Vienna. The collection was moved to the Hofburg at the current site of the Weltmuseum, in 1909–1912. Franz is here! Franz Ferdinand und die Reise um die Erde. Exhibition Weltmuseum Wien. 9 Apr.–2 Nov. 1914. Also worth mentioning are the natural history, mineralogical, and botanical collections; the Egyptian antiquities were displayed with the plants in the “Brasilianisches Museum” before 1836. Meijers, 393.
35 The collection of the Josephinum remains intact and unaltered according to Wieber, Sabine, “A Beautiful Corpse: Vienna's Fascination with Death,” in Facing the Modern. The Portrait in Vienna 1900, ed. Blackshaw, Gemma, Exh. Cat. London, National Gallery, London, 9 Oct. 2013–12 Jan. 2014 (New Haven, 2013), 173–97Google Scholar, at 196.
36 Anna Artaker, “Rekonstruktion der Rothschild'schen Gemäldesammlung in Wien,” Arbeiterkammer Wien, 13 Nov. 2013–30 Apr. 2014.
37 Kos, Wolfgang and Gleis, Ralph, eds., Experiment Metropole. 1873: Wien und die Weltausstellung exh. Cat. Vienna, Wien Museum Karlsplatz 15 May–25 Sept. 2014 (Vienna, 2014)Google Scholar is another major exhibition about an exhibition, a fully contextualized presentation of the display, historical conditions, and long-lasting effects of the 1873 World's Fair. See also: Rampley, Matthew, “Peasants in Vienna: Ethnographic Display and the 1873 World's Fair,” Austrian History Yearbook 42 (2001): 110–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
38 This reading of the mumok comes from Friedrich Achleitner, to whom I am grateful for sharing his 2001 typescript essay “Vom Donaukalk zur Basaltlava: Das mumok, eine Zeitmaschine?” For a close reading of the Leopold Museum, see Achleitner, “Gegensätze und Ambivalenzen/ Contrast and Ambivalence,” in MuseumsQuartier Wien: Die Architektur/ The Architecture, ed. Boeckl, Matthias (Vienna, 2001), 65–67 Google Scholar. Achleitner's analysis of the architecture is covered at greater length in Johnson, Julie M., “The Embodied Gaze: Contemporary Art and the Museum Culture of Vienna,” in Blueprints for No-Man's Land: Connections in Contemporary Austrian Culture, ed. Stewart, Janet and Ward, Simon (Oxford, 2005), 29–56 Google Scholar.
39 For a discussion of how this mix of times is embedded in the architectural history of Vienna, see: Achleitner, Friedrich, Die Rückwärtsgewandte Utopie: Motor des Fortschritts in der Wiener Architektur? (Vienna, 1994)Google Scholar.
Vienna is the site of historically important museums and innovative displays, yet relatively little research on their unique history has been made available in English-language publications.Footnote 1 The most widely known studies of museums and display history focus on the histories of France, England, Germany, and the United States.Footnote 2 None of these models applies easily to Imperial Austria or to the First and Second Republics.Footnote 3 The purpose of this forum is to present new research on Vienna's histories of display and material culture and to situate it within a context of very recent Austrian activity in this field, including a 2014 spate of exhibitions about exhibitions in Vienna.Footnote 4 New research coming out of Austria contains surprising information on when and for whom collections were open. Unlike the better-known history of the Louvre, in which objects were liberated to be freely shared with the new citizenry after the French Revolution, royal Austrian collections were already open to the public three days a week in 1777.Footnote 5 For a fee, which could be shared, tourists and citizens could visit the collections in the Stallburg as early as 1702.Footnote 6
Austria thus offers a different set of circumstances for examining museum and display history. Among its innovative displays was the Ambras collection, which was organized by material, with objects displayed in a hierarchy of three categories: antiquity, natural, and man-made objects, the latter of which included fine art and machines. The model for the Baroque Kunstkammer was not a temple of history but a laboratory and a playroom according to Horst Bredekamp.Footnote 7 After Leopold I (1640–1705, ruled from 1657) inherited the newly centralized collections, the Habsburgs gradually moved these objects, along with parts of the Prague collections, into new museums, some adapted from existing architecture and some purpose-built, such as the Arsenal or Military Museum (1849–1856) and the Kunsthistorisches Museum (opened 1891), while continuing to expand the collections to include ethnology, folk arts of the empire, natural history, works on paper, and antiquities.
By 1900, Vienna had become a city of museums—and almost a museum itself. As Karl Kraus quipped, “The streets of Vienna are paved with culture, the streets of other cities with asphalt,” thereby prophesying, for example, the new role that the Werkbund estate (1932) would take in the museumification of the city.Footnote 8 This is the subject of the essay by Anita Aigner, who investigates the Vienna Werkbund estate of houses, which were built by famous architects like Adolf Loos in 1932 as case studies in affordable housing. She examines the estate as a lived-in monument, investigating user appropriation and the residents' attitudes toward conservation. The other essays in this forum connect to other ways that everyday life in Vienna has become a representation of itself, specifically focusing on folk art and ethnographic displays, not of Aztecs or other “others,” but of the ethnic groups of the empire. This display mania was part of the process in the construction and constitution of groups as “ethnic” and reinforced the very idea that there were ethnic groups in the first place.Footnote 9 Diana Reynolds-Cordileone presents an analysis of how Habsburg administrators cultivated and promoted Bosnian culture through displays of the newly conquered land. Using a form of soft power, they deployed mechanisms of the “exhibitionary complex” to represent Bosnia to Vienna in dance, exhibitions, and consumer goods.Footnote 10 In Cordileone's findings, however, it was Austrians who redesigned Bosnian rugs and consumer goods, had them fabricated in Bosnia, and then sold them in Vienna as ethnic products and exotic souvenirs. In Cordileone's tale of exchange within the empire and its Crownlands, objects are transformed into commodities, and weapons are turned into souvenirs or trinkets simply by changing their context or use-value. She tells the story not just from the point of view of Vienna and the Western consumption of these ideas, images, and products, but also from the point of view of Bosnians and their resistance to some of these fabrications and alterations.Footnote 11
Reinhard Johler analyzes the specific nature of the Museum for Austrian Folk Life and Folk Art and its development in Austria-Hungary, arguing that before 1914, the type was distinct from other European models. This lost museum type focused on difference and the self-representation of ethnic groups in the monarchy, a type unique to Austria because of its political situation as an empire that conceived of itself as unifying several different cultures and peoples.Footnote 12 Unlike Germany, Hungary, or Russia, there was no official nationality to which other peoples had to conform or serve as minorities. Other museums of this type in Europe sought to tell a story of historical development, rather than celebrating contemporaneous ethnic differences. After 1918, Austria had little reason to further this model, and the collections were viewed as relics of a past empire.
As Johler reminds us, the ethnographic object is by definition created by the collector/curator, who selects the object and changes its use-value to an exhibition value; such objects would otherwise remain in use until discarded. The transformation of the value of an object from its use- to its display value finds its greatest tension in the Werkbund display of the 1930s, where the houses served simultaneously as heritage sites and as private domiciles. But it was not necessarily a new thing to put private living quarters on display. By 1846, the imperial palace had opened the former living quarters of Maria Theresa and Joseph II to the public at certain times of the year, a fact that might comfort or alarm the present inhabitants of the Werkbund estate.Footnote 13 In his essay on Vienna's topography of culture over asphalt, Kraus joked about the importance of display value over use-value, complaining that even the “people who serve us” have become Sehenswürdigkeiten or “sights worth seeing”: “The Kutscher (coachman) is one-of-a-kind and I don't move forward ... the coal man sings happily on his wagon, and I freeze.”Footnote 14 In fact, Vienna's version of museum vision may have been best described in this essay, a thick description of the humorous kind found only in the pages of Die Fackel. In it, Kraus described a kind of a cultural time travel in which “a few steps from the night café” one could “reach the middle ages, the Stephansdom, the tomb of medieval minnesinger Neidhart von Reuenthal and a one-horse carriage stand.” Visitors to a champagne bar could, upon exiting, encounter a monument to Charlemagne adjacent to “omnibus transport in every direction.” Kraus concluded, “the past reaches into the present, which explains the well-known Viennese lack of punctuality. Train times are a few minutes behind city time here but city time is a few centuries behind Central European time. In the past we are far ahead of other peoples, indeed it is exactly this colorful mix of times that makes our city so attractive.”Footnote 15 The colorful juxtaposition of times described by Kraus was visible not only on the Ringstrasse, with its representative display of architectural styles from the Gothic to the Baroque, but also the Hofburg, which was permeable. Rather than being walled off and private as imperial residences often were, open passages cut through it (the Schweizerhof, etc.), turning the complex into a visible monument to the Habsburgs, who did not rely on newly invented iconographies like other royals, but rather on their collections and residence to refer to Habsburg might.Footnote 16
Not only was the city of Vienna undergoing museumification, but so too were its imperial collections in their references to the glory of the Habsburgs. Debra Meijers explains that from an international, comparative point of view, the museum situation in Vienna was highly unusual.Footnote 17 Keeping the imperial collections together, as the Habsburgs did—first in the Belvedere and then later in in the twin museums, or “huge cabinet of curiosities” as Carl Schorske called them—was a comparative anomaly.Footnote 18 The Kunsthistorisches Museum (KHM) kept the painting department as one of many, whereas in the rest of Europe, collections were being separated. Rather than becoming a universal museum, it was more like a private Kunstkammer, referencing the Habsburgs not only throughout the building's decoration, but also in its location.Footnote 19 The art history museum faced its twin, a museum of natural history, and connected to the Hofburg by proximity and the presiding statue of Maria Theresa between them, establishing imperial dominance over civic space, which, as Schorske notes with some irony, was created at the very moment of political ascendancy for constitutional liberalism.Footnote 20
The recent reinstallation of the Kunstkammer, which takes up half an entire floor of the museum, achieves the status of a meta-display, referencing not only the iconography of the KHM, which was decorated and conceived to memorialize the history of Habsburg collecting, but also the original uses of objects in the Kunstkammer setting. Sabine Haag directed a team to research, restore, and film the clockwork mechanisms in motion and to reinstall them in a sequence of rooms that is organized around the history of Habsburg collectors, among them Ferdinand II, Rudolf II, Leopold I, and Leopold Wilhelm. Although it is impossible to reconstruct exactly how objects were displayed together in the original Kunstkammern of Prague and Ambras, the research team has provided didactic information that reconstructs the historical conditions and original uses of the objects wherever possible, offering viewers insights into several layers of display history while deploying the most modern modes of museum technologies to impart this information. Interactive computer tablets, film, and audio guides include not just the latest research on the objects on display, but also the collectors, and even the ceiling painting that depicts them, a School of Athens-style gathering of Habsburg patrons with their favorite artists.Footnote 21
The Belvedere's history as a monument and museum has also been highlighted in recent exhibitions on Prince Eugen's life and collectionFootnote 22 and by ForMuse, a research group led by Gudrun Swoboda. Both the building itself and the collections in the Lower Belvedere underwent a kind of museumification during the early nineteenth century. The Ambras collection, for example, which included bezoar stones, musical instruments, Cellini's salt cellar, swords, goblets, and imperial hats blessed by the pope, was installed in the Lower Belvedere shortly before the Congress of Vienna, but by then, movement of objects and Napoleonic looting contributed to a perception that it was a “memorial in the form of a museum.”Footnote 23 The collection no longer served as a laboratory or playroom as Bredekamp described it in its original form, but had rather become a relic of the Habsburgs' glorious past.
The theme of the collection as memorial appears in other research on the changing displays of the imperial painting collection. Swoboda discovered that the gallery of Karl VI (1720s in the Stallburg) was organized according to collector in a sequence of rooms dedicated to Habsburg emperors and Archduke Leopold Wilhelm, culminating in the achievements of Karl VI. Previous scholars had noted that it seemed to have no meaning beyond its formal splendor.Footnote 24 In the case of Karl VI's painting gallery, a unique, painted itinerary exists that provides rare visual evidence of early modern installation.Footnote 25 This, too, was recently restored, and a model of the gallery and works within it was taken out of storage and hung in the tradition of the secondary depot, or wall of paintings hung like a patchwork, making visible a display convention in use when the KHM first opened its doors. Using digital tools, the ForMuse team also reconstructed the 1777 painting gallery in the Upper Belvedere by closely reading the inventories, important to the team because they argue it was the first site of an art historical hang (that is, by national school and chronology). The research team has made the visual information available to other scholars who would examine the logic behind the “visible history of art,” as its first curator called it, but also published two volumes of archival-based research on the gallery.Footnote 26
Recovering these now invisible, lost displays as Swoboda, Johler, Cordileone, and other scholars are doing, is of interest because these systems mediated knowledge of the world for new publics. Displays and their ordering can facilitate or prevent ways of knowing the worldFootnote 27 and can function as a potential material location for investigating the relationship between museums and memory, which tends to “hover around the perimeters of scholarship of the history of museums, without being explicitly addressed.”Footnote 28 Art historians in particular have been examining displays as another medium through which to analyze historical processes.Footnote 29 Displays can mirror preexisting philosophies or be the agents of change for new ones. Paula Findlen, for example, suggested that early modern collections in Italy were concrete manifestations of a preexisting memory practice that privileged the mind of the collector.Footnote 30 Horst Bredekamp proposed, on the other hand, that the logic of Ambras's display preceded and in fact inspired important philosophical ideas, rather than reflecting preexisting concepts: before making their discoveries, Copernicus and other scientists were inspired by displays of antique statuary and clockwork machines in Kunst- and Wunderkammern. In the words of Anthony Grafton, Bredekamp showed “that even the most sensitive and erudite cultural historians have gone wrong because they have treated visual documents as illustrations of doctrines stated ... in verbal ones, rather than as independent evidence.”Footnote 31
The articles in this forum contribute to filling a gap in international scholarship on the museums and display cultures of Vienna. Intersecting themes of Orientalism, colonialism, and museumification emerge, not only of the city itself, but also the Habsburg collections. Most of all, they add to our image of Vienna's rich cultures of display, an image that remains incomplete. By 1908, when Kraus wrote his essay on “sights worth seeing,” a visitor could access the Albertina (opened to the public in 1899), the art and natural history collections, the Museum of Applied Arts, numerous contemporary art exhibitions at the Künstlerhaus, Secession, Hagenbund, art dealers and other alternative venues, including the Kunstschauen and even some pioneered by women artists.Footnote 32 The Liechtenstein Palace art collection consistently outdid the KHM in visitor numbers during the nineteenth century.Footnote 33 To this add the Museum of Austrian Folk Life and Folk Art and the ethnographic collection of Franz Ferdinand, who after his 1892/3 world trip created the largest private museum in Vienna to display the 14,000 ethnographic objects he collected.Footnote 34 The anatomical wax figures at the Josephinum had been accessible since its founding in 1785, and the popular Madame Tussaud-style wax museum at the Prater (Präuscher's Panoptikum and Anatomical Museum) opened to the public in 1871 (destroyed in 1945).Footnote 35 Some of these exhibitions remain intact (Josephinum), but many more have been lost.
Such is the case for numerous private art collections. Artist Anna Artaker reconstructed the Rothschild collection in a 2013/14 exhibition at the Arbeiterkammer, rendering visible in full-scale reproductions the lost world of the collection, at the spot where they once hung. “Enteignet” in 1938, the paintings are scattered throughout the world. In its spectral matter-of-fact presence, the exhibition also recalls a lost world, lost lives, and makes public the current restitution issues facing museums. It is a reminder that as objects undergo restitution, they become sites of memory, making visible the looting and theft during the Holocaust. The exhibition recalls the history of the palace as well, which became the “Zentralstelle für jüdische Auswanderung” under Adolf Eichmann, and eventually a new building, the current Arbeiterkammer, which replaced the palace.Footnote 36 Several privately owned palaces of Jewish families were made visible in film, photographs, and maps in an exhibition at the Wien Museum, which presented comprehensive coverage of the World Exhibition of 1873, its historical context, and the effects it had on the development of the city.Footnote 37
Exhibitions about exhibitions, museums and collections as memorials, a city as a museum, private living quarters and homes on display, a coachman as a “sight worth seeing”—what do these all have in common? A look at the architecture of the newest addition to Vienna's “exhibitionary complex” might help. The new MuseumsQuartier references this colorful mix of times in the coding of its architecture (Ortner & Ortner, 2001). The white cube of the Leopold Museum refers to the classical modern, whereas the black basalt covering of the mumok (Museum moderner Kunst Stiftung Ludwig, or Museum of Modern Art Ludwig Foundation) references a newer geological strata. It rises out of the ground as if it existed before the baroque riding stalls where the new Kunsthalle is located, and its rounded shape and interior with transparent elevators refer to autonomy and the time machine.Footnote 38 In fact, the architecture of the MuseumsQuartier encodes museum architecture in a meta-display of historical time, both geological and art historical. It opens the axis of the Hofburg to the plaza with Maria Theresa flanked by the twin museums, extending the Hofburg's permeability beyond the Ring. According to Friedrich Achleitner, the mumok is a time machine that makes time travel in Vienna possible—not to other dimensions, but to the present. The ambivalence and irony of its machine-like interior is that it houses the most contemporary art and the recent past of the avant-garde (i.e., the art that is best understood by the future), while rising out of the ground as if it existed before the historical center on which it stands. The mumok, then, is architecturally coded as a reverse time machine. One enters to see the present. Upon exiting, one can rejoin the past, as Karl Kraus saw it: Vienna is far ahead of other cities when it comes to the past.Footnote 39 This cultural time travel and colorful mix of times are not new things of the postmodern world, but part of Vienna's long and continuing history of sophisticated, self-aware displays.